Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow 1796. - The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, vol. 4 (1794-1826)

Return to Title Page for The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, vol. 4 (1794-1826)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

1796. - John Jay, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, vol. 4 (1794-1826) [1893]

Edition used:

The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, ed. Henry P. Johnston, A.M. (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890-93). Vol. 4 (1794-1826).

Part of: The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 4 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


1796.

JAY TO ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER.1

New York, 19th January, 1796.

Sir:

A friend of mine lately sent me your address to your constituents relative to the treaty. I have read it with pleasure. Had all the publications on that subject been written with equal knowledge and attention, or with equal candour and decorum, more truth would have been disseminated, and less irritation excited.

I observe in it the following paragraph, viz.:

“Objections both personal and constitutional have been made to Mr. Jay. He has been said to be prepossessed in favour of Britain, and an avowed enemy to France. If this had been true, it would have been a sufficient reason for rejecting him—but it is not true. I can contradict it, and do, on my own knowledge. I heard Mr. Jay express, in public and private, and those who have been much more and much longer acquainted with him, assure me that he always has expressed the utmost pleasure in the French Revolution, and the warmest wishes for its success, the greatest dislike for the former government, and sentiments of the highest esteem and respect for the nation.”

I am much obliged to you, sir, for this vindication; but it being summary and in general terms, and comprehending only one of the points, I think it best, in order to obviate all further questions, to state particularly my sentiments relative to them both.

It has, for obvious reasons, been judged convenient to represent me as being strongly attached to the interests of Britain, and as being equally hostile to those of France. Before I take notice of either, I will premise that, as it is my duty, so it is my inclination and resolution, never to be a partisan of any foreign court or nation, but to be and remain with those independent and genuine Americans, who think it unwise and improper to meddle in foreign politics, and who regard all foreign interference in our counsels as derogatory to the honour and dangerous to the best interests of the United States.

Not being of British descent, I cannot be influenced by that delicacy towards their national character, nor that partiality for it, which might otherwise be supposed not to be unnatural. I nevertheless continue to concur in, and to express those sentiments of esteem for that nation, which are expressed, and I believe with great sincerity, in the early Journals of Congress.

It is not from the characters of this or that administration, or prevailing party in the government, that the character of a nation is to be inferred. A true judgment of it can no otherwise be formed than by observing the general tenor of their dispositions and conduct, viewed under all their circumstances and in all their relations during a long course of time. It certainly is chiefly owing to institutions, laws, and principles of policy and government, originally derived to us as British colonists, that, with the favour of Heaven, the people of this country are what they are.

Notwithstanding the tendency which all arbitrary governments, and particularly the long reign of such a monarch as Louis the Fifteenth, have to debase and corrupt their subjects, the people of France continued to be highly distinguished by their talents, and by their progress in the arts both of peace and of war.

It is true that I returned from that country to this, with opinions unfavourable to their court; but not only without a wish unfriendly to them, but, on the contrary, with sentiments of good-will and regard. That I have from early life expressed a strong dislike to the former arbitrary government of France, is well known. The more I became acquainted with it, the more it appeared to me to be a government always dreadful in theory, and always more or less so in practice, according to the characters of those by whom its powers were exercised.

In the revolution which put a period to it, I did cordially rejoice: I mean the one which limited the power of the king, and restored liberty to the people. The patriotic Assembly which concerted and accomplished that revolution, and the people and army who concurred in and supported it, did themselves immortal honour; and impressed me (although my judgment did not accord with all their acts) with great respect and esteem for them, and with the warmest wishes for the ultimate success and perfection of the constitution and government which they established.

The successors of that memorable Assembly produced another revolution. They abolished the constitution and government which had been just established, and brought the king to the scaffold.

This revolution did not give me pleasure. I derived no satisfaction from the disastrous fate of a prince who (from whatever motives) had done us essential services, and to whom we had frequently presented the strongest assurances of our attachment and affection. This revolution had, in my eye, more the appearance of a woe than a blessing. It has caused torrents of blood and of tears, and been marked in its progress by atrocities very injurious to the cause of liberty and offensive to morality and humanity.

But this revolution having abolished the monarchy declared France a republic, and received the general concurrence of the nation, a new constitution became indispensable: and as, in case this revolution should be overthrown by the combined powers, they would doubtless dictate what that new constitution should be (an interference not to be submitted to), I wished success to the revolution, so far as it had for its object not the disorganizing and managing of other states, which ought neither to be attempted nor permitted, but the exclusive ordering of all internal affairs, and the establishment of any constitution which the nation should prefer. It gives me pleasure to find that one has lately been so established; and I sincerely wish it may be the means of giving permanent peace, liberty, and good government to France.

As to the issue of the war, I am far from desiring that either France, Britain, or Germany, or any other power, should acquire a decided preponderance in Europe. In my opinion, it would conduce more to the welfare and peace of those nations, and also of the United States, that they should remain in capacity to limit and repress the ambition of each other.

I will conclude this letter with an extract from one which I wrote to the late Secretary of State, dated at London on 21st November, 1794, viz.:

“I daily become more and more convinced of the general friendly disposition of this country towards ours; let us cherish it. . . . Let us cultivate friendship with all nations. By treating them all with justice and kindness, and by preserving that self-respect which forbids our yielding to the influence or policy of any of them, we shall, with the Divine blessing, secure peace, union, and respectability.”

With sentiments of esteem and regard, I have the honour to be, sir,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

John Jay.

JAY TO REV. UZAL OGDEN.

New York, 14th February, 1796.

Dear Sir:

I am much obliged to you for the books you have been so kind as to send me, and which, with your friendly letter of the 11th instant, were delivered to me yesterday. Except while at church I have employed this day in reading the first and part of the second volume, and expect to finish the perusal of the remainder next Sunday. I have long been of opinion that the evidence of the truth of Christianity requires only to be carefully examined to produce conviction in candid minds, and I think they who undertake that task will derive advantages from your enumeration of many interesting facts, your remarks on various heads and topics, and from your references to numerous authors proper to be consulted, and some of whom are but little known.

As to “The Age of Reason,” it never appeared to me to have been written from a disinterested love of truth or of mankind, nor am I persuaded that either of those motives induced certain characters to take such singular pains to distribute and give it reputation and currency in this country. Religion, morality, and a virtuous and enlightened clergy will always be impediments to the progress and success of certain systems and designs, and therefore will not cease to experience both direct and indirect hostilities from those who meditate or embark in them.

With the best wishes for your health and happiness, I am, dear sir,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

John Jay.

JAY TO JUDGE LOWELL.

New York, 29th February, 1796.

Dear Sir:

I have been favoured with yours of the 15th inst. by Mr. Parkman; am much pleased with him and his fellow-traveller, Mr. Cooledge. Their representation of the state of things in Massachusetts corresponds with the hints on that head suggested in your letter. There is too much intelligence in the Northern States to admit of their being greatly and long deceived and misled; and I hope the same remark will in time become equally applicable to all the others. Considering the nature of our governments, a succession of demagogues must be expected; and the strenuous efforts of the wise and virtuous will not cease to be necessary to frustrate their artifices and designs. They will always be hostile to merit, because merit will always stand in their way; and being actuated by envy, ambition, or avarice, and not unfrequently by them all, will be diligently at work, while better men will take their rest.

It seems strange, but so it is in all republics, that many excellent men who are happy in their families and fortunes and in the esteem of society and of their friends, who enjoy their villas and their gardens and neglect not to guard their trees and vines from caterpillars and their favourite plants and flowers from nipping frosts, yet omit attending to the political grubs, who are constantly and insidiously labouring to wound and prey upon the roots of all their temporal enjoyments. Several gentlemen of this description with us becoming alarmed have been very useful; and I presume this has been, more or less, the case in other States.

Be assured of the esteem and regard with which I am,

Yours, etc.,

John Jay.

LORD GRENVILLE TO JAY.

Cleaveland-row, March 17th, 1796.

Dear Sir,

I cannot let Mr. Liston go, without taking the occasion of his departure to recommend him to you, and to express my hope that his character and conduct will be found well calculated to continue and promote that harmony, which it was the object of our labours to establish. I have, since you left us, taken one occasion to renew to you my assurances of the sincere esteem and friendship with which your whole conduct has impressed me, and of the high sense which I entertain of your virtues and talents. It is a great satisfaction to one, when, in the course of so many unpleasant discussions as a public man must necessarily be engaged in, he is able to look back upon any of them with as much pleasure, as I derived from that which procured me the advantage of friendship and intercourse with a man valuable on every account. You, I trust, saw enough of me to know that these expressions are not, on my part, compliments of course, but that they proceed from sentiments of real esteem and regard.

I need not tell you with how much pleasure, on every account, I have learned that the public in the United States are recovering from the delusion into which they had been led, and that justice is now done by the country at large, as it was before by well informed and well principled men, to the uprightness and ability of your conduct. I, on my part, should have thought, that I very ill consulted the interests of my own country, if I had been desirous of terminating the points in discussion between us, on any other footing than that of mutual justice and reciprocal advantage; nor do I conceive that any just objection can be stated to the great work which we jointly accomplished, except on the part of those who believe the interest of Great Britain and the United States to be in contradiction with each other, or who wish to make them so.

It would be a great gratification to me to learn occasionally that you are well, and that you retain a friendly recollection of one who is, with the greatest sincerity,

Most truly and faithfully,
Your obedient humble servant,

Grenville.

PRESIDENT WASHINGTON TO JAY.

Philadelphia, 31st March, 1796.

Accept, my dear sir, my thanks for your note of the 25th inst., enclosing a copy of Mr. Bayard’s letter to you. The purport of it is pleasing; but the conduct of the British armed vessels in the West Indies is intolerable beyond all forbearance.

My answer, given yesterday to the House of Representatives’ request for papers, will, I expect, set a host of scribblers to work: but I shall proceed steadily on in all the measures which depend on the executive, to carry the British treaty into effect.

This reminds me of the name of ———., who some time ago you mentioned as a commissioner; but upon inquiring of his countrymen, it was found he was unfit.

Be assured of the affectionate regard of

George Washington.

JAY TO LADY AMHERST.

Mr. Jay presents his respectful compliments to Lady Amherst, and returns many thanks to her Ladyship for the prints which she did him the honour to send. It was not until last week that they came to his hands. The respect entertained in this country for his Lordship’s character and services render them very interesting. Among the agreeable moments which Mr. Jay passed in London his recollection often dwells on those for which he is indebted to the obliging attentions of Lord and Lady Amherst. His son retains similar sentiments and impressions, and they both unite in the best wishes for the health and happiness of Lord and Lady Amherst, and of the young ladies.

New York, 12th April, 1796.

WALTER ROBERTSON TO JAY.

Mr. Walter Robertson presents his respects to the Governor and begs leave to inform him that he is very desirous of having his portrait, for the purpose of being engraved as a companion to two prints of the President and Col. Hamilton. Mr. Robertson has already sketched the Governor’s features frome an unfinished portrait of Mr. Stewart’s, and now takes the liberty of requesting to know at what time his Excellency can make it convenient to honor him with a sitting either at the Government House or at his house, No. 3 Stone Street.

Friday, 15 Apl., 1796.

JAY TO PRESIDENT WASHINGTON.

New York, April 18, 1796.

Dear Sir:

You can have very little time for private letters, and therefore I am the more obliged by the one you honoured me with on the 31st of last month. Your answer to the call for papers meets with very general approbation here. The prevailing party in the House of Representatives appear to me to be digging their political grave. I have full faith that all will end well, and that France will find the United States less easy to manage than Holland or Geneva.

The session of our Legislature is concluded, and nothing unpleasant has occurred during the course of it. I think your measures will meet with general and firm support from the great majority of this State. There is no defection among the Federalists; as to the others, they will act according to circumstances.

These contentions must give you a great deal of trouble; but it is apparent to me, that the conclusion of them, like the conclusion of the late war, will afford a train of reflections which will console and compensate you for it.

Attachment to you, as well as to our country, urges me to hope and to pray that you will not leave the work unfinished. Remain with us at least while the storm lasts, and until you can retire like the sun in a calm unclouded evening.

May every blessing, here and hereafter, attend you.

I am, dear sir,
Your obliged and affectionate servant,

John Jay.

JAY TO LORD GRENVILLE.

New York, 1st May, 1796.

My Lord:

The great questions which have agitated this country since my arrival may now, I think, be considered as determined. I will therefore no longer postpone thanking your Lordship for the letter which you did me the honour to write on the 11th of May last, respecting which I shall omit saying anything further by this opportunity.

The treaty will go into operation, and be supported by a great majority of the people; a majority comprising the greater part of the men most distinguished by talents, worth, and weight. Strenuous endeavours were made and persisted in, to mislead the people by all the various means which art, unrestrained by principle, very readily devises. The English and Irish emigrants joined the opposition; and what seems more singular is, that the French republicans and French refugees, so far forgot their animosities as to concur in resisting the restoration of good-will between Great Britain and the United States.

Anxious that the present current of public opinion in favour of a pacific and conciliatory system, may not be checked by fresh obstacles, permit me, my Lord, to submit to your consideration the prudence, as well as justice of strong measures, to prevent, as far as possible, those very exceptionable impressments, and other severities, which too often occur. They may give occasion, and I am persuaded will continue to give occasion to more clamour than facts will justify; but it is certainly true that much just cause for complaint does exist, and that there are persons here who would rejoice if there was much more. There is reason to believe, that certain individuals in the British service have been irritated, by the improper things said and published in this country, to indiscreet acts of resentment; not considering, and probably not suspecting, that they were said and published for the purpose of provocation. It is to be wished that they had recollected that these things were not said and published by our government, nor by those who desire to promote, and who do promote, peace and harmony with Great Britain, nor by those who are actuated by zeal for the honour and interests of their own country.

We have aimed at and laboured for the restoration of mutual justice and mutual good-will between our countries. The greatest difficulties are surmounted, and perseverance, with prudence and temper on both sides, will ensure success. Would not orders to discharge all impressed Americans, and enjoining a just and friendly conduct towards the people of this country, cherish their confidence, and manifest that disposition to conciliation, which repeated instances of violence and severity enable designing men (and with great appearance of reason) to draw into question? Would not friendly assurances on these points to our government tend greatly to impress the public with still more favourable opinions of the propriety and policy of their measures; and consequently diminuish the credit and influence of those who seize every occasion of impeaching their wisdom and your sincerity? These men have, indeed, for the present missed their object, but they have not abandoned their designs. I mean the leaders, not the rank and file of the party. Among the latter are many misled, honest men, who, as they become undeceived, will act with propriety.

Pardon, my Lord, the liberty I take in these observations. I write freely because I confide fully in your candour, and because I flatter myself that you confide in mine. I have not leisure, at this moment, to be more particular. This letter will soon be followed by others.

With great and sincere esteem and regard, I have the honour to be, my Lord,

Your Lordship’s most obedient
And humble servant,

John Jay.

PRESIDENT WASHINGTON TO JAY.

Philadelphia, 8th May, 1796.

My dear Sir,

You judged very right when in your letter of the 18th ulto. you observed I “can have very little time for private letters.” But if my friends will put up with the hasty and undigested ones I can write, under such circumstances, there are a few of them (among whom allow me the gratification to place you) with whom I should feel very happy to correspond: and while I hold my present office to learn their sentiments upon any of the important measures which come before the Executive of the United States.

I am sure the mass of Citizens in the United States mean well,—and I firmly believe they will always act well whenever they can obtain a right understanding of matters; but in some parts of the Union, where the sentiments of their delegates and leaders are adverse to the government, and great pains are taken to inculcate a belief that their rights are assailed, and their liberties endangered, it is not easy to accomplish this;—especially (as is the case invariably) when the inventors, and abettors of pernicious measures, use infinitely more industry in disseminating the poison, than the well disposed part of the community do to furnish the antidote.—To this source all our discontents may be traced, and from it our embarrassments proceed.—Hence serious misfortunes, originating in misrepresentations, frequently flow, and spread, before they can be dissipated by truth.—

These things do, as you have supposed, fill my mind with serious anxiety.—Indeed the trouble and perplexities which they occasion, added to the weight of years which have passed upon me, have worn away my mind more than my body;—and render ease and retirement indispensably necessary to both, during the short time I have to remain here.—

It would be uncandid therefore, and would discover a want of friendly confidence (as you have expressed a solicitude for my (at least) riding out the storm) not to add, that nothing short of events—or such imperious circumstances (which I hope and trust will not happen) as might render a retreat dishonorable, will prevent the public annunciation of it in time, to obviate waste or misapplied votes at the Election of President and Vice President of the United States in December next, upon myself. I congratulate you on the tranquil session, just closed in your State, and upon the good dispositions, generally, which I am informed prevail among the citizens thereof.

With most friendly sentiments I remain, dear Sir,

Your obedient and affectionate Servant,

Geo. Washington.

JAY TO TAMMANY SOCIETY.

The Governor has taken into consideration the request signified to him by a committee of the Tammany Society in this city: That he would order the flags on Governor’s Island, and also on the Battery, to be hoisted on the day of their anniversary, vizt. the 12th May instant. It appears to him that if such a compliment be paid to the Tammany, it ought not to be refused to any other of the numerous societies in this city and State. Arbitrary preferences would be partial and unjust, and to discriminate on any principle of comparative utility or respectability would be a task too invidious to be undertaken for an object like the present. He doubts the policy and prudence of making such marks of public respect more general than they now are; and thinking it his duty to observe the limits which usage and acknowledged propriety prescribe, he presumes that his declining to give the orders in question will, on being maturely considered, meet with approbation.

New York, 11th May, 1796.

The President and Members of the Tammany Society in the City of New York.

JAY TO REV. DR. THATCHER.

New York, 26th May, 1796.

Dear Sir:

Mr. Thomas Hancock delivered to me yesterday your obliging letter of the 23d of last month. I shall always be happy in opportunities of manifesting to the family of the late Governor Hancock my respect for his memory. We were fellow-labourers in the American Revolution, and I reflect with pleasure on the good understanding which subsisted between us, and the friendly attentions with which he uniformly honoured me. Permit me to add that my esteem and regard for you would not only ensure a welcome reception to this amiable young gentleman, but to any others you may recommend.

The approbation of one judicious and virtuous man, relative to the conduct of the negotiations in which I was lately engaged, affords me more satisfaction than all the clamours raised on that subject by intrigue and passion have given me concern. It was foreseen that a strenuous opposition would be excited, and I was disappointed only in this, that the management of it has been less circumspect and politic than I had supposed. There was little reason to expect that any treaty of amity with Great Britain, which our constituted government could form, would be acceptable to those Anti-federalists, whose prejudices, instead of being removed, but gathered strength and malignity from the failure of their predictions; to debtors, anxious by any means to elude payment; or to partisans of a foreign power, which had systematically and industriously laboured to keep us in the condition of a satellite, and prevent our ever diverging from the sphere of her attraction and governing influence.

Believing the people of this country too intelligent to be long deceived, and not sufficiently vicious to require great national calamities, I hope and trust that Providence will continue to bless us with as much prosperity as will be good for us; I say as will be good for us, for in my opinion Agur’s prayer is not less suitable for nations than for individuals. With the best wishes for your health and happiness, I am, dear sir,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

John Jay.

JAY TO WILLIAM VAUGHAN.

New York, 26th May, 1796.

Dear Sir:

The letters of the 24th and 28th November last, with which you favoured me, have remained long unanswered, though not forgotten; my time having, since my arrival, been so occupied by public concerns, that I have had no leisure to attend to my private affairs or correspondence.

As to political reformations in Europe or elsewhere, I confess that, considering men as being what they are, I do not amuse myself with dreams about an age of reason, prior to the millennium, which I believe will come, though I cannot tell the precise time when. Until that period arrives I expect there will be wars, and commotions, and tyrants, and factions, and demagogues, and that they will do mischief as they may have opportunity. Human knowledge and experience will doubtless continue to do good, in proportion to their extent and influence, but that they will ever be able to reduce the passions and prejudices of mankind to such a state of subordination to right reason as modern philosophers would persuade us, I do not believe one word of.

I should not think that man wise who should employ his time in endeavouring to contrive a shoe that would fit every foot; and they do not appear to me much more wise who expect to devise a government that would suit every nation. I have no objections to men’s mending or changing their own shoes, but I object to their insisting on my mending or changing mine. I am content that little men should be as free as big ones and have and enjoy the same rights; but nothing strikes me as more absurd than projects to stretch little men into big ones, or shrink big men into little ones. Liberty and reformation may run mad, and madness of any kind is no blessing. I nevertheless think that there may be a time for reformation and a time for change, as well as for other things; all that I contend for is that they be done soberly, by sober and discreet men, and in due manner, measure, and proportion. It may be said that this cannot always be the case. It is true, and we can only regret it. We must take men and things as they are, and act accordingly—that is, circumspectly.

With the best wishes for your health and happiness,

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,

John Jay.

JAY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK.

New York, 7th June, 1796.

Sir:

Considering the works erected on Governor’s Island, and the obvious objections to having a lazaretto near a garrison, I am solicitous to procure some other place for that purpose.

You are apprised of the difficulty or rather impossibility of purchasing from individuals any ground in a convenient situation for a lazaretto on account of the popular prejudices against having such an establishment in their neighbourhood.

As Bedloe’s Island, which belongs to the Corporation, has heretofore been used and considered as a proper place for the purpose I think it would be agreeable both to the State and to the citizens of New York that it should be purchased by the State, and the intended lazaretto built there in preference to Governor’s Island, in case the French intend soon to remove from it as I have understood they purpose to do; for I have no desire to interfere with any arrangements between the Corporation and them relative to it. Be pleased therefore to lay this letter before the Corporation, and to inform me whether they will sell it to the State and at what price. Considering that this city is more immediately interested in the precautions necessary to be taken against the introduction of contagious disorders by vessels arriving in this port than the more distant parts of the State, I flatter myself that the terms will be moderate, and such as the Legislature would approve of my acceding to.1

I have the honour to be with great respect,

Sir, your most obliging and humble servant,

John Jay.

The Honourable the Mayor of the City of New York.

JAY TO GEORGE HAMMOND.2

New York, 15th June, 1796.

Dear Sir:

Accept my thanks for your friendly letter of the 14th March last. I am happy in resuming my correspondence with my friends in England, and regret that it has been so long suspended. As Mr. King will be the bearer of this letter, I refer you to him for information respecting the state of affairs here. You have heard of the appointment of this gentleman to succeed Mr. Pinckney. You are well acquainted with his qualifications for that place, and with his character public and private.

I thank you for making to Lord Grenville the intimation I requested relative to the intended present. I shall deem myself sufficiently honoured and gratified, if my endeavours should prove conducive to permanent peace and conciliation between our countries. This can, and I hope will, be accomplished. Nature has made few difficulties within the sphere of honest and rational policy, that are insuperable to prudence and perseverance. Mutual justice, mutual kindness, and a little mutual forbearance will ensure success. But it is to be remembered that political, like other fields, require constant attention; when neglected, they soon become unproductive, and fresh weeds, briers, and thorns will gradually spring up.

The tide in human affairs, of which the poet speaks, now runs favourably, and will present a proper occasion for arranging our West India commerce. The war has, in a great degree, suspended the importance of it to us. When that suspension ceases, a strong sense of it will return, and will excite uneasiness which should be obviated or allayed by regulations as satisfactory as can well be made. Although a system more liberal than that in the twelfth article, if it had been immediately made, might have been ascribed to the pressure of circumstances, rather than to motives more pleasing and friendly; yet that objection has nearly lost its force, and passed its time; for the treaty is now in operation, with the approbation of a decided and great majority of the people, and success attends your arms.

While America has no just cause of complaint against Britain, nor Britain against America, their commercial and friendly relations will operate freely and effectually, and the designs of those who aim at discord between them will prove abortive.

I am, dear sir,
Yours very sincerely,

John Jay.

LORD GRENVILLE TO JAY.

Dropmore, July 9th, 1796.

My dear Sir,

It is a great satisfaction to me to have to acknowledge two of your letters, and to be allowed the hope of hearing from you more frequently. I should have been very sorry to think that I was wholly out of your recollection, as I frequently reflect with pleasure on the opportunity I had of becoming acquainted with a character which I saw so much reason to esteem.

Mr. Gore delivered to me, a few days ago, your letter of introduction. He seems to be a sensible and moderate man, and I shall have great pleasure both in facilitating, as far as may depend on me, the public objects of his mission, and in showing him any private attention and civility that may be in my power. I think he and his colleague will be well satisfied with the choice which has been made here for that commission. Both Dr. Nicoll and Mr. Ansty are known (in some degree) in America, the former by character, the latter personally; and I trust the appointment has proved the spirit in which it was made. If I do not deceive myself, the choice of the commissioners who are going to America will not be less satisfactory. Their names are not yet announced, but I look upon the appointment as very nearly, if not quite, fixed.

Your letter of the 1st of May was delivered to me two days ago, and I take the opportunity of this mail to answer it. I have the greatest pleasure in hearing from you, that you consider the questions which have agitated America since your arrival as determined. I think we always felt that even after the great points were adjusted, and a foundation of solid friendship laid, something must be still left for the operation of time and temper. Where so much heat has prevailed, irritation will remain among individuals, and will occasionally produce inconvenience and embarrassment to both governments. Mutual good disposition and confidence, a uniform and steady conduct in great points, and moderation respecting those of less importance, must ultimately surmount these difficulties, as they have already surmounted others which were much greater.

With respect to the impressments, I am confident that such orders as you speak of have been more than once repeated. I speak from general impression, not having had opportunity to ascertain the fact since I received your letter. But I think I can answer for it that they shall be renewed. In this country, much of the detail of that business has fallen within my own knowledge; and I can say positively, that I do not think one instance can be brought where a seaman has not been discharged, who could produce, I do not say proof, but any probable, or even plausible ground for supposing him a native citizen of the United States, or a resident there at the time of the separation from this country. In some instances, the conduct observed has been so favourable, that within the last week, before I received your letter, two men were discharged, one on producing a certificate of an American consul here, which did not recite on what grounds or from what proof it was given, but merely asserted the fact that the bearer was an American citizen; and the other, on producing a paper neither certified nor attested, but purporting to be a discharge from an American regiment of militia,—a paper, which, even if genuine, may, as you will easily see, have passed into twenty hands before it was produced here.

I saw in the proceedings of the last session of the Congress, some steps taken towards a regular establishment for the granting certificates. If such an establishment were formed, with proper and sufficient checks to prevent its being abused, the effect would be to do away the greatest part of our difficulties on the subject. But I much fear that the ideas prevalent in America on the subject of emigration, will prevent this ever being well or satisfactorily done.

I have been led into this discussion by what you say of the advantage which might arise from giving orders, which I am confident have been repeatedly given. The assurances of Mr. Liston on the subject will also, I trust, be such as you seem to desire.

I beg you to believe that you cannot do a thing more agreeable to me, or, perhaps, more useful to the interest of both our countries, than in expressing to me at all times, freely and without reserve, your opinion as to the means of maintaining that spirit which we jointly laboured to establish. This may be a means of rendering our correspondence greatly and permanently beneficial. Agreeable to me it can never fail to be, while it conveys to me information of your welfare, and gives me the opportunity of assuring you of the very sincere esteem and regard with which I have the honour to be, my dear sir,

Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,

Grenville.

DIRCK TEN BROECK TO JAY.

Albany, 14th December, 1796.

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency that I have procured two rooms in the house of Mr. Rooseboom, for your accommodation in this place this winter, and am in hopes the exertions of the family will contribute much to your ease, and comfort, both Mr. and Mrs. Rooseboom assuring us that nothing shall be wanting on their part to make every thing agreeable to you. I shall be highly gratified, in finding the result, correspond with my wishes on this subject. On Monday last, I dispatched a sledge for the cask of porter you had consigned to my care, which arrived here last evening; I have had it put into Mr. Rooseboom’s cellar.

Your Excellency’s letter of the 10th instant, was handed to me last Eve by the two Mohawk Indians, (accompanied by another of the Chiefs of that Nation, being the father of John, who handed me the letter). Agreeable to your directions I’ve procured decent lodgings for them, and shall have an eye towards them, for fear they should make too free with the strong waters of their host.

It is with singular satisfaction I can now inform you, that the Citizens of Albany are making every exertion to accommodate the Gentlemen of the Legislature, and I feel satisfied that their exertions will not be in vain. The rooms in our Court-house have been put in ample order for the reception of both branches of the Legislature, and I conclude we shall find ourselves comfortably and conveniently situated.

Any commands your Excellency shall please to honor me with, will be punctually attended to, and executed to the best of my ability.

I am, Sir, with respect and esteem,
Your most obedient servant &c.,

Dirck Ten Broeck.

[1 ]Member of Congress. This letter was published by Mr. Harper, at Mr. Jay’s request.

[1 ]The City Corporation granted the island to the State about three weeks later.

[2 ]Late British Minister in the United States.