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Front Page Titles (by Subject) Second Inaugural Address - The American Nation: Primary Sources
Second Inaugural Address - Bruce Frohnen, The American Nation: Primary Sources [2008]Edition used:The American Nation: Primary Sources, ed. Bruce Frohnen (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008).
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- Editorial Board
- Alphabetical List of Authors
- Illustrations
- Introduction
- Organization of the Work
- Note On the Texts
- Part One: the Civil War
- The Crittenden Compromise
- South Carolina Ordinance of Secession
- South Carolina Declaration of Causes of Secession
- Mississippi Ordinance of Secession
- Mississippi Declaration of Causes of Secession
- Virginia Ordinance to Repeal the Ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America
- Missouri Act Declaring the Political Ties Heretofore Existing Between the State of Missouri and the United States of America Dissolved
- Ordinance of the Kentucky Convention
- Constitution of the Confederate States of America
- Farewell Speech to the United States Congress
- Inaugural Address
- First Inaugural Address
- Proclamation Calling the Militia and Convening Congress
- Proclamation of Blockade Against Southern Ports
- Message to Congress In Special Session
- Proclamation Suspending Writ of Habeas Corpus
- Message to Congress On Gradual Abolishment of Slavery
- Proclamation Revoking General Hunter’s Emancipation Order
- Emancipation Proclamation
- Emancipation Proclamation
- The Gettysburg Address
- Message to the Congress of Confederate States
- Act to Increase the Military Force of the Confederate States
- Last Order
- Part Two: Reconstruction
- Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction
- Veto Message With Wade-davis Proclamation and Bill
- Wade-davis Manifesto
- Special Field Order No. 15
- Second Inaugural Address
- Last Public Address
- Constitution of Indiana, Article Xiii
- Black Code of Mississippi
- U.s. Constitution, Thirteenth Amendment
- Freedmen’s Bureau Bill
- Second Freedmen’s Bureau Bill
- Veto of the Second Freedmen’s Bureau Bill
- Civil Rights Act
- First Reconstruction Act of 1867
- Veto of the First Reconstruction Act
- First Supplement to the First Reconstruction Act of 1867
- Second Supplement to the First Reconstruction Act of 1867
- Articles of Impeachment of Andrew Johnson
- Debate On Proposed Fourteenth Amendment
- U.s. Constitution, Fifteenth Amendment
- Enforcement Act of 1870
- Enforcement Act of 1871
- Enforcement Act of 1875
- The Constitution of the State of Mississippi, As Adopted In Convention
- Inaugural Address
- Civil Rights Cases
- Constitution of the State of Mississippi
- Part Three: Consolidating Markets
- The Homestead Act
- The Pacific Railway Act
- The Morrill Act
- The Gospel of Wealth
- Cross of Gold Speech
- First Inaugural Address
- First Annual Message
- Lochner V. New York
- Part Four: Consolidating Culture?
- Twelfth Annual Report of the Massachusetts State School Board
- Address On Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes
- Address of Booker T. Washington, Principal Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, Tuskegee, Ala., At the Opening of the Exposition
- Plessy V. Ferguson
- The Talented Tenth
- Treaty Between the United States of America and the Navajo Tribe of Indians; Concluded June 1, 1868; Ratification Advised July 25, 1868; Proclaimed August 12, 1868.
- Dawes Act
- Proposed Constitutional Amendment
- Massachusetts Constitutional Provision
- Reynolds V. United States
- The Late Corporation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Et Al. V. United States
- Immigration Policy
- The Principles of Scientific Management
- Carrie Buck, By R. G. Shelton, Her Guardian and Next Friend, Plff. In Err., V. J. H. Bell, Superintendent of the State Colony For Epileptics and Feeble Minded
- Introduction to I’ll Take My Stand
- Part Five: Reform Movements
- National People’s Party Platform, Adopted At Omaha, Neb., July 4, 1892
- Coin’s Financial School
- Lecture II: What Pragmatism Means
- The Socialist Party and the Working Class
- Preamble
- The Subjective Necessity For Social Settlements
- Why the Ward Boss Rules
- Declaration of Principles of the Progressive Party
- The Income Tax
- Speech On Constitutionality of an Income Tax
- U.s. Constitution, Sixteenth Amendment
- Direct Election of U.s. Senators
- Resolution Opposing Direct Election of Senators
- U.s. Constitution, Seventeenth Amendment
- First Annual Meeting of the Woman’s State Temperance Society
- Prohibition Debate
- U.s. Constitution, Eighteenth Amendment
- U.s. Constitution, Twenty-first Amendment
- Women’s Suffrage
- The Fundamental Principle of a Republic
- Debate On Women’s Suffrage
- U.s. Constitution, Nineteenth Amendment
- Part Six: Consolidating Government
- The Pendleton Act
- Interstate Commerce Act
- Veto Message—distribution of Seeds
- Sherman Antitrust Act
- President’s Message to the Senate and House of Representatives
- Federal Trade Commission Act
- The Place of the Independent Commission
- Radio Address On Unemployment Relief
- Commonwealth Club Address
- Inaugural Address
- Federal Emergency Relief Act
- National Industrial Recovery Act
- Redistribution of Wealth
- A. L. A. Schechter Poultry Corp. Et Al. V. United States
- Fireside Chat On the Reorganization of the Judiciary
- National Labor Relations Board V. Jones & Laughlin Steel
- Part Seven: America In the World
- Monroe Doctrine—seventh Annual Message
- Roosevelt Corollary to Monroe Doctrine
- The Fallacy of Territorial Extension
- The Star of Empire
- Open Door Note
- Woodrow Wilson On Neutrality and War
- Statement On American Neutrality
- Address to the Senate
- Dissent In Wartime
- Espionage Act
- Free Speech In Wartime
- Sedition Act
- Schenck V. United States
- Fourteen Points Speech
- Covenant of the League of Nations
- Speech Against the League of Nations
- Kellogg-briand Pact
- Note On Chinchow
- Neutrality and War
- The Atlantic Charter
- The Four Freedoms
- Pearl Harbor Speech
- Sources
Second Inaugural Address
March 4, 1865 Abraham Lincoln Fellow-Countrymen:
At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. “Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.” If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.”
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
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