The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Preface.
• Preliminary Essays.
• Chapter I.: Of the Chinese Classics Generally.
• Section I.: Books Included Under the Name of the Chinese Classics.
• Section II.: The Authority of the Chinese Classics.
• Chapter II.: Of the Confucian Analects.
• Section I.: Formation of the Text of the Analects By the Scholars of the Han Dynasty.
• Section II.: At What Time, and By Whom, the Analects Were Written; Their Plan; and Authenticity.
• Section III.: Of Commentaries Upon the Analects.
• Chapter III.: Of the Great Learning.
• Section I.: History of the Text; and the Different Arrangements of It Which Have Been Proposed.
• Section II.: Of the Authorship, and Distinction of the Text Into Classical Text and Commentary.
• Section III.: Its Scope and Value.
• Chapter IV.: The Doctrine of the Mean.
• Section I.: Its Place In the Le Ke, and Its Publication Separately.
• Section II.: Its Author; and Some Account of Him.
• Section III.: Its Scope and Value.
• Chapter V.: Confucius; His Influence and Doctrines.
• Section I.: Life of Confucius.
• Section II.: His Influence and Opinions.
• II.: The Classics
• Confucian Analects *
• Book I **
• Book Ii *
• Book Iii *
• Book Iv *
• Book V. *
• Book VI. *
• Book VII. *
• Book VIII. *
• Book IX. *
• Book X. *
• Book XI. *
• Book XII. *
• Book XIII. *
• Book XIV. *
• Book XV. *
• Book XVI. *
• Book XVII. *
• Book XVIII. *
• Book XIX. *
• Book XX. *
• The Great Learning. * **
• The Text of Confucius. ***
• Commentary of the Philosopher Tsang.
• The Doctrine of the Mean. *

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS*

BOOK I**

ChapterI.1. The Master said, “Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance and application?

2. “Is it not delightful to have friends coming from distant quarters?

3. “Is he not a man of complete virtue, who feels no discomposure though men may take no note of him?”

II.1. Yew the philosopher said, “They are few who, being filial and fraternal, are fond of offending against their superiors. There have been none, who, not liking to offend against their superiors, have been fond of stirring up confusion.

2. “The superior man bends his attention to what is radical. That being established, all right practical courses naturally grow up. Filial piety and fraternal submission!—are they not the root of all benevolent actions?”

III. The Master said, “Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with true virtue.”

IV. Tsăng the philosopher said, “I daily examine myself on three points:—whether, in transacting business for others, I may have been not faithful;—whether, in intercourse with friends, I may have been not sincere;—whether I may have not mastered and practised the instructions of my teacher.”

V. The Master said, “To rule a country of a thousand chariots, there must be reverent attention to business, and sincerity; economy in expenditure, and love for the people; and the employment of them at the proper seasons.”

VI. The Master said, “A youth, when at home, should be filial, and, abroad, respectful to his elders. He should be earnest and truthful. He should overflow in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. When he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite studies.”

VII. Tsze-hea said, “If a man withdraws his mind from the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerely to the love of the virtuous; if, in serving his parents, he can exert his utmost strength; if, in serving his prince, he can devote his life; if, in his intercourse with his friends, his words are sincere:—although men say that he has not learned, I will certainly say that he has.”

VIII.1. The Master said, “If the scholar be not grave, he will not call forth any veneration, and his learning will not be solid.

2. “Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles.

3. “Have no friends not equal to yourself.

4. “When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.”

IX. Tsăng the philosopher said, “Let there be a careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents when dead, and let them be followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice;—then the virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence.”

X.1. Tsze-k‘in asked Tsze-kung, saying, “When our Master comes to any country, he does not fail to learn all about its government. Does he ask his information? or is it given to him?”

2. Tsze-kung said, “Our Master is benign, upright, courteous, temperate, and complaisant, and thus he gets his information. The Master’s mode of asking information!—is it not different from that of other men?”

XI. The Master said, “While a man’s father is alive, look at the bent of his will; when his father is dead, look at his conduct. If for three years he does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial.”

XII.1. Yew the philosopher said, “In practising the rules of propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. In the ways prescribed by the ancient kings, this is the excellent quality; and in things small and great we should thus follow those rules.

2. “Yet it is not to be observed in all cases. If one, knowing how such ease should be prized, manifests it, without regulating it by the rules of propriety, this likewise is not to be done.”

XIII. Yew the philosopher said, “When agreements are made according to what is right, what is spoken can be made good. When respect is shown according to what is proper, one keeps far from shame and disgrace. When the parties upon whom a man leans are proper persons to be intimate with, he can make them his guides and masters.”

XIV. The Master said, “He who aims to be a man of complete virtue, in his food does not seek to gratify his appetite, nor in his dwelling-place does he seek the appliances of ease: he is earnest in what he is doing, and careful in his speech; he frequents the company of men of principle that he may be rectified:—such a person may be said indeed to love to learn.”

XV.1. Tsze-kung said, “What do you pronounce concerning the poor man who yet does not flatter, and the rich man who is not proud?” The Master replied, “They will do; but they are not equal to him, who, though poor, is yet cheerful, and to him, who, though rich, loves the rules of propriety.”

2. Tsze-kung replied, “It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘As you cut and then file, as you carve and then polish.’—The meaning is the same, I apprehend, as that which you have just expressed.”

3. The Master said, “With one like Tsze, I can begin to talk about the Odes. I told him one point, and he knew its proper sequence.”

XVI. The Master said, “I will not be afflicted at men’s not knowing me; I will be afflicted that I do not know men.”

BOOK II*

ChapterI. The Master said, “He who exercises government by means of his virtue, may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it.”

II. The Master said, “In the Book of Poetry are three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced in that one sentence—‘Have no depraved thoughts.’ ”

III.1. The Master said, “If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame.

2. “If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of shame, and moreover will become good.”

IV.1. The Master said, “At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning.

2. “At thirty, I stood firm.

3. “At forty, I had no doubts.

4. “At fifty, I knew the decrees of heaven.

5. “At sixty, my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth.

6. “At seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right.”

V.1. Măng E asked what filial piety was. The Master said, “It is not being disobedient.”

2.Soon after, as Fan Ch‘e was driving him, the Master told him, saying, “Măng-sun asked me what filial piety was, and I answered him—‘Not being disobedient.’ ”

3. Fan Ch‘e said, “What did you mean?” The Master replied, “That parents, when alive, should be served according to propriety; that when dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety.”

VI. Măng Woo asked what filial piety was. The Master said, “Parents are anxious lest their children should be sick.”

VII. Tsze-yew asked what filial piety was. The Master said, “The filial piety of now-a-days means the support of one’s parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support;—without reverence, what is there to distinguish the one support given from the other?”

VIII. Tsze-hea asked what filial piety was. The Master said, “The difficulty is with the countenance. If, when their elders have any troublesome affairs, the young take the toil of them, and if, when the young have wine and food, they set them before their elders, is this to be considered filial piety?”

IX. The Master said, “I have talked with Hwuy for a whole day, and he has not made any objection to anything I said;—as if he were stupid. He has retired, and I have examined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. Hwuy! He is not stupid.”

X.1. The Master said, “See what a man does.

2. “Mark his motives.

3. “Examine in what things he rests.

4. “How can a man conceal his character!

5. “How can a man conceal his character!”

XI. The Master said, “If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge so as continually to be acquiring new, he may be a teacher of others.”

XII. The Master said, “The accomplished scholar is not an utensil.”

XIII. Tsze-kung asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said, “He acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according to his actions.”

XIV. The Master said, “The superior man is catholic and no partizan. The mean man is a partizan and not catholic.”

XV. The Master said, “Learning without thought is labour lost; thought without learning is perilous.”

XVI. The Master said, “The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed!”

XVII. The Master said, “Yew, shall I teach you what knowledge is? When you know a thing, to hold that you know it; and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do not know it;—this is knowledge.”

XVIII.1. Tsze-chang was learning with a view to official emolument.

2. The Master said, “Hear much and put aside the points of which you stand in doubt, while you speak cautiously at the same time of the others:—then you will afford few occasions for blame. See much and put aside the things which seem perilous, while you are cautious at the same time in carrying the others into practice:—then you will have few occasions for repentance. When one gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasions for repentance in his conduct, he is in the way to get emolument.”

XIX. The Duke Gae asked, saying, “What should be done in order to secure the submission of the people.” Confucius replied, “Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, then the people will submit. Advance the crooked and set aside the upright, then the people will not submit.”

XX. Ke K‘ang asked how to cause the people to reverence their ruler, to be faithful to him, and to urge themselves to virtue. The Master said, “Let him preside over them with gravity;—then they will reverence him. Let him be filial and kind to all;—then they will be faithful to him. Let him advance the good and teach the incompetent;—then they will eagerly seek to be virtuous.”

XXI.1. Some one addressed Confucius, saying, “Sir, why are you not engaged in the government?”

2. The Master said, “What does the Shoo-king say of filial piety?—‘You are filial, you discharge your brotherly duties. These qualities are displayed in government.’ This then also constitutes the exercise of government. Why must there be that to make one be in the government?”

XXII. The Master said, “I do not know how a man without truthfulness is to get on. How can a large carriage be made to go without the cross bar for yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses?”

XXIII.1. Tsze-chang asked whether the affairs of ten ages after could be known.

2. Confucius said, “The Yin dynasty followed the regulations of the Hea: wherein it took from or added to them may be known. The Chow dynasty has followed the regulations of the Yin: wherein it took from or added to them may be known. Some other may follow the Chow, but though it should be at the distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known.”

XXIV.1. The Master said, “For a man to sacrifice to a spirit which does not belong to him is flattery.”

2. “To see what is right and not to do it, is want of courage.”

BOOK III*

ChapterI. Confucius said of the head of the Ke family, who had eight rows of pantomimes in his area, “If he can bear to do this, what may he not bear to do?”

II. The three families used the yung ode, while the vessels were being removed, at the conclusion of the sacrifice. The Master said, “ ‘Assisting are the princes;—the Emperor looks profound and grave:’—what application can these words have in the hall of the three families?”

III. The Master said, “If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with the rites of propriety? If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with music?”

IV.1. Lin Fang asked what was the first thing to be attended to in ceremonies.

2. The Master said, “A great question indeed!”

3. “In festive ceremonies it is better to be sparing than extravagant. In the ceremonies of mourning it is better that there be deep sorrow than a minute attention to observances.”

V. The Master said, “The rude tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are not like the States of our great land which are without them.”

VI. The chief of the Ke family was about to sacrifice to the T‘ae mountain. The Master said to Yen Yew, “Can you not save him from this?” He answered, “I cannot.” Confucius said, “Alas! will you say that the T‘ae mountain is not so discerning as Lin Fang?”

VII. The Master said, “The student of virtue has no contentions. If it be said he cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? But he bows complaisantly to his competitors; thus he ascends the platform, descends, and exacts the forfeit of drinking. In his contention, he is still the Keun-tsze.”

VIII.1. Tsze-hea asked, saying, “What is the meaning of the passage—‘The loveliness of her artful smile! The well-defined black and white of her fine eyes! The plain ground for the colours’?”

2. The Master said, “The business of laying on the colours follows the preparation of the plain ground.”

3. “Ceremonies then are a subsequent thing!” The Master said, “It is Shang who can bring out my meaning! Now I can begin to talk about the odes with him.”

IX. The Master said, “I am able to describe the ceremonies of the Hea dynasty, but Ke cannot sufficiently attest my words. I am able to describe the ceremonies of the Yin dynasty, but Sung cannot sufficiently attest my words. They cannot do so because of the insufficiency of their records and wise men. If those were sufficient, I could adduce them in support of my words.”

X. The Master said, “At the great sacrifice, after the pouring out of the libation, I have no wish to look on.”

XI. Some one asked the meaning of the great sacrifice. The Master said, “I do not know. He who knew its meaning would find it as easy to govern the empire as to look on this;”—pointing to his palm.

XII.1. He sacrificed to the dead, as if they were present. He sacrificed to the spirits, as if the spirits were present.

2. The Master said, “I consider my not being present at the sacrifice, as if I did not sacrifice.”

XIII.1. Wang-sun Kea asked, saying, “What is the meaning of the saying, ‘It is better to pay court to the furnace than to the south-west corner’?”

2. The Master said, “Not so. He who offends against Heaven has none to whom he can pray.”

XIV. The Master said, “Chow had the advantage of viewing the two past dynasties. How complete and elegant are its regulations! I follow Chow.”

XV. The Master, when he entered the grand temple, asked about everything. Some said, “Who will say that the son of the man of Tsow knows the rules of propriety? He has entered the grand temple and asks about everything.” The Master heard the remark, and said, “This is a rule of propriety.”

XVI. The Master said, “In archery it is not going through the leather which is the principal thing;—because people’s strength is not equal. This was the old way.”

XVII.1. Tsze-kung wished to do away with the offering of a sheep connected with the inanguration of the first day of each month.

2. The Master said, “Tsze, you love the sheep; I love the ceremony.”

XVIII. The Master said, “The full observance of the rules of propriety in serving one’s prince is accounted by people to be flattery.”

XIX. The Duke Ting asked how a prince should employ his ministers, and how ministers should serve their prince. Confucius replied, “A prince should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness.”

XX. The Master said, “The Kwan Ts‘eu is expressive of enjoyment without being licentious, and of grief without being hurtfully excessive.”

XXI.1. The Duke Gae asked Tsae Wo about the altars of the spirits of the land. Tsae Wo replied, “The Hea sovereign used the pine tree; the man of the Yin used the cypress; and the man of the Chow used the chestnut tree, meaning thereby to cause the people to be in awe.”

2. When the Master heard it, he said, “Things that are done, it is needless to speak about; things that have had their course, it is needless to remonstrate about; things that are past, it is needless to blame.”

XXII.1. The Master said, “Small indeed was the capacity of Kwan Chung!”

2. Some one said, “Was Kwan Chung parsimonious?” “Kwan,” was the reply, “had the San Kwei, and his officers performed no double duties; how can he be considered parsimonious?”

3. “Then, did Kwan Chung know the rules of propriety?” The Master said, “The princes of States have a screen intercepting the view at their gates. Kwan had likewise a screen at his gate. The princes of States on any friendly meeting between two of them, had a stand on which to place their inverted cups. Kwan had also such a stand. If Kwan knew the rules of propriety, who does not know them?”

XXIII. The Master instructing the Grand music-master of Loo said, “How to play music may be known. At the commencement of the piece, all the parts should sound together. As it proceeds, they should be in harmony, while severally distinct and yet flowing without break; and thus on to the conclusion.”

XXIV. The border-warden at E requested to be introduced to the Master, saying, “When men of superior virtue have come to this, I have never been denied the privilege of seeing them.” The followers of the sage introduced him, and when he came out from the interview, he said, “My friends, why are you distressed by your master’s loss of office? The empire has long been without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue.”

XXV. The Master said of the Shaou that it was perfectly beautiful and also perfectly good. He said of the Woo that it was perfectly beautiful but not perfectly good.

XXVI. The Master said, “High station filled without indulgent generosity; ceremonies performed without reverence; mourning conducted without sorrow;—wherewith should I contemplate such ways?”

BOOK IV*

ChapterI. The Master said, “It is virtuous manners which constitute the excellence of a neighbourhood. If a man in selecting a residence do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be wise?”

II. The Master said, “Those who are without virtue cannot abide long either in a condition of poverty and hardship, or in a condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest in virtue; the wise desire virtue.”

III. The Master said, “It is only the truly virtuous man who can love, or who can hate, others.”

IV. The Master said, “If the will be set on virtue, there will be no practice of wickedness.”

V.1. The Master said, “Riches and honours are what men desire. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be held. Poverty and meanness are what men dislike. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be avoided.

2. “If a superior man abandon virtue, how can he fulfil the requirements of that name?

3. “The superior man does not, even for the space of a single meal, act contrary to virtue. In moments of haste, he cleaves to it. In seasons of danger, he cleaves to it.”

VI.1. The Master said, “I have not seen a person who loved virtue, or one who hated what was not virtuous. He who loved virtue would esteem nothing above it. He who hated what is not virtuous, would practise virtue in such a way that he would not allow anything that is not virtuous to approach his person.

2. “Is any one able for one day to apply his strength to virtue? I have not seen the case in which his strength would be insufficient.

3. “Should there possibly be any such case, I have not seen it.”

VII. The Master said, “The faults of men are characteristic of the class to which they belong. By observing a man’s faults, it may be known that he is virtuous.”

VIII. The Master said, “If a man in the morning hear the right way, he may die in the evening without regret.”

IX. The Master said, “A scholar, whose mind is set on truth, and who is ashamed of bad clothes and bad food, is not fit to be discoursed with.”

X. The Master said, “The superior man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything, or against anything; what is right he will follow.”

XI. The Master said, “The superior man thinks of virtue; the small man thinks of comfort. The superior man thinks of the sanctions of law; the small man thinks of favours which he may receive.”

XII. The Master said, “He who acts with a constant view to his own advantage will be much murmured against.”

XIII. The Master said, “Is a prince able to govern his kingdom with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety, what difficulty will he have? If he cannot govern it with that complaisance, what has he to do with the rules of propriety?”

XIV. The Master said, “A man should say, I am not concerned that I have no place,—I am concerned how I may fit myself for one. I am not concerned that I am not knwon,—I seek to be worthy to be known.”

XV.1. The Master said, “Sin, my doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity.” Tsăng the philosopher replied, “Yes.”

2. The Master went out, and the other disciples asked, saying, “What do his words mean?” Tsăng said, “The doctrine of our Master is to be true to the principles of our nature and the benevolent exercise of them to others,—this and nothing more.”

XVI. The Master said, “The mind of the superior man is conversant with righteousness; the mind of the mean man is conversant with gain.”

XVII. The Master said, “When we see men of worth, we should think of equalling them; when we see men of a contrary character, we should turn inwards and examine ourselves.”

XVIII. The Master said, “In serving his parents, a son may remonstrate with them, but gently; when he sees that they do not incline to follow his advice, he shows an increased degree of reverence, but does not abandon his purpose; and should they punish him, he does not allow himself to murmur.”

XIX. The Master said, “While his parents are alive, the son may not go abroad to a distance. If he does go abroad, he must have a fixed place to which he goes.”

XX. The Master said, “If the son for three years does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial.”

XXI. The Master said, “The years of parents may by no means not be kept in the memory, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear.”

XXII. The Master said, “The reason why the ancients did not readily give utterance to their words, was that they feared lest their actions should not come up to them.”

XXIII. The Master said, “The cautious seldom err.”

XXIV. The Master said, “The superior man wishes to be slow in his words and earnest in his conduct.”

XXV. The Master said, “Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practises it will have neighbours.”

XXVI. Tsze-yew said, “In serving a prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace. Between friends, frequent reproofs make the friendship distant.”

BOOK V.*

ChapterI.1. The Master said of Kung-yay Ch‘ang that he might be wived; although he was put in bonds, he had not been guilty of any crime. Accordingly, he gave him his own daughter to wife.

2. Of Nan Yung he said that if the country were well governed, he would not be out of office, and if it were ill governed, he would escape punishment and disgrace. He gave him the daughter of his own elder brother to wife.

II. The Master said, of Tsze-tseen, “Of superior virtue indeed is such a man! If there were not virtuous men in Loo, how could this man have acquired this character?”

III. Tsze-kung asked, “What do you say of me, Ts‘ze?” The Master said, “You are an utensil.” “What utensil?” “A gemmed sacrificial utensil.”

IV.1. Some one said, “Yung is truly virtuous, but he is not ready with his tongue.”

2. The Master said, “What is the good of being ready with the tongue? They who meet men with smartnesses of speech, for the most part procure themselves hatred. I know not whether he be truly virtuous, but why should he show readiness of the tongue?”

V. The Master was wishing Tseih-teaou K‘ae to enter on official employment. He replied, “I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of this.” The Master was pleased.

VI. The Master said, “My doctrines make no way. I will get upon a raft, and float about on the sea. He that will accompany me will be Yew, I dare to say.” Tsze-loo hearing this was glad, upon which the Master said, “Yew is fonder of daring than I am; but he does not exercise his judgment upon matters.”

VII.1. Măng Woo asked about Tsze-loo, whether he was perfectly virtuous. The Master said, “I do not know.”

2. He asked again, when the Master replied, “In a kingdom of a thousand chariots, Yew might be employed to manage the military levies, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous.”

3. “And what do you say of K‘ew?” The Master replied, “In a city of a thousand families, or a House of a hundred chariots, K‘ew might be employed as governor, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous.”

4. “What do you say of Ch‘ih?” The Master replied, “With his sash girt and standing in a court, Ch‘ih might be employed to converse with the visitors and guests, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous.”

VIII.1. The Master said to Tsze-kung, “Which do you consider superior, yourself or Hwuy?”

2. Tsze-kung replied, “How dare I compare myself with Hwuy? Hwuy hears one point and knows all about a subject; I hear one point and know a second.”

3. The Master said, “You are not equal to him. I grant you, you are not equal to him.”

IX.1. Tsae Yu being asleep during the day time, the Master said, “Rotten wood cannot be carved; a wall of dirty earth will not receive the trowel. This Yu!—what is the use of my reproving him?”

2. The Master said, “At first, my way with men was to hear their words, and give them credit for their conduct. Now my way is to hear their words, and look at their conduct. It is from Yu that I have learned to make this change.”

X. The Master said, “I have not seen a firm and unbending man.” Some one replied, “There is Shin Ch‘ang.” “Ch‘ang,” said the Master, “is under the influence of his lusts, how can he be firm and unbending?”

XI. Tsze-kung said, “What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men.” The Master said, “Ts‘ze, you have not attained to that.”

XII. Tsze-kung said, “The Master’s personal displays of his principles and ordinary descriptions of them may be heard. His discourses about man’s nature, and the way of Heaven, cannot be heard.”

XIII. When Tsze-loo heard anything, if he had not yet carried it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear something else.

XIV. Tsze-kung asked saying, “On what ground did Kung-wăn get that title of wan?” The Master said, “He was of an active nature and yet fond of learning, and he was not ashamed to ask and learn of his inferiors!—On these grounds he has been styled wan.”

XV. The Master said of Tsze-ch‘an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man:—in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just.

XVI. The Master said, “Gan P‘ing knew well how to maintain friendly intercourse. The acquaintance might be long, but he showed the same respect as at first.”

XVII. The Master said, “Tsang Wăn kept a large tortoise in a house, on the capitals of the pillars of which he had hills made, with representations of duckweed on the small pillars above the beams supporting the rafters.—Of what sort was his wisdom?”

XVIII.1. Tsze-chang asked, saying, “The minister Tsze-wăn, thrice took office, and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice he retired from office, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted the government;—what do you say of him?” “The Master replied, “He was loyal.” “Was he perfectly virtuous?” “I do not know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous?”

2.Tsze-chang proceeded, “When the officer Ts‘uy killed the prince of Ts‘e, Ch‘in Wăn, though he was the owner of forty horses, abandoned them and left the country. Coming to another state, he said, ‘They are here like our great officer, Ts‘uy,’ and left it. He came to a second state, and with the same observation left it also;—what do you say of him?” The Master replied, “He was pure.” “Was he perfectly virtuous?” “I do not know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous?”

XIX. Ke Wăn thought thrice, and then acted. When the Master was informed of it, he said, “Twice may do.”

XX. The Master said, “When good order prevailed in his country, Ning Woo acted the part of a wise man. When his country was in disorder, he acted the part of a stupid man. Others may equal his wisdom, but they cannot equal his stupidity.”

XXI. When the Master was in Ch‘in, he said, “Let me return! Let me return! The little children of my school are ambitious and too hasty. They are accomplished and complete so far, but they do not know how to restrict and shape themselves.”

XXII. The Master said, “Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e did not keep the former wickedness of men in mind, and hence the resentments directed towards them were few.”

XXIII. The Master said, “Who says of Wei-shang Kaou that he is upright? One begged some vinegar of him, and he begged it of a neighbour and gave it him.”

XXIV. The Master said, “Fine words, an insinuating appearance, and excessive respect;—Tso-k‘ew Ming was ashamed of them. I also am ashamed of them. To conceal resentment against a person, and appear friendly with him;—Tso-k‘ew Ming was ashamed of such conduct. I also am ashamed of it.”

XXV.1. Yen Yuen and Ke Loo being by his side, the Master said to them, “Come, let each of you tell his wishes.”

2. Tsze-loo said, “I should like, having chariots and horses, and light fur dresses, to share them with my friends, and though they should spoil them, I would not be displeased.”

3. Yen Yuen said, “I should like not to boast of my excellence, nor to make a display of my meritorious deeds.”

4. Tsze-loo then said, “I should like, sir, to hear your wishes.” The Master said, “They are, in regard to the aged, to give them rest; in regard to friends, to show them sincerity; in regard to the young, to treat them tenderly.”

XXVI. The Master said, “It is all over! I have not yet seen one who could perceive his faults, and inwardly accuse himself.”

XXVII. The Master said, “In a hamlet of ten families, there may be found one honourable and sincere as I am, but not so fond of learning.”

BOOK VI.*

ChapterI.1. The Master said, “There is Yung!—He might occupy the place of a prince.”

2. Chung-kung asked about Tsze-sang Pih-tsze. The Master said, “He may pass. He does not mind small matters.”

3. Chung-kung said, “If a man cherish in himself a reverential feeling of the necessity of attention to business, though he may be easy in small matters in his government of the people, that may be allowed. But if he cherish in himself that easy feeling, and also carry it out in his practice, is not such an easy mode of procedure excessive?”

4. The Master said, “Yung’s words are right.”

II. The Duke Gae asked which of the disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, “There was Yen Hwuy; he loved to learn. He did not transfer his anger; he did not repeat a fault. Unfortunately, his appointed time was short and he died; and now there is not such another. I have not yet heard of any one who loves to learn as he did.”

III.1. Tsze-hwa being employed on a mission to Ts‘e, the disciple Yen requested grain for his mother. The Master said, “Give her a foo.” Yen requested more. “Give heran yu,” said the Master. Yen gave her five ping.

2. The Master said, “When Ch‘ih was proceeding to Ts‘e, he had fat horses to his carriage, and wore light furs. I have heard that a superior man helps the distressed, but does not add to the wealth of the rich.”

3. Yuen Sze being made governor of his town by the Master, he gave him nine hundred measures of grain, but Sze declined them.

4. The Master said, “Do not decline them. May you not give them away in the neighbourhoods, hamlets, towns, and villages?”

IV. The Master, speaking of Chung-kung, said, “If the calf of a brindled cow be red and horned, although man may not wish to use it, would the spirits of the mountains and rivers refuse it?”

V. The Master said, “Such was Hwuy that for three months there would be nothing in his mind contrary to perfect virtue. The others may attain to this once a day or once a month, but nothing more.”

VI. Ke K‘ang asked, “Is Chung-yew fit to be employed as an officer of government?” The Master said, “Yew is a man of decision; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of government?” K‘ang asked, “Is Ts‘ze fit to be employed as an officer of government?” and was answered, Ts‘ze is a man of intelligence; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of government?” And to the same question about K‘ew, the Master gave the same reply, saying, “K‘ew is a man of various ability.”

VII. The chief of the Ke family sent to ask Min Tsze-k‘een to be governor of Pe. Min Tsze-k‘een said, “Decline the offer for me politely. If any one come again to me with a second invitation, I shall be obliged to go and live on the banks of the Wăn.”

VIII. Pih-new being sick, the Master went to ask for him. He took hold of his hand through the window, and said, “It is killing him. It is the appointment of Heaven, alas! That such a man should have such a sickness! That such a man should have such a sickness!”

IX. The Master said, “Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hwuy! With a single bamboo dish of rice, a single gourd dish of drink, and living in his mean narrow lane, while others could not have endured the distress, he did not allow his joy to be affected by it. Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hwuy!”

X. Yen K‘ew said, “It is not that I do not delight in your doctrines, but my strength is insufficient.” The Master said, “Those whose strength is insufficient give over in the middle of the way, but now you limit yourself.”

XI. The Master said to Tsze-hea, “Do you be a scholar after the style of the superior man, and not after that of the mean man.”

XII. Tsze-yew being governor of Woo-shing, the Master said to him, “Have you got good men there?” He answered, “There is Tan-t‘ae Meĕ-ming, who never in walking takes a short cut, and never comes to my office, excepting on public business.”

XIII. The Master said, “Măng Che-fan does not boast of his merit. Being in the rear on an occasion of flight, when they were about to enter the gate, he whipt up his horse, saying, ‘It is not that I dare to be last. My horse would not advance.’ ”

XIV. The Master said, “Without the specious speech of the litanist T‘o, and the beauty of the prince Chaou of Sung, it is difficult to escape in the present age.”

XV. The Master said, “Who can go out but by the door? How is it that men will not walk according to these ways?”

XVI. The Master said, “Where the solid qualities are in excess of accomplishments, we have rusticity; where the accomplishments are in excess of the solid qualities, we have the manners of a clerk. When the accomplishments and solid qualities are equally blended, we then have the man of complete virtue.”

XVII. The Master said, “Man is born for uprightness. If a man lose his uprightness, and yet live, his escape from death is the effect of mere good fortune.”

XVIII. The Master said, “They who know the truth are not equal to those who love it, and they who love it are not equal to those who find delight in it.”

XIX. The Master said, “To those whose talents are above mediocrity, the highest subjects may be announced. To those who are below mediocrity, the highest subjects may not be announced.”

XX. Fan Ch‘e asked what constituted wisdom. The Master said, “To give one’s-self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom.” He asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, “The man of virtue makes the difficulty to be overcome his first business, and success only a subsequent consideration;—this may be called perfect virtue.”

XXI. The Master said, “The wise find delight in water; the virtuous find delight in hills. The wise are active; the virtuous are tranquil. The wise are joyful; the virtuous are long-lived.”

XXII. The Master said, “Ts‘e, by one change, would come to the state of Loo. Loo, by one change, would come to a state where true principles predominated.”

XXIII. The Master said, “A cornered vessel without corners.—A strange cornered vessel! A strange cornered vessel!”

XXIV. Tsae Wo asked, saying, “A benevolent man, though it be told him,—‘There is a man in the well,’ will go in after him, I suppose.” Confucius said, “Why should he do so? A superior man may be made to go to the well, but he cannot be made to go down into it. He may be imposed upon, but he cannot be befooled.”

XXV. The Master said, “The superior man, extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, may thus likewise not overstep what is right.”

XXVI. The Master having visited Nan-tsze, Tsze-loo was displeased, on which the Master swore, saying, “Wherein I have done improperly, may Heaven reject me! may Heaven reject me!”

XXVII. The Master said, “Perfect is the virtue which is according to the Constant Mean! Rare for a long time has been its practice among the people.”

XXVIII.1. Tsze-kung said, “Suppose the case of a man extensively conferring benefits on the people, and able to assist all, what would you say of him? Might he be called perfectly virtuous?” The Master said, “Why speak only of virtue in connection with him? Must he not have the qualities of a sage? Even Yaou and Shun were still solicitous about this.

2. “Now the man of perfect virtue, wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others.

3. “To be able to judge of others by what is nigh in ourselves;—this may be called the art of virtue.”

BOOK VII.*

ChapterI. The Master said, “A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare myself with our old P‘ang.”

II. The Master said, “The silent treasuring up of knowledge; learning without satiety; and instructing others without being wearied:—what one of these things belongs to me?”

III. The Master said, “The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; and not being able to change what is not good:—these are the things which occasion me solicitude.”

IV. When the Master was unoccupied with business, his manner was easy, and he looked pleased.

V. The Master said, “Extreme is my decay. For a long time I have not dreamed, as I was wont to do, that I saw the Duke of Chow.”

VI.1. The Master said, “Let the will be set on the path of duty.

2. “Let every attainment in what is good be firmly grasped.

3. “Let perfect virtue be accorded with.

4. “Let relaxation and enjoyment be found in the polite arts.”

VII. The Master said, “From the man bringing his bundle of dried flesh for my teaching upwards, I have never refused instruction to any one.”

VIII. The Master said, “I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson.”

IX.1. When the Master was eating by the side of a mourner, he never ate to the full.

2. He did not sing on the same day in which he had been weeping.

X.1. The Master said to Yen Yuen, “When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired;—it is only I and you who have attained to this.”

2. Tsze-loo said, “If you had the conduct of the armies of a great State, whom would you have to act with you?”

3. The Master said, “I would not have him to act with me, who will unarmed attack a tiger, or cross a river without a boat, dying without any regret. My associate must be the man who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans, and then carries them into execution.”

XI. The Master said, “If the search for riches is sure to be successful, though I should become a servant with whip in hand to get them, I will do so. As the search may not be successful, I will follow after that which I love.”

XII. The things in reference to which the Master exercised the greatest caution were—fasting, war, and sickness.

XIII. When the Master was in Ts‘e, he heard the Shaou, and for three months did not know the taste of flesh. “I did not think,” he said, “that music could have been made so excellent as this.”

XIV.1. Yen Yew said, “Is our Master for the prince of Wei?” Tsze-kung said, “Oh! I will ask him.”

2. He went in accordingly, and said, “What sort of men were Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e?” “They were ancient worthies,” said the Master. “Did they have any repinings because of their course?” The Master again replied, “They sought to act virtuously, and they did so; what was there for them to repine about?” On this, Tsze-kung went out and said, “Our Master is not for him.”

XV. The Master said, “With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bended arm for a pillow;—I have still joy in the midst of these things. Riches and honours acquired by unrighteousness are to me as a floating cloud.”

XVI. The Master said, “If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the Yih, and then I might come to be without great faults.”

XVII. The Master’s frequent themes of discourse were—the Odes, the Book of History, and the maintenance of the Rules of propriety. On all these he frequently discoursed.

XVIII.1. The duke of Shĕ asked Tsze-loo about Confucius, and Tsze-loo did not answer him.

2. The Master said, “Why did you not say to him,—He is simply a man, who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not perceive that old age is coming on?”

XIX. The Master said, “I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge; I am one who is fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking it there.”

XX. The subjects on which the Master did not talk, were,—prodigious things, feats of strength, disorder, and spiritual beings.

XXI. The Master said, “When I walk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will select their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them.”

XXII. The Master said, “Heaven produced the virtue that is in me. Hwan T‘uy—what can he do to me?”

XXIII. The Master said, “Do you think, my disciples, that I have any concealments? I conceal nothing from you. There is nothing which I do that is not shown to you, my disciples;—that is my way.”

XXIV. There were four things which the Master taught,—letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness.

XXV.1. The Master said, “A sage it is not mine to see; could I see a man of real talent and virtue, that would satisfy me.”

2. The Master said, “A good man it is not mine to see; could I see a man possessed of constancy, that would satisfy me.

3. “Having not and yet affecting to have, empty and yet affecting to be full, straitened and yet affecting to be at ease:—it is difficult with such characteristics to have constancy.”

XXVI. The Master angled,—but did not use a net. He shot,—but not at birds perching.

XXVII. The Master said, “There may be those who act without knowing why. I do not do so. Hearing much and selecting what is good and following it, seeing much and keeping it in memory:—this is the second style of knowledge.”

XXVIII.1. It was difficult to talk with the people of Hoo-heang, and a lad of that place having had an interview with the Master, the disciples doubted.

2. The Master said, “I admit people’s approach to me without committing myself as to what they may do when they have retired. Why must one be so severe? If a man purify himself to wait upon me, I receive him so purified, without guaranteeing his past conduct.”

XXIX. The Master said, “Is virtue a thing remote? I wish to be virtuous, and lo! virtue is at hand.”

XXX.1. The Minister of crime of Ch‘in asked whether the Duke Ch‘aou knew propriety, and Confucius said, “He knew propriety.”

2. Confucius having retired, the minister bowed to Woo-ma K‘e to come forward, and said, “I have heard that the superior man is not a partisan. May the superior man be a partisan also? The prince married a daughter of the house of Woo, of the same surname with himself, and called her,—‘The elder lady Tsze of Woo.’ If the prince knew propriety, who does not know it?”

3. Woo-ma K‘e reported these remarks, and the Master said, “I am fortunate! If I have any errors, people are sure to know them.”

XXXI. When the Master was in company with a person who was singing, if he sang well, he would make him repeat the song, while he accompanied it with his own voice.

XXXII. The Master said, “In letters I am perhaps equal to other men, but the character of the superior man, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to.”

XXXIII. The Master said, “The sage and the man of perfect virtue;—how dare I rank myself with them? It may simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without satiety, and teach others without weariness.” Kung-se Hwa said, “This is just what we, the disciples, cannot imitate you in.”

XXXIV. The Master being very sick, Tsze-loo asked leave to pray for him. He said, “May such a thing be done?” Tsze-loo replied, “It may. In the Prayers it is said, ‘Prayer has been made to you, the spirits of the upper and lower worlds.’ ” The Master said, “My praying has been for a long time.”

XXXV. The Master said, “Extravagance leads to insubordination, and parsimony to meanness. It is better to be mean than to be insubordinate.”

XXXVI. The Master said, “The superior man is satisfied and composed; the mean man is always full of distress.”

XXXVII. The Master was mild, and yet dignified; majestic, and yet not fierce; respectful, and yet easy.

BOOK VIII.*

ChapterI. The Master said, “T‘ae-pih may be said to have reached the highest point of virtuous action. Thrice he declined the empire, and the people in ignorance of his motives could not express their approbation of his conduct.”

II.1. The Master said, “Respectfulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes laborious bustle; carefulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes timidity; boldness, without the rules of propriety, becomes insubordination; straightforwardness, without the rules of propriety, becomes rudeness.

2. “When those who are in high stations perform well all their duties to their relations, the people are aroused to virtue. When old ministers and friends are not neglected by them, the people are preserved from meanness.”

III. Tsăng the philosopher being sick, he called to him the disciples of his school, and said, “Uncover my feet, uncover my hands. It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘We should be apprehensive and cautious, as if on the brink of a deep gulf, as if treading on thin ice,’ and so have I been. Now and hereafter, I know my escape from all injury to my person, O ye, my little children.”

IV.1. Tsăng the philosopher being sick, Mang King went to ask how he was.

2. Tsăng said to him, “When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful; when a man is about to die, his words are good.

3. “There are three principles of conduct which the man of high rank should consider specially important:—that in his deportment and manner he keep from violence and heedlessness; that in regulating his countenance he keep near to sincerity; and that in his words and tones he keep far from lowness and impropriety. As to such matters as attending to the sacrificial vessels, there are the proper officers for them.”

V. Tsăng the philosopher said, “Gifted with ability, and yet putting questions to those who were not so; possessed of much, and yet putting questions to those possessed of little; having, as though he had not; full, and yet counting himself as empty; offended against, and yet entering into no altercation:—formerly I had a friend who pursued this style of conduct.”

VI. Tsăng the philosopher said, “Suppose that there is an individual who can be entrusted with the charge of a young orphan prince, and can be commissioned with authority over a State of a hundred le, and whom no emergency however great can drive from his principles:—is such a man a superior man? He is a superior man indeed.”

VII.1. Tsăng the philosopher said, “The scholar may not be without breadth of mind and vigorous endurance. His burden is heavy and his course is long.

2. “Perfect virtue is the burden which he considers it is his to sustain; is it not heavy? Only with death does his course stop;—is it not long?”

VIII.1. The Master said, “It is by the Odes that the mind is aroused.

2. “It is by the Rules of propriety that the character is established.

3. “It is from Music that the finish is received.”

IX. The Master said, “The people may be made to follow a path of action, but they may not be made to understand it.”

X. The Master said, “The man who is fond of daring and is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceed to insubordination. So will the man who is not virtuous, when you carry your dislike of him to an extreme.”

XI. The Master said, “Though a man have abilities as admirable as those of the duke of Chow, yet if he be proud and niggardly, those other things are really not worth being looked at.”

XII. The Master said, “It is not easy to find a man who has learned for three years without coming to be good.”

XIII.1. The Master said, “With sincere faith he unites the love of learning; holding firm to death, he is perfecting the excellence of his course.

2. “Such an one will not enter a tottering state, nor dwell in a disorganized one. When right principles of government prevail in the empire, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he will keep concealed.

3. “When a country is well governed, poverty and a mean condition are things to be ashamed of. When a country is ill governed, riches and honour are things to be ashamed of.”

XIV. The Master said, “He who is not in any particular office, has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties.”

XV. The Master said, “When the music-master, Che, first entered on his office, the finish with the Kwan Ts‘eu was magnificent;—how it filled the ears!”

XVI. The Master said, “Ardent and yet not upright; stupid and yet not attentive; simple and yet not sincere:—such persons I do not understand.”

XVII. The Master said, “Learn as if you could not reach your object, and were always fearing also lest you should lose it.”

XVIII. The Master said, “How majestic was the manner in which Shun and Yu held possession of the empire, as if it were nothing to them!”

XIX.1. The Master said, “Great indeed was Yaou as a sovereign! How majestic was he! It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yaou corresponded to it. How vast was his virtue! The people could find no name for it.

2. “How majestic was he in the works which he accomplished! How glorious in the elegant regulations which he instituted!”

XX.1. Shun had five ministers, and the empire was well governed.

2. King Woo said, “I have ten able ministers.”

3. Confucius said, “Is not the saying that talents are difficult to find, true? Only when the dynasties of T‘ang and Yu met, were they more abundant than in this of Chow; yet there was a woman among its able ministers. There were no more than nine men.”

4. “King Wăn possessed two of the three parts of the empire, and with those he served the dynasty of Yin. The virtue of the house of Chow may be said to have reached the highest point indeed.”

XXI. The Master said, “I can find no flaw in the character of Yu. He used himself coarse food and drink, but displayed the utmost filial piety towards the spirits. His ordinary garments were poor, but he displayed the utmost elegance in his sacrificial cap and apron. He lived in a low mean house, but expended all his strength on the ditches and water-channels. I can find nothing like a flaw in Yu.”

BOOK IX.*

ChapterI. The subjects of which the Master seldom spoke were—profitableness, and also the appointments of Heaven, and perfect virtue.

II.1. A man of the village of Tă-heang said, “Great indeed is the philosopher K‘ung! His learning is extensive, and yet he does not render his name famous by any particular thing.”

2. The Master heard the observation, and said to his disciples, “What shall I practise? Shall I practise charioteering, or shall I practise archery? I will practise charioteering.”

III.1. The Master said, “The linen cap is that prescribed by the rules of ceremony, but now a silk one is worn. It is economical, and I follow the common practice.

2. “The rules of ceremony prescribe the bowing below the hall, but now the practice is to bow only after ascending it. That is arrogant. I continue to bow below the hall, though I oppose the common practice.”

IV. There were four things from which the Master was entirely free. He had no foregone conclusions, no arbitrary predeterminations, no obstinacy, and no egoism.

V.1. The Master was put in fear in K‘wang.

2. He said, “After the death of king Wăn, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me?

3. “If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K‘wang do to me?”

VI.1. A high officer asked Tsze-kung saying, “May we not say that your Master is a sage? How various is his ability!”

2. Tsze-kung said, “Certainly, Heaven has endowed him unlimitedly;—he is about a sage. And, moreover, his ability is various.”

3. The Master heard of the conversation and said, “Does the high officer know me? When I was young, my condition was low, and therefore I acquired my ability in many things, but they were mean matters. Must the superior man have such variety of ability? He does not need variety of ability.”

4. Laou said, “The Master said, ‘Having no official employment, I acquired many arts.’ ”

VII. The Master said, “Am I indeed possessed of knowledge? I am not knowing. But if a mean person, who appears quite empty-like, ask anything of me, I set it forth from one end to the other, and exhaust it.”

VIII. The Master said, “The fung bird does not come; the river sends forth no map:—it is all over with me.”

IX. When the Master saw a person in a mourning dress, or any one with the cap and upper and lower garments of full dress, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they were younger than himself, he would rise up, and if he had to pass by them, he would do so hastily.

X.1. Yen Yuen, in admiration of the Master’s doctrines, sighed and said, “I looked up to them, and they seemed to become more high; I tried to penetrate them, and they seemed to become more firm; I looked at them before me, and suddenly they seemed to be behind.

2. “The Master, by orderly method, skilfully leads men on. He enlarged my mind with learning, and taught me the restraints of propriety.

3. “When I wish to give over the study of his doctrines, I cannot do so, and having exerted all my ability, there seems something to stand right up before me; but though I wish to follow and lay hold of it, I really find no way to do so.”

XI.1. The Master being very ill, Tsze-loo wished the disciples to act as ministers to him.

2. During a remission of his illness, he said, “Long has the conduct of Yew been deceitful! By pretending to have ministers when I have them not, whom should I impose upon? Should I impose upon Heaven?

3. “Moreover, than that I should die in the hands of ministers, is it not better that I should die in the hands of you, my disciples? And though I may not get a great burial, shall I die upon the road?”

XII. Tsze-kung said, “There is a beautiful gem here. Should I lay it up in a case and keep it? or should I seek for a good price and sell it?” The Master said, “Sell it! Sell it! But I would wait till the price was offered.”

XIII.1. The Master was wishing to go and live among the nine wild tribes of the east.

2. Some one said, “They are rude. How can you do such a thing?” The Master said, “If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be?”

XIV. The Master said, “I returned from Wei to Loo, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the Correct Odes and Praise Songs found all their proper place.”

XV. The Master said, “Abroad, to serve the high ministers and officers; at home, to serve one’s father and elder brother; in all duties to the dead, not to dare not to exert one’s-self; and not to be overcome of wine:—what one of these things do I attain to?”

XVI. The Master standing by a stream, said, “It passes on just like this, not ceasing day or night!”

XVII. The Master said, “I have not seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty.”

XVIII. The Master said, “The prosecution of learning may be compared to what may happen in raising a mound. If there want but one basket of earth to complete the work, and I stop, the stopping is my own work. It may be compared to throwing down the earth on the level ground. Though but one basketful is thrown at a time, the advancing with it is my own going forward.”

XIX. The Master said, “Never flagging when I set forth anything to him;—ah! that is Hwuy.”

XX. The Master said of Yen Yuen, “Alas! I saw his constant advance. I never saw him stop in his progress.”

XXI. The Master said, “There are cases in which the blade springs, but the plant does not go on to flower! There are cases where it flowers, but no fruit is subsequently produced!”

XXII. The Master said, “A youth is to be regarded with respect. How do we know that his future will not be equal to our present? If he reach the age of forty or fifty, and has not made himself heard of, then indeed he will not be worth being regarded with respect.”

XXIII. The Master said, “Can men refuse to assent to the words of strict admonition? But it is reforming the conduct because of them which is valuable. Can men refuse to be pleased with words of gentle advice? But it is unfolding their aim which is valuable. If a man be pleased with these words, but does not unfold their aim, and assents to those, but does not reform his conduct, I can really do nothing with him.”

XXIV. The Master said, “Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles. Have no friends not equal to yourself. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.”

XXV. The Master said, “The commander of the forces of a large State may be carried off, but the will of even a common man cannot be taken from him.”

XXVI.1. The Master said, “Dressed himself in a tattered robe quilted with hemp, yet standing by the side of men dressed in furs, and not ashamed;—ah! it is Yew who is equal to this.

2. “ ‘He dislikes none, he covets nothing!—what does he do which is not good?’ ”

3. Tsze-loo kept continually repeating these words of the ode, when the Master said, “Those ways are by no means sufficient to constitute perfect excellence.”

XXVII. The Master said, “When the year becomes cold, then we know how the pine and the cypress are the last to lose their leaves.”

XXVIII. The Master said, “The wise are free from perplexities; the virtuous from anxiety; and the bold from fear.”

XXIX. The Master said, “There are some with whom we may study in common, but we shall find them unable to go along with us to principles. Perhaps we may go on with them to principles, but we shall find them unable to get established in those along with us. Or if we may get so established along with them, we shall find them unable to weigh occurring events along with us.”

XXX.1. How the flowers of the aspen-plum flutter and turn! Do I not think of you? But your house is distant.

2. The Master said, “It is the want of thought about it. How is it distant?”

BOOK X.*

ChapterI.1. Confucius, in his village, looked simple and sincere, and as if he were one who was not able to speak.

2. When he was in the prince’s ancestorial temple, or in the court, he spoke minutely on every point, but cautiously.

II.1. When he was waiting at court, in speaking with the officers of the lower grade, he spake freely, but in a straightforward manner; in speaking with the officers of the higher grade, he did so blandly, but precisely.

2. When the prince was present, his manner displayed respectful uneasiness; it was grave, but self-possessed.

III.I. When the prince called him to employ him in the reception of a visitor, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to bend beneath him.

2. He inclined himself to the other officers among whom he stood, moving his left or right arm, as their position required, but keeping the skirts of his robe before and behind evenly adjusted.

3. He hastened forward, with his arms like the wings of a bird.

4. When the guest had retired, he would report to the prince, “The visitor is not turning round any more.”

IV.1. When he entered the palace gate, he seemed to bend his body, as if it were not sufficient to admit him.

2. When he was standing, he did not occupy the middle of the gate-way; when he passed in or out, he did not tread upon the threshold.

3. When he was passing the vacant place of the prince, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to bend under him, and his words came like those of one who hardly had breath to utter them.

4. He ascended the dais, holding up his robe with both his hands, and his body bent; holding in his breath also, as if he dared not breathe.

5. When he came out from the audience, as soon as he had descended one step, he began to relax his countenance, and had a satisfied look. When he had got to the bottom of the steps, he advanced rapidly to his place, with his arms like wings, and on occupying it, his manner still showed respectful uneasiness.

V.1. When he was carrying the sceptre of his prince, he seemed to bend his body, as if he were not able to bear its weight. He did not hold it higher than the position of the hands in making a bow, nor lower than their position in giving anything to another. His countenance seemed to change, and look apprehensive, and he dragged his feet along as if they were held by something to the ground.

2. In presenting the presents with which he was charged, he wore a placid appearance.

3. At his private audience, he looked highly pleased.

VI.1. The superior man did not use a deep purple, or a puce colour, in the ornaments of his dress.

2. Even in his undress, he did not wear anything of a red or reddish colour.

3. In warm weather, he had a single garment either of coarse or fine texture, but he wore it displayed over an inner garment.

4. Over lamb’s fur he wore a garment of black; over fawn’s fur one of white; and over fox’s fur one of yellow.

5. The fur robe of his undress was long, with the right sleeve short.

6. He required his sleeping dress to be half as long again as his body.

7. When staying at home, he used thick furs of the fox or the badger.

8. When he put off mourning, he wore all the appendages of the girdle.

9. His under garment, except when it was required to be of the curtain shape, was made of silk cut narrow above and wide below.

10. He did not wear lamb’s fur, or a black cap, on a visit of condolence.

11. On the first day of the month, he put on his court robes, and presented himself at court.

VII.1. When fasting, he thought it necessary to have his clothes brightly clean, and made of linen cloth.

2. When fasting, he thought it necessary to change his food, and also to change the place where he commonly sat in the apartment.

VIII.1. He did not dislike to have his rice finely cleaned, nor to have his minced meat cut quite small.

2. He did not eat rice which had been injured by heat or damp and turned sour, nor fish or flesh which was gone. He did not eat what was discoloured; nor what was of a bad flavour; nor anything which was badly cooked; nor that which was not in season.

3. He did not eat meat which was not cut properly, nor what was served without its proper sauce.

4. Though there might be a large quantity of meat, he would not allow what he took to exceed the due proportion for the rice. It was only in wine that he laid down no limit for himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.

5. He did not partake of wine and dried meat bought in the market.

6. He was never without ginger when he ate.

7. He did not eat much.

8. When he had been assisting at the ducal sacrifice, he did not keep the flesh which he received over night. The flesh of his family sacrifice he did not keep over three days. If kept over three days, people could not eat it.

9. When eating, he did not converse. When in bed, he did not speak.

10. Although his food might be coarse rice and vegetable soup, he would offer a little of it in sacrifice with a grave respectful air.

IX. If his mat was not straight, he did not sit on it.

X.1. When the villagers were drinking together, on those who carried staves going out, he went out immediately after.

2. When the villagers were going through their ceremonies to drive away pestilential influences, he put on his court robes and stood on the eastern steps.

XI.1. When he was sending complimentary inquiries to any one in another state, he bowed twice as he escorted the messenger away.

2.Ke K‘ang having sent him a present of physic, he bowed and received it, saying, “I do not know it. I dare not taste it.”

XII. The stable being burned down, when he was at court, on his return he said, “Has any man been hurt?” He did not ask about the horses.

XIII.1. When the prince sent him a gift of cooked meat, he would adjust his mat, first taste it, and then give it away to others. When the prince sent him a gift of undressed meat, he would have it cooked, and offer it to the spirits of his ancestors. When the prince sent him a gift of a living animal, he would keep it alive.

2. When he was in attendance on the prince and joining in the entertainment, the prince only sacrificed; but he first tasted everything.

3. When he was sick and the prince came to visit him, he had his head to the east, made his court robes be spread over him, and drew his girdle across them.

4. When the prince’s order called him, without waiting for his carriage to be yoked, he went at once.

XIV. When he entered the ancestral temple of the state, he asked about everything.

XV.1. When any of his friends died, if he had no relations who could be depended on for the necessary offices, he would say, “I will bury him.”

2. When a friend sent him a present, though it might be a carriage and horses, he did not bow. The only present for which he bowed was that of the flesh of sacrifice.

XVI.1. In bed, he did not lie like a corpse. At home, he did not put on any formal deportment.

2. When he saw any one in a mourning dress, though it might be an acquaintance, he would change countenance; when he saw any one wearing the cap of full dress, or a blind person, though he might be in his undress, he would salute them in a ceremonious manner.

3. To any person in mourning he bowed forward to the crossbar of his carriage; he bowed in the same way to any one bearing the tables of population.

4. When he was at an entertainment where there was an abundance of provisions set before him, he would change countenance and rise up.

5. On a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he would change countenance.

XVII.1. When he was about to mount his carriage, he would stand straight, holding the cord.

2. When he was in the carriage, he did not turn his head quite round, he did not talk hastily, he did not point with his hands.

XVIII.I.Seeing the countenance, it instantly rises. It flies round, and by-and-by settles.

2.The Master said, “There is the hen-pheasant on the hill bridge. At its season! At its season!” Tsze-loo made a motion to it. Thrice it smelt him and then rose.

BOOK XI.*

ChapterI.1. The Master said, “The men of former times, in the matters of ceremonies and music, were rustics, it is said, while the men of these latter times, in ceremonies and music, are accomplished gentlemen.

2. “If I have occasion to use these things, I follow the men of former times.”

II.1. The Master said, “Of those who were with me in Ch‘in and Ts‘ae, there are none to be found to enter my door.”

2. Distinguished for their virtuous principles and practice, there were Yen Yuen, Min Tsze-k‘een, Yen Pihnew, and Chung-kung; for their ability in speech, Tsae Wo and Tsze-kung; for their administrative talents, Yen Yew and Ke Loo; for their literary acquirements, Tsze-yew and Tsze-hea.

III. The Master said, “Hwuy gives me no assistance. There is nothing that I say in which he does not delight.”

IV. The Master said, “Filial indeed is Min Tsze-k‘een! Other people say nothing of him different from the report of his parents and brothers.”

V. Nan Yung was frequently repeating the lines about a white sceptre-stone. Confucius gave him the daughter of his elder brother to wife.

VI. Ke K‘ang asked which of the disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, “There was Yen Hwuy; he loved to learn. Unfortunately his appointed time was short, and he died. Now there is no one who loves to learn, as he did.”

VII.1. When Yen Yuen died, Yen Loo begged the carriage of the Master to get an outer shell for his son’s coffin.

2. The Master said, “Every one calls his son his son, whether he has talents or has not talents. There was Le; when he died, he had a coffin, but no outer shell. I would not walk on foot to get a shell for him, because, following after the great officers, it was not proper that I should walk on foot.”

VIII. When Yen Yuen died, the Master said, “Alas! Heaven is destroying me! Heaven is destroying me!”

IX.1. When Yen Yuen died, the Master bewailed him exceedingly, and the disciples who were with him said, “Sir, your grief is excessive?”

2. “Is it excessive?” said he.

3. “If I am not to mourn bitterly for this man, for whom should I mourn?”

X.1. When Yen Yuen died, the disciples wished to give him a great funeral, and the Master said, “You may not do so.”

2. The disciples did bury him in great style.

3. The Master said, “Hwuy behaved towards me as his father. I have not been able to treat him as my son. The fault is not mine; it belongs to you, O disciples.”

XI. Ke Loo asked about serving the spirits of the dead. The Master said, “While you are not able to serve men, how can you serve their spirits?” Ke Loo added, “I venture to ask about death?” He was answered, “While you do not know life, how can you know about death?”

XII.1. The disciple Min was standing by his side, looking bland and precise; Tsze-loo, looking bold and soldierly; Yen Yew and Tsze-kung, with a free and straight-forward manner. The Master was pleased.

2. He said, “Yew there!—he will not die a natural death.”

XIII.1. Some parties in Loo were going to take down and rebuild the Long treasury.

2. Min Tsze-k‘een said, “Suppose it were to be repaired after its old style;—why must it be altered, and made anew?”

3. The Master said, “This man seldom speaks; when he does, he is sure to hit the point.”

XIV.1. The Master said, “What has the harpsichord of Yew to do in my door?”

2. The other disciples began not to respect Tsze-loo. The Master said, “Yew has ascended to the hall, though he has not yet passed into the inner apartments.”

XV.1. Tsze-kung asked which of the two, Sze or Shang, was the superior. The Master said, “Sze goes beyond the due Mean, and Shang does not come up to it.”

2. “Then,” said Tsze-kung, “the superiority is with Sze, I suppose.”

3. The Master said, “To go beyond is as wrong as to fall short.”

XVI.1. The head of the Ke family was richer than the duke of Chow had been, and yet K‘ew collected his imposts for him, and increased his wealth.

2. The Master said, “He is no disciple of mine. My little children, beat the drum and assail him.”

XVII.1. Ch‘ae is simple.

2. Sin is dull.

3. Sze is specious.

4. Yew is coarse.

XVIII.1. The Master said, “There is Hwuy! He has nearly attained to perfect virtue. He is often in want.”

2. “Tsze does not acquiesce in the appointments of Heaven, and his goods are increased by him. Yet his judgments are often correct.”

XIX. Tsze-chang asked what were the characteristics of the good man. The Master said, “He does not tread in the footsteps of others, but, moreover, he does not enter the chamber of the sage.”

XX. The Master said, “If, because a man’s discourse appears solid and sincere, we allow him to be a good man, is he really a superior man? or is his gravity only in appearance?”

XXI.1. Tsze-loo asked whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard. The Master said, “There are your father and elder brothers to be consulted;—why should you act on that principle of immediately carrying into practice what you hear?” Yen Yew asked the same, whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard, and the Master answered, “Immediately carry into practice what you hear.” Kung-se Hwa said, “Yew asked whether he should carry immediately into practice what he heard, and you said, ‘There are your father and elder brothers to be consulted.’ K‘ew asked whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard, and you said, ‘Carry it immediately into practice.’ I, Ch‘ih, am perplexed, and venture to ask you for an explanation.” The Master said, “K‘ew is retiring and slow; therefore I urged him forward. Yew has more than his own share of energy; therefore I kept him back.”

XXII. The Master was put in fear in K‘wang and Yen Yuen fell behind. The Master, on his rejoining him, said, “I thought you had died.” Hwuy replied, “While you were alive, how should I presume to die?”

XXIII.1. Ke Tsze-jen asked whether Chung-yew and Yen K‘ew could be called great ministers.

2. The Master said, “I thought you would ask about some extraordinary individuals, and you only ask about Yew and K‘ew!

3. “What is called a great minister, is one who serves his prince according to what is right, and when he finds he cannot do so, retires.”

4. “Now, as to Yew and K‘ew, they may be called ordinary ministers.”

5. Tsze-jen said, “Then they will always follow their chief;—will they?”

6. The Master said, “In an act of parricide or regicide, they would not follow him.”

XXIV.1. Tsze-loo got Tsze-kaou appointed governor of Pe.

2. The Master said, “You are injuring a man’s son.”

3. Tsze-loo said, “There are (there) common people and officers; there are the altars of the spirits of the land and grain. Why must one read books before he can be considered to have learned?”

4. The Master said, “It is on this account that I hate your glib-tongued people.”

XXV.1. Tsze-loo, Tsăng Sih, Yen Yew, and Kung-se Hwa, were sitting by the Master.

2. He said to them, though I am a day or so older than you, don’t think of that.

3. “From day to day you are saying, ‘We are not known.’ If some prince were to know you, what would you do?”

4. Tsze-loo hastily and lightly replied, “Suppose the case of a state of ten thousand chariots; let it be straitened between other large states; let it be suffering from invading armies; and to this let there be added a famine in corn and in all vegetables;—if I were intrusted with the government of it, in three years’ time I could make the people to be bold, and to recognize the rules of righteous conduct.” The Master smiled at him.

5.Turning to Yen Yew, he said, “K‘ew, what are your wishes?” K‘ew replied, “Suppose a state of sixty or seventy le square, or one of fifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it;—in three years’ time I could make plenty to abound among the people. As to teaching them the principles of propriety and music, I must wait for the rise of a superior man to do that.”

6. “What are your wishes, Ch‘ih, said the Master next to Kung-se Hwa. Ch‘ih replied, I do not say that my ability extends to these things, but I should wish to learn them. At the services of the ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the princes with the emperor, I should like, dressed in the dark square-made robe and the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant.”

7.Last of all, the Master asked T‘săng Sih, “Teen, what are your wishes?” Teen, pausing as he was playing on his harpsichord, while it was yet twanging, laid the instrument aside, and rose. “My wishes,” he said, “are different from the cherished purposes of these three gentlemen.” “What harm is there in that?” said the Master; “do you also, as well as they, speak out your wishes.” Teen then said, “In this, the last month of spring, with the dress of the season all complete, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the E, enjoy the breeze among the rain-altars, and return home singing.” The Master heaved a sigh and said, “I give my approval to Teen.”

8. The three others having gone out, Tsăng Sih remained behind, and said, “What do you think of the words of these three friends?” The Master replied, “They simply told each one his wishes.”

9.Teen pursued, “Master, why did you smile at Yew?”

10. He was answered, “The management of a state demands the rules of propriety. His words were not humble; therefore I smiled at him.”

11.Teen again said, “But was it not a state which K‘ew proposed for himself?” The reply was, “Yes; did you ever see a territory of sixty or seventy le, or one of fifty or sixty, which was not a state?”

12.Once more Teen inquired, “And was it not a state which Ch‘ih proposed for himself?” The Master again replied, “Yes; who but princes have to do with ancestral temples, and audiences with the emperor? If Ch‘ih were to be a small assistant in these services, who could be a great one?”

BOOK XII.*

ChapterI.1. Yen Yuen asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, “To subdue one’s self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue. If a man can for one day subdue himself and return to propriety, all under heaven will ascribe perfect virtue to him. Is the practice of perfect virtue from a man himself, or is it from others?”

2. Yen Yuen said, “I beg to ask the steps of that process.” The Master replied, “Look not at what is contrary to propriety; listen not to what is contrary to propriety; speak not what is contrary to propriety; make no movement which is contrary to propriety.” Yen Yuen then said, “Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise this lesson.”

II. Chung-kung asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, “It is, when you go abroad, to behave to every one as if you were receiving a great guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice; not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have no murmuring against you in the country, and none in the family.” Chung-kung said, “Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise this lesson.”

III.1. Sze-ma New asked about perfect virtue.

2. The Master said, “The man of perfect virtue is cautious and slow in his speech.”

3. “Cautious and slow in his speech!” said New;—“is this what is meant by perfect virtue?” The Master said, “When a man feels the difficulty of doing, can he be other than cautious and slow in speaking?”

IV.1. Sze-ma New asked about the superior man. The Master said, “The superior man has neither anxiety nor fear.”

2. “Being without anxiety or fear!” said New;—“does this constitute what we call the superior man?”

3. The Master said, “When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what is there to be anxious about, what is there to fear?”

V.1. Sze-ma New, full of anxiety, said, “Other men all have their brothers, I only have not.”

2. Tsze-hea said to him, “There is the following saying which I have heard:—

3. “ ‘Death and life have their determined appointment; riches and honours depend upon Heaven.’

4. “Let the superior man never fail reverentially to order his own conduct, and let him be respectful to others and observant of propriety:—then all within the four seas will be his brothers. What has the superior man to do with being distressed because he has no brothers?”

VI. Tsze-chang asked what constituted intelligence. The Master said, “He with whom neither slander that gradually soaks into the mind, nor statements that startle like a wound in the flesh, are successful, may be called intelligent indeed. Yea, he with whom neither soaking slander, nor startling statements, are successful, may be called far-seeing.”

VII.1. Tsze-kung asked about government. The Master said, “The requisites of government (illegible) that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler.”

2. Tsze-kung said, “If it cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, which of the three should be foregone first?” “The military equipment,” said the Master.

3. Tsze-kung again asked, “If it cannot be helped, and one of the remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should be foregone?” The Master answered, “Part with the food. From of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the State.”

VIII.1. Kih Tsze-shing said, “In a superior man it is only the substantial qualities which are wanted;—why should we seek for ornamental accomplishments?”

2. Tsze-kung said, “Alas! Your words, sir, show you to be a superior man, but four horses cannot overtake the tongue.

“Ornament is as substance; substance is as ornament. The hide of a tiger or leopard stript of its hair is like the hide of a dog or goat stript of its hair.”

IX.1. The Duke Gae inquired of Yew Jŏ, saying, “The year is one of scarcity, and the returns for expenditure are not sufficient;—what is to done?”

2.Yew Jŏ replied to him, “Why not simply tithe the people.”

3. “With two tenths,” said the duke, “I find them not enough;—how could I do with that system of one tenth?”

4. Yew Jŏ answered, “If the people have plenty, their prince will not be left to want alone. If the people are in want, their prince cannot enjoy plenty alone.”

X.1. Tsze-chang having asked how virtue was to be exalted, and delusions to be discovered, the Master said, “Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles, and be moving continually to what is right;—this is the way to exalt one’s virtue.

2. “You love a man and wish him to live; you hate him and wish him to die. Having wished him to live, you also wish him to die. This is a case of delusion.

3. “ ‘It may not be on account of his being rich, yet you come to make a difference.’ ”

XI.1. The Duke King, of Ts‘e, asked Confucius about government.

2. Confucius replied, “There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son.”

3. “Good!” said the duke; “if, indeed, the prince be not prince, the minister not minister, the father not father, and the son not son, although I have my revenue, can I enjoy it?”

XII.1. The Master said, “Ah! it is Yew, who could with half a word settle litigations!”

2. Tsze-loo never slept over a promise.

XIII. The Master said, “In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary, is to cause the people to have no litigations.”

XIV. Tsze-chang asked about government. The Master said, “The art of governing is to keep its affairs before the mind without weariness, and to practise them with undeviating consistency.”

XV. The Master said, “By extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, one may thus likewise not err from what is right.”

XVI. The Master said, “The superior man seeks to perfect the admirable qualities of men, and does not seek to perfect their bad qualities. The mean man does the opposite of this.”

XVII. Ke K‘ang asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, “To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?”

XVIII. Ke K‘ang distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired of Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, “If you, sir, were not covetous, although you should reward them to do it, they would not steal.

XIX. Ke K‘ang asked Confucius about government, saying, “What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of the principled?” Confucius replied, “Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend when the wind blows across it.”

XX.1. Tsze-chang asked, “What must the officer be, who may be said to be distinguished?”

2. The Master said, “What is it you call being distinguished?”

3. Tsze-chang replied, “It is to be heard of through the State, to be heard of through the Family.”

4. The Master said, “That is notoriety, not distinction.

5. “Now, the man of distinction is solid and straightforward, and loves righteousness. He examines people’s words, and looks at their countenances. He is anxious to humble himself to others. Such a man will be distinguished in the country; he will be distinguished in the Family.

6. “As to the man of notoriety, he assumes the appearance of virtue, but his actions are opposed to it, and he rests in this character without any doubts about himself. Such a man will be heard of in the country; he will be heard of in the Family.”

XXI.1. Fan-ch‘e rambling with the Master under the trees about the rain-altars, said, “I venture to ask how to exalt virtue, to correct cherished evil, and to discover delusions.”

2. The Master said, “Truly a good question!

3. “If doing what is to be done be made the first business, and success a secondary consideration;—is not this the way to exalt virtue? To assail one’s own wickedness and not assail that of others;—is not this the way to correct cherished evil? For a morning’s anger, to disregard one’s own life, and involve that of one’s parents;—is not this a case of delusion?”

XXII.1. Fan Ch‘e asked about benevolence. The Master said, “It is to love all men.” He asked about knowledge. The Master said, “It is to know all men.”

2. Fan Ch‘e did not immediately understand these answers.

3. The Master said, “Employ the upright and put aside all the crooked;—in this way, the crooked can be made to be upright.”

4. Fan Ch‘e retired, and seeing Tsze-hea, he said to him, “A little ago, I had an interview with our Master, and asked him about knowledge. He said, ‘Employ the upright, and put aside all the crooked;—in this way, the crooked can be made to be upright.’ What did he mean?”

5. Tsze-hea said, “Truly rich is his saying!

6. “Shun, being in possession of the empire, selected from among all the people, and employed Kaou-yaou, on which all who were devoid of virtue disappeared. T‘ang being in possession of the empire, selected from among all the people, and employed E-Yin, and all who were devoid of virtue disappeared.”

XXIII. Tsze-kung asked about friendship. The Master said, “Faithfully admonish your friend, and kindly try to lead him. If you find him impracticable, stop. Do not disgrace yourself.”

XXIV. The philosopher Tsăng said, “The superior man on literary grounds meets with his friends, and by their friendship helps his virtue.”

BOOK XIII.*

ChapterI.1. Tsze-loo asked about government. The Master said, “Go before the people with your example, and be laborious in their affairs.”

2. He requested further instruction, and was answered, “be not weary in these things.”

II.1. Chung-kung, being chief minister to the head of the Ke family, asked about government. The Master said, “Employ first the services of your various officers, pardon small faults, and raise to office men of virtue and talents.”

2.Chung-kung said, “How shall I know the men of virtue and talent, so that I may raise them to office?” He was answered, “Raise to office those whom you know. As to those whom you do not know, will others neglect them?”

III.1. Tsze-loo said, “The prince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?”

2. The Master replied, “What is necessary is to rectify names.”

3. “So, indeed!” said Tsze-loo. “You are wide of the mark. Why must there be such rectification?”

4. The Master said, “How uncultivated you are, Yew! A superior man, in regard to what he does not know, shows a cautious reserve.”

5. “If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.

6. “When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.

7. “Therefore, a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect.”

IV.1. Fan Ch‘e requested to be taught husbandry. The Master said, “I am not so good for that as an old husbandman.” He requested also to be taught gardening, and was answered, “I am not so good for that as an old gardener.”

2. Fan Ch‘e having gone out, the Master said, “A small man, indeed, is Fan Seu!”

3. “If a superior man love propriety, the people will not dare not to be reverent. If he love righteousness, the people will not dare not to submit to his example. If he love good faith, the people will not dare not to be sincere. Now, when these things obtain, the people from all quarters will come to him, bearing their children on their backs. What need has he of a knowledge of husbandry?”

V. The Master said, “Though a man may be able to recite the three hundred odes, yet if, when intrusted with a governmental charge, he knows not how to act, or if, when sent to any quarter on a mission, he cannot give his replies unassisted, notwithstanding the extent of his learning, of what practical use is it?”

VI. The Master said, “When a prince’s personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed.”

VII. The Master said, “The governments of Loo and Wei are brothers.”

VIII. The Master said of King, a scion of the ducal family of Wei, that he knew the economy of a family well. When he began to have means, he said, “Ha! here is a collection!” when they were a little increased, he said, “Ha! this is complete!” when he had become rich, he said, “Ha! this is admirable!”

IX.1. When the Master went to Wei, Yen Yew acted as driver of his carriage.

2. The Master observed, “How numerous are the people!”

3. Yew said, “Since they are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?” “Enrich them,” was the reply.

4. “And when they have been enriched, what more shall be done?” The Master said, “Teach them.”

X. The Master said, “If there were any of the princes who would employ me, in the course of twelve months, I should have done something considerable. In three years, the government would be perfected.”

XI. The Master said, “ ‘If good men were to govern a country in succession for a hundred years, they would be able to transform the violently bad, and dispense with capital punishments.’ True indeed is this saying!”

XII. The Master said, “If a truly royal ruler were to arise, it would still require a generation, and then virtue would prevail.”

XIII. The Master said, “If a minister make his own conduct correct, what difficulty will he have in assisting in government? If he cannot rectify himself, what has he to do with rectifying others?”

XIV. The disciple Yen returning from the court, the Master said to him, “How are you so late?” He replied, “We had government business.” The Master said, “It must have been Family affairs. If there had been government business, though I am not now in office, I should have been consulted about it.”

XV.1. The Duke Ting asked whether there was a single sentence which could make a country prosperous. Confucius replied, “Such an effect cannot be expected from one sentence.

2. “There is a saying, however, which people have—‘To be a prince is difficult; to be a minister is not easy.’

“If a ruler knows this,—the difficulty of being a prince,—may there not be expected from this one sentence the prosperity of his country?”

4.The duke then said, “Is there a single sentence which can ruin a country?” Confucius replied, “Such an effect as that cannot be expected from one sentence. There is, however, the saying which people have—‘I have no pleasure in being a prince, only in that no one offer any opposition to what I say!’

5. “If a ruler’s words be good, is it not also good that no one oppose them? But if they are not good, and no one opposes them, may there not be expected from this one sentence the ruin of his country?”

XVI.1. The duke of Shĕ asked about government.

2. The Master said, “Good government obtains, when those who are near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted.”

XVII. Tsze-hea, being governor of Keu-foo, asked about government. The Master said, “Do not be desirous to have things done quickly; do not look at small advantages. Desire to have things done quickly prevents their being done thoroughly. Looking at small advantages prevents great affairs from being accomplished.”

XVIII.1. The duke of Shĕ informed Confucius, saying, “Among us here there are those who may be styled upright in their conduct. If their father have stolen a sheep, they will bear witness to the fact.”

2. Confucius said, “Among us, in our part of the country, those who are upright are different from this. The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Uprightness is to be found in this.”

XIX. Fan Ch‘e asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, “It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among rude uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected.”

XX.1. Tsze-kung asked, saying, “What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called an officer?” The Master said, “He who in his conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, and when sent to any quarter will not disgrace his prince’s commission, deserves to be called an officer.”

2.Tsze-kung pursued, “I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank?” and he was told, “He whom the circle of his relatives pronounce to be filial, whom his fellow-villagers and neighbours pronounce to be fraternal.”

3.Again the disciple asked, “I venture to ask about the class still next in order.” The Master said, “They are determined to be sincere in what they say, and to carry out what they do. They are obstinate little men. Yet perhaps they may make the next class.”

4.Tsze-kung finally inquired, “Of what sort are those of the present day, who engage in government?” The Master said, “Pooh! they are so many pecks and hampers, not worth being taken into account.”

XXI. The Master said, “Since I cannot get men pursuing the due medium, to whom I might communicate my instructions, I must find the ardent and the cautiously-decided. The ardent will advance and lay hold of truth; the cautiously-decided will keep themselves from what is wrong.”

XXII.1. The Master said, “The people of the south have a saying—‘A man without constancy cannot be either a wizard or a doctor.’ Good!

2. “Inconstant in his virtue, he will be visited with disgrace.”

3. The Master said, “This arises simply from not prognosticating.”

XXIII. The Master said, “The superior man is affable, but not adulatory; the mean is adulatory, but not affable.”

XXIV. Tsze-kung asked saying, “What do you say of a man who is loved by all the people of his village?” The Master replied, “We may not for that accord our approval of him.” “And what do you say of him who is hated by all the people of his village?” The Master said, “We may not for that conclude that he is bad. It is better than either of these cases that the good in the village love him, and the bad hate him.”

XXV. The Master said, “The superior man is easy to serve and difficult to please. If you try to please him in any way which is not accordant with right, he will not be pleased. But in his employment of men, he uses them according to their capacity. The mean man is difficult to serve, and easy to please. If you try to please him, though it be in a way which is not accordant with right, he may be pleased. But in his employment of men, he wishes them to be equal to everything.”

XXVI. The Master said, “The superior man has a dignified ease without pride. The mean man has pride without a dignified ease.”

XXVII. The Master said, “The firm, the enduring, the simple, and the modest, are near to virtue.”

XXVIII. Tsze-loo asked saying, “What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called a scholar?” The Master said, “He must be thus,—earnest, urgent, and bland:—among his friends, earnest and urgent; among his brethren, bland.”

XXIX. The Master said, “Let a good man teach the people seven years, and they may then likewise be employed in war.”

XXX. The Master said, “To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them away.”

BOOK XIV.*

ChapterI. Hëen asked what might be considered shameful. The Master said, “When good government prevails in a State, to be thinking only of his salary; and, when bad government prevails, to be thinking in the same way, only of his salary;—this is shameful.”

II.1. “When the love of superiority, boasting, resentments, and covetousness are repressed, may this be deemed perfect virtue?”

2. The Master said, “This may be regarded as the achievement of what is difficult. But I do not know that it is to be deemed perfect virtue.”

III. The Master said, “The scholar who cherishes the love of comfort, is not fit to be deemed a scholar.”

IV. The Master said, “When good government prevails in a State, language may be lofty and bold, and actions the same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be lofty and bold, but the language may be with some reserve.”

V. The Master said, “The virtuous will be sure to speak correctly, but those whose speech is good may not always be virtuous. Men of principle are sure to be bold, but those who are bold may not always be men of principle.”

VI. Nan-kung Kwŏh, submitting an inquiry to Confucius, said, “E was skilful at archery, and Ngaou could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu and Tseih personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the empire.” The Master made no reply, but when Nan-kung Kwŏh went out, he said, “A superior man indeed is this! An esteemer of virtue indeed is this!”

VII. The Master said, “Superior men, and yet not always virtuous, there have been, alas! But there never has been a mean man, and, at the same time, virtuous.”

VIII. The Master said, “Can there be love which does not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object?”

IX. The Master said, “In preparing the governmental notifications, P‘e Shin first made the rough draught; She-shuh examined and discussed its contents; Tsze-yu, the manager of Foreign intercourse, then improved and polished it; and, finally, Tsze-ch‘an of Tungle gave it the proper softness and finish.”

X.1. Some one asked about Tsze-ch‘an. The Master said, “He was a kind man.”

2. He asked about Tsze-se. The Master said, “That man! That man!”

3. He asked about Kwan Chung. “For him,” said the Master, “the city of Peen, with three hundred families, was taken from the chief of the Pih family, who did not utter a murmuring word, though, till he was toothless, he had only coarse rice to eat.”

XI. The Master said, “To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be rich without being proud is easy.”

XII. The Master said, “Măng Kung-ch‘ŏ is more than fit to be chief officer in the Families of Chaou and Wei, but he is not fit to be minister to either of the States T‘ăng or Sëĕ.”

XIII.1. Tsze-loo asked what constituted a complete man. The Master said, “Suppose a man with the knowledge of Tsang Woo-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-ch‘ŏ, the bravery of Chwang of Peen, and the varied talents of Yen K‘ew; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of propriety and music:—such an one might be reckoned a complete man.”

2.He then added, “But what is the necessity for a complete man of the present day to have all these things? The man, who in the view of gain thinks of righteousness; who in the view of danger is prepared to give up his life; and who does not forget an old agreement, however far back it extends:—such a man may be reckoned a complete man.”

XIV.1. The Master asked Kung-ming Kea about Kung-shuh Wăn, saying, “Is it true that your master speaks not, laughs not, and takes not?”

2. Kung-ming Kea replied, “This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth.—My master speaks when it is the time to speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He laughs when there is occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tired of his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking.” The Master said, “So! But is it so with him?”

XV. The Master said, “Tsang Woo-chung, keeping possession of Fang, asked of the duke of Loo to appoint a successor to him in his Family. Although it may be said that he was not using force with his sovereign, I believe he was.”

XVI. The Master said, “The Duke Wăn of Tsin was crafty and not upright. The Duke Hwan of Ts‘e was upright and not crafty.”

XVII.1. Tsze-loo said, “The Duke Hwan caused his brother Kew to be killed, when Shaou Hwŭh died with his master, but Kwan Chung did not do so. May not I say that he was wanting in virtue?”

2. The Master said, “The Duke Hwan assembled all the princes together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots:—it was all through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence was like his? Whose beneficence was like his?”

XVIII.1. Tsze-kung said, “Kwan Chung, I apprehend, was wanting in virtue. When the Duke Hwan caused his brother Kew to be killed, Kwan Chung was not able to die with him. Moreover, he became prime minister to Hwan.”

2. The Master said, “Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to the Duke Hwan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the whole empire. Down to the present day, the people enjoy the gifts which he conferred. But for Kwan Chung, we should now be wearing our hair dishevelled, and the lappets of our coats buttoning on the left side.

3. “Will you require from him the small fidelity of common men and common women, who would commit suicide in a stream or ditch, no one knowing anything about them?”

XIX.1. The officer, Sëen, who had been family-minister to Kung-shuh Wăn, ascended to the prince’s court in company with Wăn.

2. The Master having heard of it, said, “He deserves to be considered wĂn.”

XX.1. The Master was speaking about the unprincipled course of the Duke Ling of Wei, when Ke K‘ang said, “Since he is of such a character, how is it he does not lose his throne?”

2. Confucius said, “The Chung-shuh, Yu, has the superintendence of his guests and of strangers; the litanist, T‘o, has the management of his ancestral temple; and Wang-sun Kea has the direction of the army and forces:—with such officers as these, how should he lose his throne?”

XXI. The Master said, “He who speaks without modesty will find it difficult to make his words good.”

XXII.1. Ch‘in Ch‘ing murdered the Duke Keen of Ts‘e.

2. Confucius bathed, went to court, and informed the Duke Gae, saying, “Ch‘in Hăng has slain his sovereign. I beg that you will undertake to punish him.”

3. The duke said, “Inform the chiefs of the three families of it.”

4. Confucius retired, and said, “Following, as I do, in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter, and my prince says, ‘Inform the chiefs of the three families of it.’ ”

5. He went to the chiefs, and informed them, but they would not act. Confucius then said, “Following in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter.”

XXIII. Tsze-loo asked how a sovereign should be served. The Master said, “Do not impose on him, and, moreover, withstand him to his face.”

XXIV. The Master said, “The progress of the superior man is upwards; the progress of the mean man is downwards.”

XXV. The Master said, “In ancient times, men learned with a view to their own improvement. Now-a-days, men learn with a view to the approbation of others.”

XXVI.1. Keu Pih-yuh sent a messenger with friendly inquiries to Confucius.

2. Confucius sat with him, and questioned him. “What,” said he, “is your master engaged in?” The messenger replied, “My master is anxious to make his faults few, but he has not yet succeeded.” He then went out, and the Master said, “A messenger indeed! A messenger indeed!”

XXVII. The Master said, “He who is not in any particular office has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties.”

XXVIII.1. The philosopher Tsăng said, “The superior man, in his thoughts, does not go out of his place.”

XXIX. The Master said, “The superior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions.”

XXX.1. The Master said, “The way of the superior man is threefold, but I am not equal to it. Virtuous, he is free from anxieties; wise, he is free from perplexities; bold, he is free from fear.”

2. Tsze-kung said, “Master, that is what you yourself say.”

XXXI. Tsze-kung was in the habit of comparing men together. The Master said, “Ts‘ze must have reached a high pitch of excellence! Now, I have not leisure for this.”

XXXII. The Master said, “I will not be concerned at men’s not knowing me; I will be concerned at my own want of ability.”

XXXIII. The Master said, “He who does not anticipate attempts to deceive him, nor think beforehand of his not being believed, and yet apprehends these things readily when they occur;—is he not a man of superior worth?”

XXXIV.1. Wei-shang Mow said to Confucius, “K‘ew, how is it that you keep roosting about? Is it not that you are an insinuating talker?”

2. Confucius said, “I do not dare to play the part of such a talker, but I hate obstinacy.”

XXXV. The Master said, “A horse is called a k‘e, not because of its strength, but because of its other good qualities.”

XXXVI.1. Some one said, “What do you say concerning the principle that injury should be recompensed with kindness?”

2. The Master said, “With what then will you recompense kindness?

3. “Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness.”

XXXVII.1. The Master said, “Alas! there is no one that knows me.”

2. Tsze-kung said, “What do you mean by thus saying—that no one knows you?” The Master replied, “I do not murmur against Heaven. I do not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration rises high. But there is Heaven;—that knows me!”

XXXVIII.1. The Kung-pih, Leaou, having slandered Tsze-loo to Ke-sun, Tsze-fuh King-pih informed Confucius of it, saying, “Our Master is certainly being led astray by the Kung-pih, Leaou, but I have still power enough left to cut Leaou off, and expose his corpse in the market and in the court.”

2. The Master said, “If my principles are to advance, it is so ordered. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered. What can the Kung-pih, Leaou, do, where such ordering is concerned?”

XXXIX.1. The Master said, “Some men of worth retire from the world.

2. “Some retire from particular countries.

3. “Some retire because of disrespectful looks.

4. “Some retire because of contradictory language.”

XL. The Master said, “Those who have done this are seven men.”

XLI. Tsze-loo happening to pass the night in Shih-mun, the gate-keeper said to him, “Whom do you come from?” Tsze-loo said, “From Mr K‘ung.” “It is he,—is it not?”—said the other, “who knows the impracticable nature of the times, and yet will be doing in them.”

XLII.1. The Master was playing, one day, on a musical stone in Wei, when a man, carrying a straw basket, passed the door of the house where Confucius was, and said, “His heart is full who so beats the musical stone.”

2. A little while after he added, “How contemptible is the one-idea obstinacy those sounds display! When one is taken no notice of, he has simply at once to give over his wish for public employment. ‘Deep water must be crossed with the clothes on; shallow water may be waded through with the clothes rolled up.’ ”

3. The Master said, “How determined is he in his purpose! But this is not difficult.”

XLIII.1. Tsze-chang said, “What is meant when the shoo says that Kaou-tsung, while observing the usual imperial mourning, was for three years without speaking?”

2. The Master said, “Why must Kaou-tsung be referred to as an example of this? The ancients all did so. When the sovereign died, the officers all attended to their several duties, taking instructions from the prime minister for three years.”

XLIV. The Master said, “When rulers love to observe the rules of propriety, the people respond readily to the calls on them for service.”

XLV. Tsze-loo asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said, “The cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness.” “And is this all?” said Tsze-loo. “He cultivates himself so as to give rest to others,” was the reply. “And is this all?” again asked Tsze-loo. The Master said, “He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people. He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people:—even Yaou and Shun were still solicitous about this.”

XLVI. Yuen Jang was squatting on his heels, and so waited the approach of the Master, who said to him: “In youth, not humble as befits a junior; in manhood, doing nothing worthy of being handed down; and living on to old age:—this is to be a pest.” With this he hit him on the shank with his staff.

XLVII.1. A lad of the village of K‘euĕh was employed by Confucius to carry the messages between him and his visitors. Some one asked about him, saying, “I suppose he has made great progress.”

2. The Master said, “I observe that he is fond of occupying the seat of a full-grown man; I observe that he walks shoulder to shoulder with his elders. He is not one who is seeking to make progress in learning. He wishes quickly to become a man.”

BOOK XV.*

ChapterI.1. The Duke Ling of Wei asked Confucius about tactics. Confucius replied, “I have heard all about sacrificial vessels, but I have not learned military matters.” On this, he took his departure the next day.

2. When he was in Ch‘in, their provisions were exhausted, and his followers became so ill that they were unable to rise.

3. Tsze-loo, with evident dissatisfaction, said, “Has the superior man likewise to endure in this way?” The Master said, “The superior man may indeed have to endure want, but the mean man, when he is in want, gives way to unbridled license.”

II.1. The Master said, “Ts‘ze, you think, I suppose, that I am one who learns many things and keeps them in memory?”

2. Tsze-kung replied, “Yes,—but perhaps it is not so?”

3. “No,” was the answer; “I seek a unity all-pervading.”

III. The Master said, “Yew, those who know virtue are few.”

IV. The Master said, “May not Shun be instanced as having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his imperial seat.”

V.1. Tsze-chang asked how a man might conduct himself, so as to be everywhere appreciated.

2. The Master said, “Let his words be sincere and truthful, and his actions honourable and careful;—such conduct may be practised among the rude tribes of the South or the North. If his words be not sincere and truthful, and his actions not honourable and careful, will he, with such conduct, be appreciated, even in his neighbourhood?

3. “When he is standing, let him see those two things, as it were fronting him. When he is in a carriage, let him see them attached to the yoke. Then may he subsequently carry them into practice.”

4. Tsze-chang wrote these counsels on the end of his sash.

VI.1. The Master said, “Truly straightforward was the historiographer Yu. When good government prevailed in his state, he was like an arrow. When bad government prevailed, he was like an arrow.

2. “A superior man indeed is Keu Pih-yuh! When good government prevails in his state, he is to be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up, and keep them in his breast.”

VII. The Master said, “When a man may be spoken with, not to speak to him is err in reference to the man. When a man may not be spoken with, to speak to him is to err in reference to our words. The wise err neither in regard to their man nor to their words.”

VIII. The Master said, “The determined scholar and the man of virtue will not seek to live at the expense of injuring their virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives to preserve their virtue complete.”

IX. Tsze-kung asked about the practice of virtue. The Master said, “The mechanic, who wishes to do his work well, must first sharpen his tools. When you are living in any state, take service with the most worthy among its great officers, and make friends of the most virtuous among its scholars.”

X.1. Yen Yuen asked how the government of a country should be administered.

2. The Master said, “Follow the seasons of Hea.

3. “Ride in the state carriage of Yin.

4. “Wear the ceremonial cap of Chow.

5. “Let the music be the Shaou with its pantomimes.

6. “Banish the songs of Ch‘ing, and keep far from specious talkers. The songs of Ch‘ing are licentious; specious talkers are dangerous.”

XI. The Master said, “If a man take no thought about what is distant, he will find sorrow near at hand.”

XII. The Master said, “It is all over! I have not seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty.”

XIII. The Master said, “Was not Tsang Wăn like one who had stolen his situation? He knew the virtue and the talents of Hwuy of Lew-hea, and yet did not procure that he should stand with him in court.”

XIV. The Master said, “He who requires much from himself and little from others, will keep himself from being the object of resentment.”

XV. The Master said, “When a man is not in the habit of saying—‘What shall I think of this? What shall I think of this?’ I can indeed do nothing with him!”

XVI. The Master said, “When a number of people are together, for a whole day, without their conversation turning on righteousness, and when they are fond of carrying out the suggestions of a small shrewdness,—theirs is indeed a hard case.”

XVII. The Master said, “The superior man in everything considers righteousness to be essential. He performs it according to the rules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He completes it with sincerity. This is indeed a superior man.”

XVIII. The Master said, “The superior man is distressed by his want of ability. He is not distressed by men’s not knowing him.”

XIX. The Master said, “The superior man dislikes the thought of his name not being mentioned after his death.”

XX. The Master said, “What the superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks, is in others.”

XXI. The Master said, “The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable, but not a partizan.”

XXII. The Master said, “The superior man does not promote a man simply on account of his words, nor does he put aside good words because of the man.”

XXIII. Tsze-kung asked, saying, “Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one’s life?” The Master said, “Is not reciprocity such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others.”

XXIV.1. The Master said, “In my writing or speaking of men, whose evil do I blame, whose goodness do I praise, beyond what is proper? If I do sometimes exceed in praise, there must be ground for it in my examination of the individual.

2. “This people supplied the ground why the founders of the three dynasties pursued the path of straightforwardness.”

XXV. The Master said, “Even in my early days, a historiographer would leave a blank in his text, and he who had a horse would lend him to another to ride. Now, alas! there are no such things.”

XXVI. The Master said, “Specious words confound virtue. Want of forbearance in small matters confounds great plans.”

XXVII. The Master said, “When the multitude hate a man, it is necessary to examine into the case. When the multitude like a man, it is necessary to examine into the case.”

XXVIII. The Master said, “A man can enlarge the principles which he follows; those principles do not enlarge the man.”

XXIX. The Master said, “To have faults and not to reform them,—this, indeed, should be pronounced having faults.”

XXX. The Master said, “I have been the whole day without eating, and the whole night without sleeping:—occupied with thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to learn.”

XXXI. The Master said, “The object of the superior man is truth. Food is not his object. There is ploughing;—even in that there is sometimes want. So with learning;—emolument may be found in it. The superior man is anxious lest he should not get truth; he is not anxious lest poverty should come upon him.”

XXXII.1. The Master said, “When a man’s knowledge is sufficient to attain, and his virtue is not sufficient to enable him to hold, whatever he may have gained, he will lose again.

2. “When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast, if he cannot govern with dignity, the people will not respect him.

3. “When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast; when he governs also with dignity, yet if he try to move the people contrary to the rules of propriety:—full excellence is not reached.”

XXXIII. The Master said, “The superior man cannot be known in little matters; but he may be intrusted with great concerns. The small man may not be intrusted with great concerns, but he may be known in little matters.”

XXXIV. The Master said, “Virtue is more to man than either water or fire. I have seen men die from treading on water and fire, but I have never seen a man die from treading the course of virtue.”

XXXV. The Master said, “Let every man consider virtue as what devolves on himself. He may not yield the performance of it even to his teacher.”

XXXVI. The Master said, “The superior man is correctly firm, and not firm merely.”

XXXVII. The Master said, “A minister, in serving his prince, reverently discharges his duties, and makes his emolument a secondary consideration.”

XXXVIII. The Master said, “There being instruction, there will be no distinction of classes.”

XXXIX. The Master said, “Those whose courses are different cannot lay plans for one another.”

XL. The Master said, “In language it is simply required that it convey the meaning.”

XLI.1. The Music-master, Meën, having called upon him, when they came to the steps, The Master said, “Here are the steps.” When they came to the mat for the guest to sit upon, he said, “Here is the mat.” When all were seated, the Master informed him, saying, “So and so is here; so and so is here.”

2. The Music-master, Meen, having gone out, Tsze-chang asked, saying, “Is it the rule to tell those things to the Music-masters?”

3. The Master said, “Yes. This is certainly the rule for those who lead the blind.”

BOOK XVI.*

ChapterI.1. The head of the Ke family was going to attack Chuen-vu.

2. Yen Yew and Ke Loo had an interview with Confucius, and said, “Our chief, Ke, is going to commence operations against Chuen-yu.”

3. Confucius said, “K‘ew, is it not you who are in fault here?

4. “Now, in regard to Chuen-yu, long ago, a former king appointed it to preside over the sacrifices to the eastern Mung; moreover, it is in the midst of the territory of our State; and its ruler is a minister in direct connection with the emperor:—What has your chief to do with attacking it?”

5. Yen Yew said, “Our master wishes the thing; neither of us two ministers wishes it.”

6. Confucius said, “K‘ew, there are the words of Chow Jin,—‘When he can put forth his ability, he takes his place in the ranks of office; when he finds himself unable to do so, he retires from it. How can he be used as a guide to a blind man, who does not support him when tottering, nor raise him up when fallen?”

7. “And further, you speak wrongly. When a tiger or wild bull escapes from his cage; when a tortoise or gem is injured in its repository:—whose is the fault?”

8. Yen Yew said, “But at present, Chuen-yu is strong and near to Pe; if our chief do not now take it, it will hereafter be a sorrow to his descendants.”

9. Confucius said, “K‘ew, the superior man hates that declining to say—‘I want such and such a thing,’ and framing explanations for the conduct.

10. “I have heard that rulers of states and chiefs of families are not troubled lest their people should be few, but are troubled lest they should not keep their several places; that they are not troubled with fears of poverty, but are troubled with fears of a want of contented repose among the people in their several places. For when the people keep their several places, there will be no poverty; when harmony prevails, there will be no scarcity of people; and when there is such a contented repose, there will be no rebellious upsettings.

11. “So it is. Therefore, if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil.

12. “Now, here are you, Yew and K‘ew, assisting your chief. Remoter people are not submissive, and, even with your help, he cannot attract them to him. In his own territory there are divisions and downfalls, leavings and separations, and, with your help, he cannot preserve it.

13. “And yet he is planning these hostile movements within our State.—I am afraid that the sorrow of the Ke-sun family will not be on account of Chuen-yu, but will be found within the screen of their own court.”

II.1. Confucius said, “When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions, proceed from the emperor. When bad government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the princes. When these things proceed from the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the great officers of the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in five generations. When the subsidiary ministers of the great officers hold in their grasp the orders of the kingdom, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in three generations.

2. “When right principles prevail in the empire, government will not be in the hands of the great officers.

3. “When right principles prevail in the empire, there will be no discussions among the common people.”

III. Confucius said, “The revenue of the State has left the ducal house, now for five generations. The government has been in the hands of the great officers for four generations. On this account, the descendants of the three Hwan are much reduced.”

IV. Confucius said, “There are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much observation:—these are advantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship with the insinuatingly soft; and friendship with the glib-tongued:—these are injurious.”

V. Confucius said, “There are three things men find enjoyment in which are advantageous, and three things they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment in the discriminating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in speaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in having many worthy friends:—these are advantageous. To find enjoyment in extravagant pleasures; to find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering; to find enjoyment in the pleasures of feasting:—these are injurious.”

VI. Confucius said, “There are three errors to which they who stand in the presence of a man of virtue and station are liable. They may speak when it does not come to them to speak,—this is called rashness. They may not speak when it comes to them to speak;—this is called concealment. They may speak without looking at the countenance of their superior;—this is called blindness.”

VII. Confucius said, “There are three things which the superior man guards against. In youth, when the physical powers are not yet settled, he guards against lust. When he is strong, and the physical powers are full of vigour, he guards against quarrelsomeness. When he is old, and the animal powers are decayed, he guards against covetousness.”

VIII.1. Confucius said, “There are three things of which the superior man stands in awe. He stands in awe of the ordinances of Heaven. He stands in awe of great men. He stands in awe of the words of sages.

2. “The mean man does not know the ordinances of Heaven, and consequently does not stand in awe of them. He is disrespectful to great men. He makes sport of the words of sages.”

IX. Confucius said, “Those who are born with the possession of knowledge are the highest class of men. Those who learn, and so, readily, get possession of knowledge, are the next. Those who are dull and stupid, and yet compass the learning, are another class next to these. As to those who are dull and stupid and yet do not learn;—they are the lowest of the people.”

X. Confucius said, “The superior man has nine things which are subjects with him of thoughtful consideration. In regard to the use of his eyes, he is anxious to see clearly. In regard to the use of his ears, he is anxious to hear distinctly. In regard to his countenance, he is anxious that it should be benign. In regard to his demeanour, he is anxious that it should be respectful. In regard to his speech, he is anxious that it should be sincere. In regard to his doing of business, he is anxious that it should be reverently careful. In regard to what he doubts about, he is anxious to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of the difficulties his anger may involve him in. When he sees gain to be got, he thinks of righteousness.”

XI.1. Confucius said, “Contemplating good, and pursuing it, as if they could not reach it; contemplating evil, and shrinking from it, as they would from thrusting the hand into boiling water:—I have seen such men, as I have heard such words.

2. “Living in retirement to study their aims, and practising righteousness to carry out their principles:—I have heard these words, but I have not seen such men.”

XII.1. The Duke King of Ts‘e had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on the day of his death, the people did not praise him for a single virtue. P‘ih-e and Shuh-ts‘e died of hunger at the foot of the Show-yang mountain, and the people, down to the present time, praise them.

2. “Is not that saying illustrated by this?”

XIII.1. Ch‘in K‘ang asked Pih-yu, saying, “Have you heard any lessons from your father different from what we have all heard?”

2. Pih-yu replied, “No. He was standing alone once, when I passed below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, ‘Have you learned the Odes?’ On my replying ‘Not yet,’ he added, ‘If you do not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.’ I retired and studied the Odes.

3. “Another day, he was in the same way standing alone, when I passed by below the hall with hasty steps, and he said to me, ‘Have you learned the rules of Propriety?’ On my replying ‘Not yet,’ he added, ‘If you do not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot be established.’ I then retired, and studied the rules of Propriety.

4. “I have heard only these two things from him.”

5. Ch‘in K‘ang retired, and, quite delighted, said, “I asked one thing, and I have got three things. I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son.”

XIV. The wife of the prince of a State is called by him foo-jin. She calls herself seaou t‘ung. The people of the State call her keun foo-jin, and, to the people of other States, they call her k‘wa seaou keun. The people of other States also call her keun foo-jin.

BOOK XVII.*

ChapterI.1. Yang Ho wished to see Confucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. On this, he sent a present of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way.

2.Ho said to Confucius, “Come, let me speak with you.” He then asked, “Can he be called benevolent who keeps his jewel in his bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?” Confucius replied, “No.” “Can he be called wise who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being so?” Confucius again said, “No.” “The days and months are passing away; the years do not wait for us.” Confucius said, “Right; I will go into office.”

II. The Master said, “By nature, men are nearly alike; by practice, they get to be wide apart.”

III. The Master said, “There are only the wise of the highest class, and the stupid of the lowest class, who cannot be changed.”

IV.1. The Master having come to Woo-shing, heard there the sound of stringed instruments and singing.

2. Well-pleased and smiling, he said, “Why use an oxknife to kill a fowl?”

3. Tsze-yew replied, “Formerly, Master, I heard you say,—“When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the man of low station is well instructed, he is easily ruled.’ ”

4. The Master said, “My disciples, Yen’s words are right. What I said was only in sport.”

V.1. Kung-shan Fuh-jaou, when he was holding Pe, and in an attitude of rebellion, invited the Master to visit him, who was rather inclined to go.

2. Tsze-loo was displeased, and said, “Indeed you cannot go! Why must you think of going to see Kung-shan?”

3. The Master said, “Can it be without some reason that he has invited me? If any one employ me, may I not make an eastern Chow?”

VI.1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius about perfect virtue. Confucius said, “To be able to practise five things everywhere under heaven constitutes perfect virtue.” He begged to ask what they were, and was told, “Gravity, generosity of soul, sincerity, earnestness, and kindness. If you are grave, you will not be treated with disrespect. If you are generous, you will win all. If you are sincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, you will accomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to employ the services of others.”

VII.1. Peih Heih inviting him to visit him, the Master was inclined to go.

2. Tsze-loo said, “Master, formerly I have heard you say, ‘When a man in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will not associate with him.’ Peih Heih is in rebellion, holding possession of Chung-mow; if you go to him, what shall be said?”

3. The Master said, “Yes, I did use these words. But is it not said, that, if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin? Is it not said, that, if a thing be really white, it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black?

4. “Am I a bitter gourd! How can I be hung up out of the way of being eaten?”

VIII.1. The Master said, “Yew, have you heard the six words to which are attached six becloudings?” Yew replied, “I have not.”

2. “Sit down, and I will tell them to you.

3. “There is the love of being benevolent without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to a foolish simplicity. There is the love of knowing without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to dissipation of mind. There is the love of being sincere without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to an injurious disregard of consequences. There is the love of straight-forwardness without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to rudeness. There is the love of boldness without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to insubordination. There is the love of firmness without the love of learning;—the beclouding here leads to extravagant conduct.”

IX.1. The Master said, “My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?

2. “The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.

3. “They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation.

4. “They teach the art of sociability.

5. “They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.

6. “From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one’s father, and the remoter one of serving one’s prince.

7. “From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants.”

X. The Master said to Pih-yu, “Do you give yourself to the Chow-nan, and the Shaou-nan. The man, who has not studied the Chow-nan and the Shaou-nan, is like one who stands with his face right against a wall. Is he not so?”

XI. The Master said, “ ‘It is according to the rules of propriety,’ they say.—‘It is according to the rules of propriety,’ they say. Are gems and silk all that is meant by propriety? ‘It is Music,’ they say. ‘It is Music,’ they say. Are bells and drums all that is meant by Music?”

XII. The Master said, “He who puts on an appearance of stern firmness, while inwardly he is weak, is like one of the small, mean people;—yea, is he not like the thief who breaks through or climbs over a wall?”

XIII. The Master said, “Your good careful people of the villages are the thieves of virtue.”

XIV. The Master said, “To tell, as we go along, what we have heard on the way, is to cast away our virtue.”

XV.1. The Master said, “There are those mean creatures! How impossible it is along with them to serve one’s prince!

2. “While they have not got their aims, their anxiety is how to get them. When they have got them, their anxiety is lest they should lose them.

3. “When they are anxious lest they should be lost, there is nothing to which they will not proceed.”

XVI.1. The Master said, “Anciently, men had three failings, which now perhaps are not to be found.

2. “The high-mindedness of antiquity showed itself in a disregard of small things; the high-mindedness of the present day shows itself in wild license. The stern dignity of antiquity showed itself in grave reserve; the stern dignity of the present day shows itself in quarrelsome perverseness. The stupidity of antiquity showed itself in straightforwardness; the stupidity of the present day shows itself in sheer deceit.”

XVII. The Master said, “Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with virtue.”

XVIII. The Master said, “I hate the manner in which purple takes away the lustre of vermilion. I hate the way in which the songs of Ch‘ing confound the music of the Ya. I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families.”

XIX.1. The Master said, “I would prefer not speaking.”

2. Tsze-kung said, “If you, Master, do not speak, what shall we, your disciples, have to record?”

3. The Master said, “Does Heaven speak? The four seasons pursue their courses, and all things are continually being produced, but does Heaven say anything?”

XX. Joo Pei wished to see Confucius, but Confucius declined, on the ground of being sick, to see him. When the bearer of this message went out at the door, he took his harpsichord, and sang to it, in order that Pei might hear him.

XXI.1. Tsae Wo asked about the three years’ mourning for parents, saying that one year was long enough.

2. “If the superior man,” said he, “abstains for three years from the observances of propriety, those observances will be quite lost. If for three years he abstains from music, music will be ruined.

3. “Within a year, the old grain is exhausted, and the new grain has sprung up, and, in procuring fire by friction, we go through all the changes of wood for that purpose. After a complete year the mourning may stop.”

4. The Master said, “If you were, after a year, to eat good rice, and wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease?” “I should,” replied Wo.

5. The Master said, “If you can feel at ease, do it. But a superior man, during the whole period of mourning, does not enjoy pleasant food which he may eat, nor derive pleasure from music which he may hear. He also does not feel at ease, if he is comfortably lodged. Therefore he does not do what you propose. But now you feel at ease and may do it.”

6. Tsae Wo then went out, and the Master said, “This shows Yu’s want of virtue. It is not till a child is three years old that it is allowed to leave the arms of its parents. And the three years’ mourning is universally observed throughout the empire. Did Yu enjoy the three years’ affection for his parents?”

XXII. The Master said, “Hard is the case of him, who will stuff himself with food the whole day, without applying his mind to anything good! Are there not gamesters and chess-players? To be one of these would still be better than doing nothing at all.”

XXIII. Tsze-loo said, “Does the superior man esteem valour?” The Master said, “The superior man holds righteousness to be of highest importance. A man in a superior situation, having valour without righteousness, will be guilty of insubordination; one of the lower people, having valour without righteousness, will commit robbery.”

XXIV.1. Tsze-kung said, “Has the superior man his hatreds also?” The Master said, “He has his hatreds. He hates those who proclaim the evil of others. He hates the man who, being in low station, slanders his superiors. He hates those who have valour merely, and are unobservant of propriety. He hates those who are forward and determined, and, at the same time, of contracted understanding.”

2.The Master then inquired, “Ts‘ze, have you also your hatreds?” Tsze-kung replied, “I hate those who pry out matters, and ascribe the knowledge to their wisdom. I hate those who are only not modest, and think that they are valorous. I hate those who make known secrets, and think that they are straightforward.”

XXV. The Master said, “Of all people, girls and servants are the most difficult to behave to. If you are familiar with them, they lose their humility. If you maintain a reserve towards them, they are discontented.”

XXVI. The Master said, “When a man at forty is the object of dislike, he will always continue what he is.”

BOOK XVIII.*

ChapterI.1. The viscount of Wei withdrew from the court. The viscount of Ke became a slave to Chow. Pekan remonstrated with him, and died.

2. Confucius said, “The Yin dynasty possessed these three men of virtue.”

II. Hwuy of Lew-hea being chief criminal judge, was thrice dismissed from his office. Some one said to him, “Is it not yet time for you, Sir, to leave this?” He replied, “Serving men in an upright way, where shall I go to, and not experience such a thrice-repeated dismissal? If I choose to serve men in a crooked way, what necessity is there for me to leave the country of my parents?”

III. The Duke King of Ts‘e, with reference to the manner in which he should treat Confucius, said, “I cannot treat him as I would the chief of the Ke family. I will treat him in a manner between that accorded to the chief of the Ke, and that given to the chief of the Măng family.” He also said, “I am old; I cannot use his doctrines.” Confucius took his departure.

IV. The people of Ts‘e sent to Loo a present of female musicians, which Ke Hwan received, and for three days no court was held. Confucius took his departure.

V.1. The madman of Ts‘oo, Tseĕ-yu, passed by Confucius, singing and saying, “Oh Fung! Oh Fung! How is your virtue degenerated! As to the past, reproof is useless; but the future may be provided against. Give up your vain pursuit. Give up your vain pursuit. Peril awaits those who now engage in affairs of government.”

2. Confucius alighted and wished to converse with him, but Tseĕ-yu hastened away, so that he could not talk with him.

VI.1. Ch‘ang-tseu and Këĕ-neih were at work in the field together, when Confucius passed by them, and sent Tsze-loo to inquire for the ford.

2. Ch‘ang-tseu said, “Who is he that holds the reins in the carriage there?” Tsze-loo told him, “It is K‘ung K‘ew.” “Is it not K‘ung K‘ew of Loo?” asked he. “Yes,” was the reply, to which the other rejoined, “He knows the ford.”

3.Tsze-loo then inquired of Këĕ-neih, who said to him, “Who are you, Sir?” He answered, “I am Chung Yew.” “Are you not the disciple of K‘ung K‘ew of Loo?” asked the other. “I am,” replied he; and then Keĕ-neih said to him, “Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who is he that will change it for you? Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better follow those who have withdrawn from the world altogether?” With this he fell to covering up the seed, and proceeded with his work, without stopping.

4. Tsze-loo went and reported their remarks, when his master observed with a sigh, “It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts, as if they were the same with us. If I associate not with these people,—with mankind,—with whom shall I associate? If right principles prevailed through the empire, there would be no use for me to change its state.”

VII.1. Tsze-loo, following the Master, happened to fall behind, when he met an old man, carrying, across his shoulder on a staff, a basket for weeds. Tsze-loo said to him, “Have you seen my master, Sir!” The old man replied, “Your four limbs are unaccustomed to toil; you cannot distinguish the five kinds of grain:—who is your master?” With this, he planted his staff in the ground, and proceeded to weed.

2. Tsze-loo joined his hands across his breast, and stood before him.

3. The old man kept Tsze-loo to pass the night in his house, killed a fowl, prepared millet, and feasted him. He also introduced to him his two sons.

4. Next day, Tsze-loo went on his way, and reported his adventure. The Master said, “He is a recluse,” and sent Tsze-loo back to see him again, but when he got to the place, the old man was gone.

5. Tsze-loo then said to the family, “Not to take office is not righteous. If the relations between old and young may not be neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be observed between sovereign and minister? Wishing to maintain his personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. A superior man takes office, and performs the righteous duties belonging to it. As to the failure of right principles to make progress, he is aware of that.”

VIII.1. The men who have retired to privacy from the world have been Pih-e, Shŭh-ts‘e, Yu-chung, E-yih, Choo-chang, Hwuy of Lew-hea, and Shaou-leen.

2. The Master said, “Refusing to surrender their wills, or to submit to any taint in their persons;—such, I think, were Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e.

3. “It may be said of Hwuy of Lew-hea, and of Shaoulëĕn, that they surrendered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons, but their words corresponded with reason, and their actions were such as men are anxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked in them.

4. “It may be said of Yu-chung and E-yih, that, while they hid themselves in their seclusion, they gave a license to their words, but in their persons they succeeded in preserving their purity, and in their retirement they acted according to the exigency of the times.

5. “I am different from all these. I have no course for which I am predetermined, and no course against which I am predetermined.”

IX.1. The grand music-master, Che, went to Ts‘e.

2. Kan, the master of the band at the second meal, went to Ts‘oo. Leaou, the band-master at the third meal, went to Ts‘ae. Keuĕh, the band-master at the fourth meal, went to Ts‘in.

3. Fang-shuh, the drum-master, withdrew to the north of the river.

4. Woo, the master of the hand-drum, withdrew to the Han.

5. Yang, the assistant music-master, and Sëang, master of the musical stone, withdrew to an island in the sea.

X. The duke of Chow addressed his son, the duke of Loo, saying, “The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment.”

XI. To Chow belonged the eight officers, Pih-tă, Pih-kwŏh, Chung-tŭh, Chung-hwŭh, Shuh-yay, Shuh-hea, Ke-suy, and Ke-kwa.

BOOK XIX.*

ChapterI. Tsze-chang said, “The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger, is prepared to sacrifice his life. When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of righteousness. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. In mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel. Such a man commands our approbation indeed.”

II. Tsze-chang said, “When a man holds fast virtue, but without seeking to enlarge it, and believes right principles, but without firm sincerity, what account can be made of his existence or non-existence?”

III. The disciples of Tsze-hea asked Tsze-chang about the principles of intercourse. Tsze-chang asked, “What does Tsze-hea say on the subject?” They replied, “Tsze-hea says:—‘Associate with those who can advantage you. Put away from you those who cannot do so.” Tsze-chang observed, “This is different from what I have learned. The superior man honours the talented and virtuous, and bears with all. He praises the good, and pities the incompetent. Am I possessed of great talents and virtue?—who is there among men whom I will not bear with? Am I devoid of talents and virtue?—men will put me away from them. What have we to do with the putting away of others?”

IV. Tsze-hea said, “Even in inferior studies and employments there is something worth being looked at, but if it be attempted to carry them out to what is remote, there is a danger of their proving inapplicable. Therefore, the superior man does not practise them.”

V. Tsze-hea said, “He, who from day to day recognizes what he has not yet, and from month to month does not forget what he has attained to, may be said indeed to love to learn.”

VI. Tsze-hea said, “There are learning extensively, and having a firm and sincere aim; inquiring with earnestness, and reflecting with self-application:—virtue is in such a course.”

VII. Tsze-hea said, “Mechanics have their shops to dwell in, in order to accomplish their works. The superior man learns, in order to reach to the utmost of his principles.”

VIII. Tsze-hea said, “The mean man is sure to gloss his faults.”

IX. Tsze-hea said, “The superior man undergoes three changes. Looked at from a distance, he appears stern; when approached, he is mild; when he is heard to speak, his language is firm and decided.”

X. Tsze-hea said, “The superior man, having obtained their confidence, may then impose labours on his people. If he have not gained their confidence, they will think that he is oppressing them. Having obtained the confidence of his prince, he may then remonstrate with him. If he have not gained his confidence, the prince will think that he is vilifying him.”

XI. Tsze-hea said, “When a person does not transgress the boundary-line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues.”

XII.1. Tsze-yew said, “The disciples and followers of Tsze-hea, in sprinkling and sweeping the ground, in answering and replying, in advancing and receding, are sufficiently accomplished. But these are only the branches of learning, and they are left ignorant of what is essential.—How can they be acknowledged as sufficiently taught?”

2. Tsze-hea heard of the remark and said, “Alas! Yen Yew is wrong. According to the way of the superior man in teaching, what departments are there which he considers of prime importance, and therefore first delivers? what are there which he considers of secondary importance, and so allows himself to be idle about? But as in the case of plants, which are assorted according to their classes, so he deals with his disciples. How can the way of a superior man be such as to make fools of any of them? Is it not the sage alone, who can unite in one the beginning and the consummation of learning?”

XIII. Tsze-hea said, “The officer, having discharged all his duties, should devote his leisure to learning. The student, having completed his learning, should apply himself to be an officer.”

XIV. Tsze-hea said, “Mourning, having been carried to the utmost degree of grief, should stop with that.”

XV. Tsze-hea said, “My friend Chang can do things which are hard to be done, but yet he is not perfectly virtuous.”

XVI. Tsăng the philosopher said, “How imposing is the manner of Chang! It is difficult along with him to practise virtue.”

XVII. Tsăng the philosopher said, “I have heard this from our Master:—‘Men may not have shown what is in them to the full extent, and yet they will be found to do so, on occasion of mourning for their parents.’ ”

XVIII. Tsăng the philosopher said, “I have heard this from our Master:—‘The filial piety of Măng Chwang, in other matters, was what other men are competent to, but, as seen in his not changing the ministers of his father, nor his father’s mode of government, it is difficult to be attained to.’ ”

XIX. The chief of the Măng family having appointed Yang Foo to be chief criminal judge, the latter consulted the philosopher Tsăng. Tsăng said, “The rulers have failed in their duties, and the people have consequently been disorganized, for a long time. When you have found out the truth of any accusation, be grieved for and pity them, and do not feel joy at your own ability.”

XX. Tsze-kung said, “Chow’s wickedness was not so great as that name implies. Therefore, the superior man hates to dwell in a low-lying situation, where all the evil of the world will flow in upon him.”

XXI. Tsze-kung said, “The faults of the superior man are like the eclipses of the sun and moon. He has his faults, and all men see them; he changes again, and all men look up to him.”

XXII.1. Kung-sun Ch‘aou of Wei asked Tsze-kung, saying, “From whom did Chung-ne get his learning?”

2. Tsze-kung replied, “The doctrines of Wăn and Woo have not yet fallen to the earth. They are to be found among men. Men of talents and virtue remember the great principles of them, and others, not possessing such talents and virtue, remember the smaller. Thus, all possess the doctrines of Wăn and Woo. From whom did our Master not learn them? And yet what necessity was there for his having a regular master?”

XXIII.1. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh observed to the great officers in the court, saying, “Tsze-kung is superior to Chung-ne.”

2. Tsze-fuh King-pih reported the observation to Tsze-kung, who said, “Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompassing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments.

3. “The wall of my master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array.

4. “But I may assume that they are few who find the door. Was not the observation of the chief only what might have been expected?”

XXIV. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh having spoken revilingly of Chung-ne, Tsze-kung said, “It is of no use doing so. Chung-ne cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds, which may be stept over. Chung-ne is the sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off from the sage, what harm can he do to the sun or moon? He only shows that he does not know his own capacity.”

XXV.1. Tsze-k‘in addressing Tsze-kung, said, “You are too modest. How can Chung-ne be said to be superior to you?”

2. Tsze-kung said to him, “For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed in what we say.

3. “Our Master cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair.

4. “Were our Master in the position of the prince of a State or the chief of a Family, we should find verified the description which has been given of a sage’s rule:—he would plant the people, and forthwith they would be established; he would lead them on, and forthwith they would follow him; he would make them happy, and forthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is it possible for him to be attained to?”

BOOK XX.*

ChapterI.1. Yaou said, “Oh! you, Shun, the Heaven-determined order of succession now rests in your person. Sincerely hold fast the due Mean. If there shall be distress and want within the four seas, your Heavenly revenue will come to a perpetual end.”

2. Shun also used the same language in giving charge to Yu.

3.T‘ang said, “I, the child Le, presume to use a dark-coloured victim, and presume to announce to Thee, O most great and sovereign God, that the sinner I dare not pardon, and thy ministers, O God, I do not keep in obscurity. The examination of them is by thy mind, O God. If, in my person, I commit offences, they are not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest on my person.”

4. Chow conferred great gifts, and the good were enriched.

5. “Although he has his near relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous men. The people are throwing blame upon me, the one man.”

6. He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored the discarded officers, and the good government of the empire took its course.

7. He revived States that had been extinguished, restored families whose line of succession had been broken, and called to office those who had retired into obscurity, so that throughout the empire the hearts of the people turned towards him.

8. What he attached chief importance to, were the food of the people, the duties of mourning, and sacrifices.

9. By his generosity, he won all. By his sincerity, he made the people repose trust in him. By his earnest activity, his achievements were great. By his justice, all were delighted.

II.1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius, saying, “In what way should a person in authority act, in order that he may conduct government properly?” The Master replied, “Let him honour the five excellent, and banish away the four bad, things;—then may be conduct government properly.” Tsze-chang said, “What are meant by the five excellent things?” The Master said, “When the person in authority is beneficent without great expenditure; when he lays tasks on the people without their repining; when he pursues what he desires without being covetous; when he maintains a dignified ease without being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce.”

2. Tsze-chang said, “What is meant by being beneficent without great expenditure?” The Master replied, “When the person in authority makes more beneficial to the people the things from which they naturally derive benefit; is not this being beneficent without great expenditure? When he chooses the labours which are proper, and makes them labour on them, who will repine? When his desires are set on benevolent government, and he realizes it, who will accuse him of covetousness? Whether he has to do with many people or few, or with things great or small, he does not dare to indicate any disrespect;—is not this to maintain a dignified ease without any pride? He adjusts his clothes and cap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe; is not this to be majestic without being fierce?”

3. Tsze-chang then asked, “What are meant by the four bad things?” The Master said, “To put the people to death without having instructed them;—this is called cruelty. To require from them, suddenly, the full tale of work, without having given them warning;—this is called oppression. To issue orders as if without urgency, at first, and, when the time comes, to insist on them with severity;—this is called injury. And, generally speaking, to give pay or rewards to men, and yet to do it in a stingy way;—this is called acting the part of a mere official.”

III.1. The Master said, “Without recognizing the ordinances of Heaven, it is impossible to be a superior man.

2. “Without an acquaintance with the rules of Propriety, it is impossible for the character to be established.

3. “Without knowing the force of words, it is impossible to know men.”

[* ]Title of the Work.—Literally, “Discourses and Dialogues;” that is, the discourses or discussions of Confucius with his disciples and others on various topics, and his replies to their inquiries. Many chapters, however, and one whole book, are the sayings, not of the sage himself, but of some of his disciples. The characters may also be rendered “Digested Conversations,” and this appears to be the more ancient signification attached to them, the account being, that, after the death of Confucius his disciples collected together and compared the memoranda of his conversations which they had severally preserved, digesting them into the twenty books which compose the work. I have styled the work “Confucian Analects,” as being more descriptive of its character than any other name I could think of.

[** ]Heading and subjects of this book. The two first characters, literally, “To learn and—” after the introductory—“The Master said,” are adopted as its heading. This is similar to the custom of the Jews, who name many books in the Bible from the first word in them. In some of the books we find a unity or analogy of subjects, which evidently guided the compilers in grouping the chapters together. Others seem devoid of any such principle of combination. The sixteen chapters of this book are occupied, it is said, with the fundamental subjects which ought to engage the attention of the learner, and the great matters of human practice. The word “learn” rightly occupies the forefront in the studies of a nation, of which its educational system has so long been the distinction and glory.

[1. ]The whole work and achievement of the learner, first perfecting his knowledge, then attracting by his fame likeminded individuals, and finally complete in himself. 1. “The Master” here is Confucius; but if we render the original term by “Confueius,” as all preceding translators have done, we miss the indication which it gives of the handiwork of his disciples, and the reverence which it bespeaks for him. Some years ago, an able Chinese scholar published a collection of moral sayings by David, Solomon, Paul, Augustine, Jesus, Confucius, &c. To the sayings of the others he prefixed their names, and to those of Confucius the phrase of the text,—“The Master said,” thus telling his readers that he was himself a disciple of the sage, and exalting him above Solomon, and every other name which he introduced, even above Jesus himself!

2. The “Friends” here are not relatives, nor even old and intimate acquaintances; but individuals of the same style of mind as the subject of the paragraph,—students of truth and friends of virtue.

3. The “man of complete virtue” is, literally, “a princely man.” The phrase is a technical one with Chinese moral writers, for which there is no exact correspondency in English. We cannot always translate it in the same way.

[2. ]Filial piety and fraternal submission are the foundation of all virtuous practice. 1. Yew was a native of Loo, and famed among the other disciples of Confucius for his strong memory, and love for the doctrines of antiquity. In personal appearance he resembled the sage. See Mencius, III. Pt. II. iv. 13. There is a peculiarity in the style—“Yew, the philosopher,” the title following the surname, which has made some Chinese critics assign an important part in the compilation of the Analects to his disciples; but the matter is too slight to build such a conclusion on. The tablet to Yew’s spirit is in the same apartment of the sage’s temples as that of the sage himself, among the “wise ones” of his followers.

[3. ]Fair appearances are suspicious.

[4. ]How the philosopher Tsăng daily examined himself, to guard against his being guilty of any self-deception. Tsăng was one of the principal disciples of Confucius. A follower of the sage from his 16th year, though inferior in natural ability to some others, by his filial piety and other moral qualities he entirely won the Master’s esteem, and by persevering attention mastered his doctrines. Confucius employed him in the composition of the Classic of Filial Piety. The authorship of the “Great Learning” is also ascribed to him, though incorrectly, as we shall see. Ten books, moreover, of his composition are preserved in the Le Ke. His spirit tablet, among the sage’s four assessors, has precedence of that of Mencius. There is the same peculiarity in the designation of him here, which I have pointed out under the last chapter in connection with the style—“Yew, the philosopher;” and a similar conclusion has been argued from it.

[5. ]Fundamental principles for the government of a large state. “A country of a thousand chariots” was one of the largest fiefs of the empire,—a state which could bring such a force into the field—The last principle means that the people should not be called away from their husbandry at improper seasons to do service on military expeditions and public works.

[6. ]Duty first and then accomplishments. “Polite duties” are not literary studies merely, but all the accomplishments of a gentleman also: ceremonies, music, archery, horsemanship, writing, and numbers.

[7. ]Tsze-hea’s views of the substance of learning. Tsze-hea was another of the sage’s distinguished disciples, and now placed among the “wise ones.” He was greatly famed for his learning, and his views on the She-king and the Ch‘un Ts‘ew are said to be preserved in the commentary of Maou, and of Kung-yang Kaou, and Kuh-leang Ch‘ih. He wept himself blind on the death of his son, but lived to a great age, and was much esteemed by the people and princes of the time. With regard to the scope of this chapter, there is some truth in what the commentator Woo says,—that Tsze-hea’s words may be wrested to depreciate learning, while those of the Master in the preceding chapter hit exactly the due medium.

[8. ]Principles of self-cultivation.

[9. ]The good effect of attention on the part of princes to the offices to the dead:—an admonition of Tsăng Sin. This is a counsel to princes and all in authority. The effect which it is supposed would follow from their following it is an instance of the influence of example, of which so much is made by Chinese moralists.

[10. ]Characteristics of Confucius, and their influence on the princes of the time.

1. Tsze-k‘in and Tsze-k‘ang are designations of Ch‘in K‘ang, one of the minor disciples of Confucius. His tablet is in the outer hall of the temples. A good story is related of him. On the death of his brother, his wife and major-domo wished to bury some living persons with him, to serve him in the regions below. The thing being referred to Tsze-k‘in, he proposed that the wife and steward should themselves submit to the immolation, which made them stop the matter. Tsze-kung, with the double surname Twan-muh, and named Ts‘ze, occupies a higher place in the Confucian ranks, and is now among the “wise ones.” He is conspicuous in this work for his readiness and smartness in reply, and displayed on several occasions practical and political ability.

[11. ]On filial duty. It is to be understood that the way of the father had not been very bad. An old interpretation, that the three years are to be understood of the three years of mourning for the father, is now rightly rejected.

[12. ]In ceremonies a natural ease is to be prized, and yet to be subordinate to the end of ceremonies,—the reverential observance of propriety. The term here rendered “rules of propriety,” is not easily rendered in another language. There underlies it the idea of what is proper. It is “the fitness of things,” what reason calls for in the performance of duties towards superior beings, and between man and man. Our term “ceremonies” would come near its meaning here.

[13. ]To save from future repentance, we must be careful in our first steps.

[14. ]With what mind one aiming to be a Keun-tsze pursues his learning.

[15. ]An illustration of the successive steps in self-cultivation. 1. Tsze-kung had been poor, and then did not cringe. He became rich, and was not proud. He asked Confucius about the style of character to which he had attained. Confucius allowed its worth, but sent him to higher attainments. 2. The ode quoted is the first of the songs of Wei, praising the prince Woo, who had dealt with himself as an ivory-worker who first cuts the bone, and then files it smooth; or a lapidary whose hammer and chisel are followed by all the appliances for smoothing and polishing. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk v. i. 2.

[16. ]Personal attainment should be our chief aim.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this Book. This second book contains twenty-tour chapters, and is named “The practice of government.” That is the object to which learning, treated of in the last book, should lead; and here we have the qualities which constitute, and the character of the men who administer, good government.

[1. ]The influence of virtue in a ruler. Choo He’s view of the comparison is that it sets forth the illimitable influence which virtue in a ruler exercises without his using any effort. This is extravagant. His opponents say that virtue is the polar star, and the various departments of government the other stars. This is far-fetched. We must be content to accept the vague utterance without minutely determining its meaning.

[2. ]The pure design of the Book of Poetry. The number of compositions in the She-king is rather more than the round number here given. “Have no depraved thoughts,”—see the She-king, IV. ii. 1. st. 4. The sentence there is indicative, and in praise of one of the dukes of Loo, who had no depraved thoughts. The sage would seem to have been intending his own design in compiling the She. Individual pieces are calculated to have a different effect.

[3. ]How rulers should prefer moral appliances.

[4. ]Confucius’ own account of his gradual progress and attainments. Chinese commentators are perplexed with this chapter. Holding of Confucius, that “He was born with knowledge, and did what was right with entire ease,” they say that he here conceals his sagehood, and puts himself on the level of common men, to set before them a stimulating example. We may believe that the compilers of the Analects, the sage’s immediate disciples, did not think of him so extravagantly as later men have done. It is to be wished, however, that he had been more definite and diffuse in his account of himself. 1. The “learning,” to which, at the age of fifteen, Confucius gave himself, is to be understood of the subjects of the “Superior Learning.” See Choo He’s preliminary essay to the Ta Hëŏ. 2. The “standing firm” probably indicates that he no more needed to bend his will. 3. The “no doubts” may have been concerning what was proper in all circumstances and events. 4. “The decrees of Heaven,” the things decreed by Heaven, the constitution of things making what was proper to be so. 5. “The ear obedient” is the mind receiving, as by intuition, the truth from the ear.

[5. ]Filial piety must be shown according to the rules of propriety. 1. Măng E was a great officer of the state of Loo, by name Ho-ke, and the chief of one of the three great families by which in the time of Confucius the authority of that state was grasped. Those families were descended from three brothers, the sons by a concubine of the Duke Hwan (bc 710-693). E which means “mild and virtuous,” was the posthumous honorary title given to Ho-ke. Fan Ch‘e was a minor disciple of the sage. Confucius repeated his remark to Fan. that he might report the explanation of it to his friend Măng E, and thus prevent him from supposing that all the sage intended was disobedience to parents.

[6. ]The Anxiety of parents about their children an argument for filial piety. This enigmatical sentence has been interpreted in two ways. Choo He takes it thus:—“Parents have the sorrow of thinking anxiously about their—i. e. then children’s—being unwell. Therefore children should take care of their persons.” The old commentators interpreted differently: in the sense of “only.” “Let parents have only the sorrow of their children’s illness. Let them have no other occasion for sorrow. This will be filial piety.” Măng Woo (the hou. epithet=“Bold and of straightforward principle,”) was the son of Măng E, of the last chapter.

[7. ]How there must be reverence in filial duty. Tsze-yew was the designation of Yen Yen, a native of Woo, and distinguished among the disciples of Confucius for his knowledge of the rules of propriety, and for his learning. He is now among the “wise ones.” Choo He gives a different turn to the sentiment. “But dogs and horses likewise manage to get their support.” The other and older interpretation is better.

[8. ]The duties of filial piety must be performed with a cheerful countenance. To the different interrogatories here recorded about filial duty, the sage, we are told, made answer according to the character of the questioner, as each one needed instruction.

[9. ]The quiet receptivity of the disciple Hwuy. Yen Hwuy was Confucius’ favourite disciple, and is now honoured with the first place east among his four assessors in his temples, with the title of “The second sage, the philosopher Yen.” At the age of twenty-nine, his hair was entirely white: and at thirty-three, he died, to the excessive grief of the sage.

[10. ]How to determine the characters of men.

[11. ]To be able to teach others one must from his old stores be continually developing things new.

[12. ]The general aptitude of the Superior Man. This is not like our English saying, that “such a man is a machine,”—a blind instrument. An utensil has its particular use. It answers for that and no other. Not so with the superior man, who is ad omnia paratus.

[13. ]How with the superior man words follow actions. The reply is literally: “He first acts his words, and afterwards follows them.”

[14. ]The difference between the superior man and the small man. The sentence is this—“With the superior man, it is principles not men; with the small man, the reverse.”

[15. ]In learning, reading and thought must be combined.

[16. ]Strange doctrines are not to be studied. In Confucius’ time Buddhism was not in China, and we can hardly suppose him to intend Taouism. Indeed, we are ignorant to what doctrines he referred, but his maxim is of general application.

[17. ]There should be no pretence in the profession or knowledge, or the denial of ignorance. Yew, by surname Chung, and generally known by his designation of Tsze-loo, was one of the most famous disciples of Confucius, and now occupies in the temples the fourth place east in the sage’s own hall, among the “wise ones.” He was noted for his courage and forwardness, a man of impulse rather than reflection. Confucius had foretold that he would come to an untimely end, and so it happened. He was killed through his own rashness in a revolution in the state of Wei. The tassel of his cap being cut off when he received his death-wound, he quoted a saying—“The superior man must not die without his cap,” tied on the tassel, adjusted the cap, and expired.

[18. ]The end in learning should be one’s own improvement, and not emolument. Tzse-chang, named Sze, with the double surname Chuen-sun, a native of Ch‘in, was not undistinguished in the Confucian school. Tsze-kung praised him as a man of merit without boasting, humble in a high position, and not arrogant to the helpless. From this chapter, however, it would appear that inferior motives did sometimes rule him.

[19. ]How a prince by the right employment of his officers may secure the real submission of his subjects. Gae was the honorary epithet of Tseang, Duke of Loo (bc 494—367). Confucius died in his sixteenth year. According to the laws for posthumous titles, Gae denotes “the respectful and benevolent, early cut off,” and Duke Gae, “The to-be-lamented duke.”

[20. ]Example in superiors is more powerful than force. K‘ang, “easy and pleasant, people-soother,” was the honorary epithet of Ke-sun Fei, the head of one of the three great families of Loo; see ch. 5. His idea is seen in “to cause,” the power of force; that of Confucius appears in “then,” the power of influence.

[21. ]Confucius’ explanation of his not being in any office. 1. “Confucius” is here “K‘ung, the philosopher,” the surname indicating that the questioner was not a disciple. He had his reason for not being in office at the time, but it was not expedient to tell. He replied, therefore, as in par. 2. See the Shoo-king, v. xxi. 1. But the text is neither correctly applied nor exactly quoted. A western may think that the philosopher might have made a happier evasion.

[22. ]The necessity to a man of being truthful and sincere.

[23. ]The great principles governing society are unchangeable. 1. Confucius made no pretension to supernatural powers, and all commentators are agreed that the things here asked about were not what we would call contingent or indifferent events. He merely says that the great principles of morality and relations of society had continued the same, and would ever do so. 2. The Hea, Yin, and Chow, are now spoken of as the “Three dynasties,” literally, “The three Changes.” The first emperor of the Hea was “The great Yu,” bc 2204, of the Yin, T‘ang, bc 1765; and of Chow, Woo, bc 1121.

[24. ]Neither in sacrifice nor in other practice may a man do anything but what is right. The spirits of which a man may say that they are his, are those only of his ancestors, and to them only he may sacrifice. The ritual of China provides for sacrifices to three classes of objects—“Spirits of heaven, of the earth, of men.” This chapter is not to be extended to all the three. It has reference only to the manes of departed men.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. The last book treated of the practice of government, and therein no things, according to Chinese ideas, are more important than ceremonial rites and music. With those topics, therefore, the twenty-six chapters of this book are occupied, and “eight rows,” the principal words in the first chapter, are adopted as its heading.

[1. ]Confucius’ indignation at the usurpation of imperial rites. These dancers, or pantomimes rather, kept time in the temple services, in the front space before the raised portion in the principal hall, moving or brandishing feathers, flags, or other articles. In his ancestral temple, the Emperor had eight rows, each row consisting of eight men: a duke or prince had six, and a great officer only four. For the Ke, therefore, to use eight rows was a usurpation, for though it may be argued, that to the ducal family of Loo imperial rites were conceded, and that the offshoots of it might use the same, still great officers were confined to the ordinances proper to their rank. Confucius’ remark may also be translated, “If this be endured, what may not be endured?”

[2. ]Again against usurped rites. The three families assembled together as being the descendants of Duke Hwan in one temple. To this temple belonged the area in the last chapter, which is called the area of the Ke, because circumstances had concurred to make the Ke the chief of the three families, For the Yung ode, see the She-king, V. Bk II. vii. 1. It was properly sung in the imperial temples of the Chow dynasty, at the “clearing away” of the sacrificial apparatus, and contains the lines quoted by Confucius, which of course were quite mappropriate to the circumstances of the three families.

[3. ]Ceremonies and music vain without virtue.

[4. ]The object of ceremonies should regulate them against formalism. Lin Fang was a man of Loo, supposed to have been a disciple of Confucius, and whose tablet is now placed in the outer court of the temples. He is known only by the question in this chapter.

[5. ]The anarchy of Confucius’ time.

[6. ]On the folly of usurped sacrifices. The T‘ae mountain is the first of the “five mountains” which are celebrated in Chinese literature, and have always received religious honours. It was in Loo, or rather on the borders between Loo and Ts‘e, about two miles north of the present district city of T‘ae-gan, in the department of Tse-nan, in Shan-tung. According to the ritual of China, sacrifice could only be offered to these mountains by the emperor, and princes in whose States any of them happened to be. For the chief of the Ke family, therefore, to sacrifice to the T‘ae mountain was a great usurpation. Yen Yew was one of the disciples of Confucius, and is now third among the “wise ones” on the west. He was a man of ability and resources, and on one occasion proved himself a brave soldier.

[7. ]The superior man avoids all contentious striving. In Confucius’ time there were three principal exercises of archery:—the great archery, under the eye of the emperor; the guests’ archery, at the visits of the princes among themselves or at the imperial court; and the festive archery. The regulations for the archers were substantially the same in them all. Every stage of the trial was preceded by “bowings and yieldings,” making the whole an exhibition of courtesies and not of contention.

[8. ]Ceremonies are secondary and ornamental. The sentences quoted by Tsze-hea are from an old ode, one of those which Confucius did not admit into the She-king. The two first lines, however, are found in it, I. v. 3. The disciple’s inquiry turns on the meaning of the last line, which he took to be: “The plain ground is to be regarded as the colouring;” but Confucius, in his reply, corrects his error.

[9. ]The decay of the monuments of antiquity. Of Hea and Yin, see II. 23. In the small state of Ke (what is now the district of the same name in K‘ae-fung department in Ho-nan), the sacrifices to the emperors of the Hea dynasty were maintained by their descendants. So with the Yin dynasty and Sung, also a part of the present Ho-nan. But the “literary monuments” of those countries, and their “wise men” had become few. Had Confucius therefore delivered all his knowledge about the two dynasties, he would have exposed his truthfulness to suspicion, which he would not do. We see from the chapter how in the time of Confucius many of the records of antiquity had perished.

[10. ]The sage’s dissatisfaction at the want of propriety of and in ceremonies. The “great sacrifice” here spoken of could properly be celebiated only by the emperor. The individual sacrificed to in it was the remotest ancestor from whom the founder of the reigning dynasty traced his descendant. As to who were his assessors in the sacrifice, and how often it was offered:—these are disputed points. An imperial rite, its use in Loo was wrong (see next chapter) but there was something in the service after the early act of libation inviting the descent of the spirits, which more particularly moved the anger of Confucius.

[11. ]The profound meaning of the great sacrifice. This chapter is akin to ii. 21. Confucius evades replying to his questioner, it being contrary to Chinese propriety to speak in a country of the faults of its government or rulers. If he had entered into an account of the sacrifice, he must have condemned the use of an imperial rite in Loo.

[12. ]Confucius’ own sincerity in sacrificing. By “the dead” we are to understand Confucius’ own forefathers, by “the spirits” other spirits to whom in his offical capacity he had to sacrifice.

[13. ]That there is no resource against the consequences of violating the right. 1. Kea was a great officer of Wei, and having the power of the state in his hands, insinuated to Confucius that it would be for his advantage to pay court to him. The south-west corner was from the structure of ancient houses the cosiest nook, and the place of honour. Choo He explains the proverb by reference to the customs of sacritice. The furnace was comparatively a mean place, but when the spirit of the furnace was sacrificed to, then the rank of the two places was changed for the time, and the proverb quoted was in vogue. But there does not seem much force in this explanation. The door, or well, or any other of the five things in the regular sacrifices, might take the place of the furnace. 2. Confucius’ reply was in a high tone. Choo He says, “Heaven means principle.” But why should Heaven mean principle, if there were not in such a use of the term an instinctive recognition of a supreme government of intelligence and righteousness? We find the term explained by “The lofty one who is on high.”

[14. ]The completeness and elegance of the institutions of the Chow dynasty.

[15. ]Confucius in the grand temple. “The grand temple” was the temple dedicated to the famous Duke of Chow, and where he was worshipped with imperial rites. The thing is supposed to have taken place at the beginning of Confucius’ official service in Loo, when he went into the temple with other officers to assist at the sacrifice. He had studied all about ceremonies, and was famed for his knowledge of them, but he thought it a mark of sincerity and earnestness to make minute inquiries about them on the occasion spoken of Tsow was the name of the town in Loo, of which Confucius’ father had been governor, who was known therefore as “the man of Tsow.” We may suppose that Confucius would be styled as in the text, only in his early life, or by very ordinary people.

[16. ]How the ancients made archery a discipline of virtue.

[17. ]How Confucius cleaved to ancient rites. The emperor in the last month of the year gave out to the princes a calendar for the first days of the twelve months of the year ensuing. This was kept in their ancestral temples, and on the first of every month they offered a sheep and announced the day, requesting sanction for the duties of the month. The dukes of Loo neglected now their part of this ceremony, but the sheep was still offered;—a meaningless formality, it seemed to Tsze-kung. Confucius, however, thought that while any part of the ceremony was retained, there was a better chance of restoring the whole.

[18. ]How princes should be served. against the spirit of the times.

[19. ]The guiding principles in the regulation of prince and minister. Ting. “Greatly anxious, tranquillizer of the people,” was the posthumous epithet of Sung, Prince of Loo, bc 508—494.

[20. ]A praise of the first of the odes. Kwan Ts‘eu is the name of the first ode in the She-king, and may be translated,—“Kwan Kwan go the King-ducks.”

[21. ]A rash reply of Tsae Wo about the altars to the spirits of the land, and lament of Confucius thereon. 1. King Gae, see II xix. Tsae Wo was an eloquent disciple of the sage, a native of Loo. His place is among the “wise ones.” He tells the duke that the founders of the several dynasties planted such and such trees about the altars. The reason was that the soil suited such trees; but as the word for the chestnut tree, the tree of the existing dynasty, is used in the sense of “to be afraid,” he suggested a reason for its planting which might lead the duke to severe measures against his people to be carried into effect at the altars Compare Shoo-king, III. ii. 5, “I will put you to death before the altar to the spirit of the land.” 2. This is all directed against Wo’s reply. He had spoken, and his words could not be recalled.

[22. ]Confucius’ opinion of Kwan Chung,—against him. 1. Kwan Chung is one of the most famous names in Chinese history. He was chief minister to the Duke Hwan of Ts‘e (bc 683—642), the first and greatest of the five p‘a leaders of the princes of the empire under the Chow dynasty. In the times of Confucius and Mencius, people thought more of Kwan than those sages, no hero-worshippers, would allow. Most foreign readers, however, in studying the history of Kwan’s times, will hesitate in adopting the sage’s judgment about him. He rendered great services to his State and to China.

[23. ]On the playing of music.

[24. ]A stranger’s view of the vocation of Confucius. E was a small town on the borders of Wei, referred to a place in the present district of Lan-Yang, department K‘ae-fung, Honan province. Confucius was retiring from Wei, the prince of which could not employ him. The “wooden-tongued bell” was a metal bell with a wooden tongue, shaken to call attention to announcements, or along the ways to call people together. Heaven, the warden thought, would employ Confucius to proclaim and call men’s attention to the truth and right.

[25. ]The comparative merits of the music of Shun and Woo. Shaou was the name of the music made by Shun, perfect in melody and sentiment. Woo was the music of King Woo, also perfect in melody, but breathing the martial air, indicative of its author.

[26. ]The disregard of what is essential vitiates all services.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this Book—“Virtue in a neighbourhood.” The book is mostly occupied with the subject of jin, which is generally translated by “benevolence.” That sense, however, will by no means suit many of the chapters here, and we must render it by “perfect virtue” or “virtue.” See II. i. 2. The embodiment of virtue demands an acquaintance with ceremonies and music, and this is the reason, it is said, why the one subject immediately follows the other.

[1. ]Rules for the selection of a residence.

[2. ]Only true virtue adapts a man for the varied conditions of life.

[3. ]Only in the good man are emotions of love and hatred right. This chapter, containing an important truth, is incorporated with the Great Learning, comm. X. 15.

[4. ]The virtuous will preserves from all wickedness. Compare the apostle’s sentiment, 1 John iii. 9, “Whosoever is born of God doth not commit sin.”

[5. ]The devotion of the Keun-tsze to virtue.

[6. ]A lament because of the rarity of the love of virtue, and encouragement to practise virtue.

[7. ]A man is not to be utterly condemned because he has faults. Such is the sentiment found in this chapter, in which we may say, however, that Confucius is liable to the charge brought against Tsze-hea, I vii. The faults are the excesses of the general tendencies. Compare Goldsmith’s line, “And even his failings leant to virtue’s side.”

[8. ]The importance of knowing the right way. One is perplexed to translate the “way,” or “right way,” here spoken. One calls it “the path.”—i.e. of action—which is in accordance with our nature. Man is formed for this, and if he die without coming to the knowledge of it, his death is no better than that of a beast. One would fain recognize in such sentences as this a vague apprehension of some higher truth or way than Chinese sages have been able to propound.—Ho An takes a different view of the whole chapter, and makes it a lament of Confucius that he was likely to die without hearing of right principles prevailing in the world.—“Could I once hear of the prevalence of right principles, I could die the same evening.”

[9. ]The pursuit of truth should raise a man above being ashamed of poverty.

[10. ]Righteousness is the rule of the Keun-tsze’s practice.

[11. ]The different mindings of the superior and the small man.

[12. ]The consequence of selfish conduct.

[13. ]The influence in government of ceremonies observed in their proper spirit.

[14. ]Advising to self-cultivation. Compare I. xvi.

[15. ]Confucius’ doctrine that of a pervading unity. This chapter is said to be the most profound in the Lun Yu. To myself it occurs to translate “my doctrines have one thing which goes through them,” but such an exposition has not been approved by any Chinese commentator. The second paragraph shows us clearly enough what the one thing or unity intended by Confucius was. It was the heart, man’s nature, of which all the relations and duties of life are only the development and outgoings. What I have translated by “being true to the principles of our nature,” and “exercising those principles benevolently,” are in the original only two characters both formed from sin, “the heart.” The former is compounded of chung, “middle,” “centre,” and sin, and the latter of joo, “as,” and sin. The “centre heart”=I, the ego, and the “as heart”=the “I in sympathy” with others. One is duty-doing, on a consideration, or from the impulse, of one’s own self; the other is duty doing, on the principle of reciprocity. The chapter is important, showing that Confucius only claimed to unfold and enforce duties indicated by man’s mental constitution. He was simply a moral philosopher.

[16. ]How righteousness and selfishness distinguish the superior man and the small man.

[17. ]The lessons to be learned from observing men of different characters.

[18. ]How a son may remonstrate with his parents on their faults. See the Le Ke, XII. i. 15.

[19. ]A son ought not to go to a distance where he will not be able to pay the due services to his parents.

[20. ]A repetition of part of I. xi.

[21. ]What effect the age of the parents should have on their children.

[22. ]The virtue of the ancients seen in their slowness to speak.

[23. ]Advantage of caution. Collie’s version, which I have adopted, is here happy.

[24. ]Rule of the Keun-tsze about his words and actions.

[25. ]The virtuous are not left alone;—an encouragement to virtue.

[26. ]A lesson to counsellors and friends.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book.—“Kung-yay Ch‘ang,” the surname and name of the first individual spoken of in it, heads this book, which is chiefly occupied with the judgment of the sage on the character of several of his disciples and others. As the decision frequently turns on their being possessed of that jin, or perfect virtue, which is so conspicuous in the last book, this is the reason, it is said, why the one immediately follows the other. As Tsze-kung appears in the book several times, some have fancied that it was compiled by his disciples.

[1. ]Confucius in marriage-making was guided by character, and not by fortune. Of Kung-yay Ch‘ang, though the son-in-law of Confucius, nothing certain is known, and his tablet is only third on the west among the ὁι πολλοί Silly legends are told of his being put in prison from his bringing suspicion on himself by his knowledge of the language of birds. Nan Yung, another of the disciples, is now fourth, east, in the outer hall. The discussions about who he was, and whether he is to be identified with Nan-Kung Kwoh, and several other aliases, are very perplexing. We cannot tell whether Confucius is giving his impression of Young’s character, or referring to events that had taken place.

[2. ]The Keun-tsze formed by intercourse with other Keun-tsze. Tsze-tseen, by surname Fuh, and named Puh-ts‘e, appears to have been of some note among the disciples of Confucius, both as an administrator and writer, though his tablet is now only second, west, in the outer hall. What chiefly distinguished him, as appears here, was his cultivation of the friendship of men of ability and virtue.

[3. ]Whereto Tsze-kung had attained. See I. x.; II. xii. While the sage did not grant to Tsze that he was a Keun-tsze (II. xii.), he made him “a vessel of honour,” valuable and fit for use on high occasions.

[4. ]Of Yen Yung Readiness with the tongue no part of virtue. Yen Yung, styled Chung-Kung, has his tablet the second on the east of Confucius’ own tablet, among the “wise ones.” His father was a worthless character (see VI. iv.), but he himself was the opposite.

[5. ]Tseih-teaou K‘ae’s opinion of the qualifications necessary to taking office. Tseih-teaou, now sixth on the east, in the outer hall, was styled Tsze-jŏ. His name originally was K‘e, changed into Ka‘e, on the accession of the Emperor Heaou-King, ad 155, whose name was also K‘e. In the chapter about the disciples in the “Family Sayings,” it is said that K‘ae was reading in the Shoo-king, when Confucius spoke to him about taking office, and he pointed to the book, or some particular passage in it, saying, “I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of this.” It may have been so.

[6. ]Confucius proposing to withdraw from the world:—a lesson to Tsze-loo. Tsze-loo supposed his master really meant to leave the world, and the idea of floating along the coasts pleased his ardent temper, while he was delighted with the compliment paid to himself. But Confucius only expressed in this way his regret at the backwardness of men to receive his doctrines.

[7. ]Of Tsze-loo, Tsze-yew, and Tsze-hwa. Măng Woo, see II. vi. 3. K‘ew, see III. vi. “A house of a hundred chariots,” in opposition to “A State of a thousand chariots,” was the secondary fief, the territory appropriated to the highest nobles or officers in a State, supposed also to comprehend 1000 families. 4. Ch‘ih, surnamed Kung-se, and styled Tsze-hwa, having now the fourteenth place, west, in the outer hall, was famous among the disciples for his knowledge of rules of ceremony, and those especially relating to dress and intercourse.

[8. ]Superiority of Yen Hwuy to Tsze-kung.

[9. ]The idleness of Tsae Yu and its reproof. Tsae Yu is the same individual as Tsae-wo in III. xxi.

[10. ]Unbending virtue cannot co-exist with indulgence of the passions. Shin Ch‘ang (there are several aliases, but they are disputed,) was one of the minor disciples, of whom little or nothing is known. He was styled Tsze-chow, and his place is thirty-first, east, in the outer ranges.

[11. ]The difficulty of attaining to the not wishing to do to others as we wish them not to do to us. It is said, “This chapter shows that the ‘no I’ (freedom from selfishness) is not easily reached.” In the Doctrine of the Mean, XIII 3, it is said, “What you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others.” The difference between it and the sentence here is said to be that of “reciprocity,” and “benevolence,” or the highest virtue, apparent in the two adverbs used, the one prohibitive, and the other a simple, unconstrained negation. The golden rule of the Gospel is higher than both,—“Do ye unto others as ye would that others should do unto you.”

[12. ]The gradual way in which Confucius communicated his doctrines. So the lesson of this chapter is summed up: but there is hardly another more perplexing to a translator. The commentators make the subject of the former clause to be the deportment and manners of the sage and his ordinary discourses, but the verb “to hear” is an inappropriate term with reference to the former. These things, however, were level to the capacity of the disciples generally, and they had the benefit of them. As to his views about man’s nature, the gift of Heaven, and the way of Heaven generally:—these he only communicated to those who were prepared to receive them; and Tsze-kung is supposed to have expressed himself thus, after being on some occasion so privileged.

[13. ]The ardour of Tsze-loo in practising the Master’s instructions.

[14. ]An example of the principle on which honorary posthumous titles were conferred. “Wăn,” corresponding nearly to our “accomplished, was the posthumous title given to Tsze-yu an officer of the state of Wei, and a contemporary of Confucius. Many of his actions had been of a doubtful character, which made Tsze-kung stumble at the application to him of so honourable an epithet. But Confucius shows that, whatever he might otherwise be he had those qualities which justified his being so denominated. The rule for posthumous titles in China has been, and is very much—“De mortuis nil nist bonum.”

[15. ]The excellent qualities of Tsze-ch‘an. Tsze-ch‘an, named Kung-sun K‘eaou, was the chief minister of the state of Ching—the ablest perhaps, and most upright, of all the statesmen among Confucius’ contemporaries. The sage wept when he heard of his death.

[16. ]How to maintain friendship. “Familiarity breeds contempt,” and with contempt friendship ends. It was not so with Gan P‘ing, another of the worthies of Confucius’ times. He was a principal minister of Ts‘e, by name Ying. P‘ing (“Ruling and averting calamity”) was his posthumous title.

[17. ]The superstition of Tsang Wan. Tsang Wăn (Wăn is the honorary epithet) had been a great officer in Loo, and left a reputation for wisdom, which Confucius did not think was deserved. He was descended from the Duke Heaou (bc 794—767), whose son was styled Tsze-Tsang. This Tsang was taken by his descendants as their surname. This is mentioned to show one of the ways in which surnames were formed among the Chinese. The old interpreters make the keeping such a tortoise an act of usurpation on the part of Tsang Wăn. Choo He finds the point of Confucius’ words, in the keeping it in such a style, as if to flatter it.

[18. ]The praise of perfect virtue is not to be lightly accorded. 1. Tsze-wăn, the chief minister of the State of Tsoo, had been noted for the things mentioned by Tsze-chang, but the sage would not concede that he was therefore perfectly virtuous. 2. Ts‘uy was a great officer of Ts‘e. Gan P‘ing (ch. xvi.), distinguished himself on the occasion of the murder (bc 547) here referred to. Ch‘in Wăn was likewise an officer of Ts‘e.

[19. ]Prompt decision good. Wăn was the posthumous title of Ke Hing-foo a faithful and disinterested officer of Loo. Compare Robert Hall’s remark.—“In matters of conscience first thoughts are best.”

[20. ]The uncommon but admirable stupidity of Ning Woo. Ning Woo (Woo, hon. ep. See II. vi.), was an officer of Wei in the times of Wăn (bc 635—627), the second of the five p‘a (See on III. xxii.). In the first part of his official life, the State was quiet and prosperous, and he “wisely” acquitted himself of his duties. Afterwards came confusion. The prince was driven from the throne, and Ning Woo might, like other wise men, have retired from the danger. But he “foolishly,” as it seemed, chose to follow the fortunes of his prince, and yet adroitly brought it about in the end, that the prince was reinstated and order restored.

[21. ]The anxiety of Confucius about the training of his disciples. Confucius was thrice in Ch‘in. It must have been the third time when he thus expressed himself. He was then over sixty years, and being convinced that he was not to see for himself the triumph of his principles, he became the more anxious about their transmission, and the training of the disciples in order to that. Such is the common view of the chapter. Some say, however, that it is not to be understood of all the disciples. Compare Mencius, VII. Pt II. xxxvii. By an affectionate way of speaking of the disciples, he calls them his “little children.”

[22. ]The generosity of Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e, and its effects. These were ancient worthies of the closing period of the Shang dynasty. Compare Mencius, II. Pt I. ii. ix., et al. They were brothers, sons of the king of Koo-chuh, named respectively Yun and Che. E and Ts‘e are their honourable epithets, and Pih and Shuh only indicate their relation to each other as elder and younger. Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e, however, are in effect their names in the mouths and writings of the Chinese. Koo-chuh was a small state, included in the present department of Yung-p‘ing, in Pih-chih-le. Their father left his kingdom to Shuh-ts‘e, who refused to take the place of his elder brother. Pih-e in turn declined the throne, so they both abandoned it, and retired into obscurity. When King Woo was taking his measures against the tyrant Chow, they made their appearance, and remonstrated against his course. Finally, they died of hunger, rather than live under the new dynasty. They were celebrated for their purity, and aversion to men whom they considered bad, but Confucius here brings out their generosity.

[23. ]Small meannesses inconsistent with uprightness. It is implied that Kaou gave the vinegar as from himself.

[24. ]Praise of sincerity, and of Tso-k‘ew ming. Compare I. iii., “excessive respect.” The discussions about Tso-k‘ew Ming are endless. It is sufficient for us to rest in the judgment of the commentator, Ch‘ing, that “he was an ancient of reputation.” It is not to be received that he was a disciple of Confucius, or the author of the Tso-chuen.

[25. ]The different wishes of Yen Yuen, Tsze-loo, and Confucius. The Master and the disciples, it is said, agreed in being devoid of selfishness. Hwuy’s, however, was seen in a higher style of mind and object than Yew’s. In the sage, there was an unconsciousness of self, and without any effort, he proposed acting in regard to his classification of men just as they ought severally to be acted to.

[26. ]A lament over men’s persistence in error. The remark affirms a fact, inexplicable on Confucius view of the nature of man. But perhaps such an exclamation should not be pressed too closely.

[27. ]The humble claim of Confucius for himself. Confucius thus did not claim higher natural and moral qualities than others, but sought to perfect himself by learning.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “There is Yung!” commences the first chapter, and stands as the title of the book. Its subjects are much akin to those of the preceding book, and therefore, it is said, they are in juxtaposition.

[1. ]The characters of Yen Yung and Tsze-sang Pih-tsze, as regards their adaptation for government. 1. “Might occupy the place of a prince,” is literally “Might be employed with his face to the south.” In China, the emperor sits facing the south. So did the princes of the states in their several courts in Confucius’ time. An explanation of the practice is attempted in the Yih-King. “The diagram Le conveys the idea of brightness, when all things are exhibited to one another. It is the diagram of the south. The custom of the sages (i. e. monarchs) to sit with their faces to the south, and listen to the representations of the empire, governing towards the bright region, was taken from this.” 2. Observe, Chung-kung was the designation of Yen Yung, see V. iv. 3. Of Tsze-sang Pih-tsze, we know nothing certain but what is here stated. Choo He seems to be wrong in approving the identification of him with a Tsze-sang Hoo.—“To dwell in respect,” to have the mind imbued with it.

[2. ]The rarity of a true love to learn. Hwuy’s superiority to the other disciples. “He did not transfer his anger,” i. e. his anger was no tumultuary passion in the mind, but was excited by some specific cause, to which alone it was directed. The idea of “learning,” with the duke and the sage, was a practical obedience to the lessons given.

[3. ]Discrimination of Confucius in rewarding or salarying officers. 1. Choo He says the commission was a private one from Confucius, but this is not likely. The old interpretation makes it a public one from the court of Loo. “Yen, the disciple;” see III. vi. Yen is here styled “the philosopher,” like Yew, in I. ii., but only in narrative, not as introducing any wise utterance. A foo contained 6 tow and 4 shing, or 64 shing. The yu contained 160 shing, and the ping 16 hŏ, or 1600 shing. A shing of the present day is about one-fourth less than an English pint. 2. Ch‘ih. i.e. Tsze-hwa; see V. vii. 4. 3. Yuen Sze, named Heen, is now the third, east, in the outer hall of the temples. He was noted for his pursuit of truth, and carelessness of worldly advantages. After the death of Confucius, he withdrew into retirement in Wei. It is related that Tsze-kung, high in official station, came one day in great style to visit him. Sze received him in a tattered coat, and Tsze-kung asking him if he were ill, he replied. “I have heard that to have no money is to be poor and that to study truth and not be able to find it is to be ill.” This answer sent Tsze-kung away in confusion.—The 900 measures (whatever they were) was the proper allowance for an officer of Sze’s station.

[4. ]The vices of a father should not discredit a virtuous son. “The father of Chung-kung (see V. iv.) was a man of bad character,” and some would have visited this upon his son, which drew forth Confucius’ remark. The rules of the Chow dynasty required that sacrificial victims should be red, and have good horns. An animal with those qualities, though it might spring from one not possessing them, would certainly not be unacceptable on that account to the spirits sacrificed to.

[5. ]The superiority of Hwuy to the other disciples.

[6. ]The Qualities of Tsze-loo, Tsze-kung, and Tsze-yew, and their competency to assist in government. The prince is called “the doer of government;” his ministers and officers are styled “the followers (officers) of government.”

[7. ]Min Tsze-k‘een refuses to serve the Ke family. The tablet of Tsze-k‘een (his name was Sun) is now the first on the east among “the wise ones” of the temple. He was among the foremost of the disciples. Confucius praises his filial piety; and we see here, how he could stand firm in his virtue, and refuse the proffers of powerful but unprincipled families of his time. Pe was a place belonging to the Ke family. Its name is still preserved in a district of the department of E-chow, in Shan-tung. The Wăn stream divided Ts‘e and Loo. Tsze-k‘een threatens, if he should be troubled again, to retreat to Ts‘e, where the Ke family could not reach him.

[8. ]Lament of Confucius over the mortal sickness of Pih-new. Pih-new, “elder or uncle New,” was the denomination of Yen Kăng, who had an honourable place among the disciples of the sage. In the old interpretation, his sickness is said to have been “an evil disease,” by which name leprosy is intended. Suffering from such a disease, Pih-new would not see people, and Confucius took his hand through the window. A different explanation of that circumstance is given by Choo He. He says that sick persons were usually placed on the north side of the apartment, but when the prince visited them, in order that he might appear to them with his face to the south (see ch. I.), they were moved to the south. On this occasion, Pih-new’s friends wanted to receive Confucius after this royal fashion, which he avoided by not entering the house.

[9. ]The happiness of Hwuy independent of poverty.

[10. ]A high aim and perseverance proper to a student. Confucius would not admit K‘ew’s apology for not attempting more than he did. “Give over in the middle of the wav,” i. e. they go as long and as far as they can, they are pursuing when they stop; whereas K‘ew was giving up when he might have gone on.

[11. ]How learning should be pursued.

[12. ]The character of Tan-t‘ae Meĕ-ming. The chapter shows, according to Chinese commentators, the advantage to people in authority of their having good men about them. In this way, after their usual fashion, they seek for a profound meaning in the remark of Confucius. Tan-t‘ae Meĕ-ming, who was styled Tsze-yu, has his tablet the second east outside the hall. The accounts of him are very conflicting. According to one, he was very good-looking, while another says he was so badlooking that Confucius at first formed an unfavourable opinion of him, an error which he afterwards confessed on Meĕ-ming’s becoming eminent. He travelled southwards with not a few followers, and places near Soo-chow and elsewhere retain names indicative of his presence.

[13. ]The virtue of Mang Che-fan in concealing his merit. But where was his virtue in deviating from the truth? And how could Confucius commend him for doing so? These question have never troubled the commentators. Măng Che-fan was an officer of Loo. The defeat, after which he thus distinguished himself, was in the 11th year of Duke Gae, bc 483.

[14. ]The degeneracy of the age esteeming glibness of tongue and beauty of person. T‘o, the officer charged with the prayers in the ancestral temple. I have coined the word litanist, to come as near to the meaning as possible. He was an officer of the state of Wei, styled Tsze-yu. Prince Chaou had been guilty of incest with his sister Nan-tsze (see ch. 26), and afterwards, when she was married to the Duke Ling of Wei, he served as an officer there, carrying on his wickedness. He was celebrated for his beauty of person.

[15. ]A lament over the waywardness of men’s conduct. “These ways,”—in a moral sense;—not deep doctrines, but rules of life.

[16. ]The equal blending of solid excellence and ornamental accomplishments in a complete character.

[17. ]Life without uprightness is not true life, and cannot be calculated on. “No more serious warning than this,” says one commentator, “was ever addressed to men by Confucius.” We long here, as elsewhere, for more perspicuity and fuller development of view. An important truth struggles for expression, but only finds it imperfectly. Without uprightness, the end of man’s existence is not fulfilled, but his preservation in such case is not merely a fortunate accident.

[18. ]Different stages of attainment.

[19. ]Teachers must be guided in communicating knowledge by the susceptivity of the learners.

[20. ]Chief elements in wisdom and virtue. We may suppose from the second clause that Fan Ch‘e was striving after what was uncommon and superhuman. The sage’s advice therefore is—“attend to what are plainly human duties, and do not be superstitious.”

[21. ]Contrasts of the wise and the virtuous. The wise or knowing are active and restless, like the waters of a stream, ceaselessly flowing and advancing. The virtuous are tranquil and firm, like the stable mountains. The pursuit of knowledge brings joy. The life of the virtuous may be expected to glide calmly on and long. After all, the saying is not very comprehensible.

[22. ]The condition of the states Ts‘e and Loo. Ts‘e and Loo were both within the present Shan-tung. Ts‘e lay along the coast on the north, embracing the present department of Ts‘ing Chow and other territory. Loo was on the south, the larger portion of it being formed by the present department of Yen-chow. At the rise of the Chow dynasty, King Woo invested “the great Duke Wang” with the principality of Ts‘e, while his successor, King Ch‘ing, constituted the son of his uncle, the famous duke of Chow, prince of Loo. In Confucius’ time, Ts‘e had degenerated more than Loo.

[23. ]The name without the reality is folly. This was spoken with reference to the governments of the time, retaining ancient names without ancient principles. The vessel spoken of was made with corners, as appears from the composition of the character, which is formed from Këŏ, “a horn,” “a sharp corner.” In Contucius’ time, the form was changed, while the name was kept.

[24. ]The benevolent exercise their benevolence with prudence. Tsae Wo could see no limitation to acting on the impulses of benevolence. We are not to suppose, with modern commentators, that he wished to show that benevolence was impracticable.

[25. ]The happy effect of learning and propriety combined.

[26. ]Confucius vindicates himself for visiting the unworthy Nan-tsze. Nan-tsze was the wife of the duke of Wei, and sister of Prince Chaou, mentioned chapter xiv. Her lewd character was well known, and hence Tsze-loo was displeased, thinking an interview with her was disgraceful to the Master. Great pains are taken to explain the incident. “Nan-tsze,” says one, “sought the interview from the stirrings of her natural conscience.” “It was a rule,” says another, “that officers in a state should visit the prince’s wife.” “Nan-tsze,” argues a third, “had all influence with her husband, and Confucius wished to get currency by her means for his doctrine.”

[27. ]The defective practice of the people in Confucius’ times. See the Doctrine of the Mean, III.

[28. ]The true nature and art of virtue. There are no higher sayings in the Analects than we have here. 1. Tsze-kung appears to have thought that great doings were necessary to virtue, and propounds a case which would transcend the achievements of Yaou and Shun. From such extravagant views the Master recalls him. 2. This is the description of “the mind of the perfectly virtuous man” as void of all selfishness. 3. It is to be wished that the idea intended by “being able to judge of others by what is nigh in ourselves,” had been more clearly expressed. Still we seem to have here a near approach to a positive enunciation of “the golden rule.”

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book.—“A transmitter, and—” We have in this book much information of a personal character about Confucius, both from his own lips and from the descriptions of his disciples. The two preceding books treat of the disciples and other worthies, and here, in contrast with them, we have the sage himself exhibited.

[1. ]Confucius disclaims being an originator or maker. Commentators say the master’s language here is from his extreme humility. But we must hold that it expresses his true sense of his position and work. Who the individual called endearingly “our old P‘ang” was, can hardly be ascertained. Choo He adopts the view that he was a worthy officer of the Shang dynasty. But that individual’s history is a mass of fables. Others make him to be Laou-tsze, the founder of the Taou sect, and others again make two individuals—one this Laou-tsze, and the other that P‘ang.

[2. ]Confucius’ humble estimate of himself. “The language,” says Choo He, “is that of humility upon humility.” Some insert, “besides me,” in their explanations before “what,”—“Besides these, what is there in me?” But this is quite arbitrary. The profession may be inconsistent with what we find in other passages, but the inconsistency must stand rather than violence be done to the language.

[3. ]Contucius’ anxiety about his self-cultivation.—Another humble estimate of himself. Here, again, commentators find only the expressions of humility, but there can be no reason why we should not admit that Confucius was anxious lest these things, which are only put forth as possibilities, should become in his case actual facts.

[4. ]The manner of Confucius when unoccupied.

[5. ]How the disappointment of Confucius’ hopes affected even his dreams. Chow was the name of the seat of the family from which the dynasty so called sprang, and on the enlargement of this territory, King Wăn divided the original seat between his sons, Tan and Shih. Tan was “the duke of Chow,” in wisdom and politics what his elder brother, the first emperor, Woo, was in arms. Confucius had longed to bring the principles and institutions of Chow-kung into practice, and in his earlier years, while hope animated him, had often dreamt of the former sage. The original territory of Chow was what is now the district of K‘e-shan, department of Fung-tseang, in Shen-se.

[6. ]Rules for the full maturing of character. See a note on “The polite arts,” I. vi. A full enumeration makes “six arts,” viz. ceremonies, music, archery, charioteering, the study of characters or language, and figures or arithmetic. The ceremonies were ranged in five classes, lucky or sacrifices, unlucky or the mourning ceremonies, military, those of host and guest, and festive. Music required the study of the music of Hwang-te, of Yaou, of Shun, of Yu, of T‘ang, and of Woo. Archery had a five-fold classification. Charioteering had the same. The study of the characters required the examination of them, to determine whether there predominated in their formation resemblance to the object, combination of ideas, indication of properties, a phonetic principle, a principle of contrariety, or metaphorical accommodation. Figures were managed according to nine rules, as the object was the measurement of land, capacity, &c. These six subjects were the business of the highest and most liberal education; but we need not suppose that Confucius had them all in view here.

[7. ]The readiness of Confucius to impart instruction. It was the rule anciently that when one party waited on another, he should carry some present or offering with him. Pupils did so when they first waited on their teacher. Of such offerings, one of the lowest was a bundle of “dried flesh.” The wages of a teacher are now called “the money of the dried flesh.” However small the offering brought to the sage, let him only see the indication of a wish to learn, and he imparted his instructions.

[8. ]Confucius required a real desire and ability in his disciples. The last chapter tells of the sage’s readiness to teach, which shows that he did not teach where his teaching was likely to prove of no avail.

[9. ]Confucius’ sympathy with mourners. The weeping is understood to be on occasion of offering his condolences to a mourner.

[10. ]The attainments of Hwuy like those of Confucius. The excessive boldness of Tsze-loo. The words “unarmed to attack a tiger, without a boat to cross a river,” are from the She King, Pt II., Bk V. i. 6. Tsze-loo, it would appear, was jealous of the praise conterred on Hwuy, and pluming himself on his bravery, put in for a share of the Master’s approbation. But he only brought on himself rebuke.

[11. ]The uncertainty and folly of the pursuit of riches. It occurs to a student to understand the first clause—“If it be proper to search for riches,” and the third—“I will do it.” But the translation is according to the modern commentary, and the conclusion agrees better with it. In explaining the words about “whip in hand,” some refer us to the attendants who cleared the street with their whips when the prince went abroad, but we need not seek any particular allusion of the kind. An objection to the pursuit of wealth may be made on the ground of righteousness (as in chapter xiv.) or on that of its uncertainty. It is the latter on which Confucius here rests.

[12. ]What things Confucius was particularly careful about. The word used here for “fasting” denotes the whole religious adjustment, enjoined before the offering of sacrifice, and extending over the ten days previous to the great sacrificial seasons. Properly it means “to equalize,” and the effect of those previous exercises was “to adjust what was not adjusted, to produce a perfect adjustment.” Sacrifices presented in such a state of mind were sure to be acceptable. Other people, it is said, might be heedless in reference to sacrifices, to war, and to sickness, but not so the sage.

[13. ]The effect of music on Confucius. The shaou,—see III. 25. This incident must have happened in the 36th year of Confucius when he followed the Duke Ch‘aou in his flight from Loo to Ts‘e. As related in the “Historical Records,” before the words “three months,” we have “he learned it,” which may relieve us from the necessity of extending the three months over all the time in which he did not know the taste of his food. In Ho An‘s compilation, the “did not know” is explained by “he was careless about and forgot.”

[14. ]Confucius did not approve of a son opposing his father. 1. The eldest son of Duke Ling of Wei had planned to kill his mother (? stepmother), the notorious Nan-tsze (VI. xxvi.). For this he had to flee the country, and his son, on the death of Ling, became duke, and subsequently opposed his father’s attempts to wrest the sovereignty from him. This was the matter argued among the disciples,—Was Confucius for the son, the reigning duke? 2. In Wei it would not have been according to propriety to speak by name of its ruler, and therefore Tsze-kung put the case of Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e, see V. xxii. They having given up a throne, and finally their lives, rather than do what they thought wrong, and Confucius fully approving of their conduct, it was plain he could not approve of a son’s holding by force what was the rightful inheritance of the father.

[15. ]The joy of Confucius independent of outward circumstances, however straitened.

[16. ]The value which Confucius set upon the study of the Yih. Choo He supposes that this was spoken when Confucius was about seventy, as he was in his 68th year when he ceased his wanderings, and settled in Loo to the adjustment and compilation of the Yih and other king. If the remark be referred to that time, an error may well be found in the number fifty, for he would hardly be speaking at seventy of having fifty years added to his life. Choo also mentions the report of a certain individual that he had seen a copy of the Lun Yu. which made the passage read:—“If I had some more years to finish the study of the Yih,” &c. Ho An interprets the chapter quite differently. Referring to the saying, II. iv. 4, “At fifty, I knew the decrees of heaven,” he supposes this to have been spoken when Confucius was forty-seven, and explains—“In a few years more I will be fifty, and have finished the Yih, when I may be without great faults.”—One thing remains upon both views:—Confucius never claimed what his followers do for him, to be a perfect man.

[17. ]Confucius’ most common topics.

[18. ]Confucius’ description of his character as being simply a most earnest learner. Shĕ was a district of Ts‘oo, the governor or prefect of which had usurped the title of duke. Its name is still preserved in a district of the department of Nan-yung, in the south of Ho-nan.

[19. ]Confucius’ knowledge not connate, but the result of his study of antiquity. Here again, according to commentators, is a wonderful instance of the sage’s humility disclaiming what he really had The comment of Yun Ho-tsing, subjoined to Choo He’s own, is to the effect that the knowledge born with a man is only “righteousness” and “reason,” while ceremonies, music, names of things, history, &c., must be learned. This would make what we may call connate or innate knowledge the moral sense, and those intuitive principles of reason, on and by which all knowledge is built up. But Confucius could not mean to deny his being possessed of these.

[20. ]Subjects avoided by Confucius in conversation. By “disorder” are meant rebellious disorder, parricide, regicide, and such crimes. For an instance of Confucius avoiding the subject of spiritual beings, see XI. xi.

[21. ]How a man may find instructors for himself.

[22. ]Confucius calm in danger, through the assurance of having a divine mission. According to the historical accounts, Confucius was passing through Sung on his way from Wei to Ch‘in, and was practising ceremonies with his disciples under a large tree, when they were set upon by emissaries of Hwan T‘uy, a high officer of Sung. These pulled down the tree, and wanted to kill the sage. His disciples urged him to make haste and escape, when he calmed their fears by these words. At the same time, he disguised himself till he had got past Sung. This story may be apocryphal, but the saying remains,—a remarkable one.

[23. ]Confucius practised no concealment with his disciples.

[24. ]The common subjects of Confucius’ teaching. I confess to apprehend but vaguely the two latter subjects as distinguished from the second.

[25. ]The paucity of true men in, and the pretentiousness of Confucius’ time. We have in the chapter a climax of character:—the man of constancy, or the single-hearted, steadfast man; the good man who on his single-heartedness has built up his virtue; the keun-tsze, the man of virtue in large proportions, and intellectually able besides; and the sage, or highest style of man. Compare Mencius, VII. Pt II. xxv.

[26. ]The humanity of Confucius. Confucius would only destroy what life was necessary for his use, and in taking that he would not take advantage of the inferior creatures. This chapter is said to be descriptive of him in his early life.

[27. ]Against acting heedlessly. Paou Heen, in Ho An, says that this was spoken with reference to heedless compilers of records; but this is unnecessary. The paraphrasts make the latter part descriptive of Confucius—“I hear much,” &c. This is not necessary, and the translation had better be as indefinite as the original.

[28. ]The readiness of Confucius to meet approaches to him though made by the unlikely.

[29. ]Virtue is not far to seek.

[30. ]How Confucius acknowledged his error. 1. Ch‘in, one of the States of China in Confucius’ time, is to be referred probably to the present department of Ch‘in-chow in Ho-nan province. Ch‘aou was the honorary epithet of Chow, duke of Loo, bc 541—509. He had a reputation for the knowledge and observance of ceremonies, and Confucius answered the minister’s question accordingly, the more readily that he was speaking to the officer of another State, and was bound, therefore, to hide any failings that his own sovereign might have had. 2. With all his knowledge of proprieties, the Duke Ch‘aou had violated an important rule,—that which forbids the intermarriage of parties of the same surname. The ruling houses of Loo and Woo were branches of the imperial house of Chow, and consequently had the same surname, Ke. To conceal his violation of the rule, Ch‘aou called his wife by the surname Tsze, as if she had belonged to the ducal house of Sung. Woo-ma K‘e was one of the minor disciples of Confucius. 3. Confucius takes the criticism of his questioner very lightly.

[31. ]The good fellowship of Confucius.

[32. ]Acknowledgment of Confucius in estimating himself.

[33. ]What Confucius declined to be considered, and what he claimed.

[34. ]Confucius declines to be prayed for. The word here rendered “prayers” means “to write a eulogy, and confer the posthumous honorary title,” also “to eulogize in prayer,” i.e. to recite one’s excellencies as the ground of supplication. Tsze-loo must have been referring to some well-known collection of such prayers. Choo He says, “Prayer is the expression of repentance and promise of amendment, to supplicate the help of the spirits. It there be not those things, then there is no need for praying. In the case of the sage, he had committed no errors, and admitted of no amendment. In all his conduct he had been in harmony with the spiritual intelligences, and therefore he said,—‘my praying has been for a long time.’ ” We may demur to some of these expressions, but the declining to be prayed for, and concluding remark, do indicate the satisfaction of Confucius with himself. Here, as in other places, we wish that our information about him were not so stinted and fragmentary.

[35. ]Meanness not so bad as insubordination.

[36. ]Contrast in their feelings between the Keun-tsze and the mean man.

[37. ]How various elements modified one another in the character of Confucius.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book.—“T‘ae-pih.” As in other cases, the first words of the book give name to it. The subjects of the book are miscellaneous, but it begins and ends with the character and deeds of ancient sages and worthies; and on this account it follows the seventh book, where we have Confucius himself described.

[1. ]The exceeding virtue of T‘ae-pih. T‘ae-pih was the eldest son of King T‘ae, the grandfather of Wăn, the founder of the Chow dynasty. T‘ae had formed the intention of upsetting the Yin dynasty, of which T‘ae-pih disapproved. T‘ae, moreover, because of the sage virtues of his grandson Ch‘ang, who afterwards became King Wan, wished to hand down his principality to his third son, Ch‘ang’s father. T‘ae-pih observing this, and to escape opposing his father’s purpose, retired with his second brother among the barbarous tribes of the south, and left their youngest brother in possession of the state. The motives of his conduct T‘ae-pih kept to himself, so that the people “could not find how to praise him. There is a difficulty in making out the refusal of the empire three times, there being different accounts of the times and ways in which he did so. Choo He cuts the knot, by making “thrice” = “firmly,” in which solution we may acquiesce. There is as great difficulty to find out a declining of the empire in T‘ae-pih’s withdrawing from the petty state of Chow. It may be added that King Woo, the first emperor of the Chow dynasty, subsequently conferred on T‘ae-pih the posthumous title of Chief of Woo, the country to which he had withdrawn, and whose rude inhabitants gathered round him. His second brother succeeded him in the government of them, and hence the ruling house of Woo had the same surname as the imperial house of Chow, that namely of Tsze. See VII. xxx.

[2. ]The value of the rules of propriety; and of example in those in high stations. 1. We must bear in mind that the ceremonies, or rules of propriety, spoken of in these books, are not mere conventionalities, but the ordinations of man’s moral and intelligent nature in the line of what is proper. 2. There does not seem any connection between the former paragraph and this, and hence this is by many considered to be a new chapter, and assigned to the philosopher Tsăng.

[3. ]The philosopher Tsăng’s fillal piety seen in his care of his person. We get our bodies perfect from our parents, and should so preserve them to the last. This is a great branch of filial piety with the Chinese, and this chapter is said to illustrate how Tsăng-tsze had made this his life-long study. He made the disciples uncover his hands and feet, to show them in what preservation those members were. The passage quoted from the poetry is in Pt II. Bk V. i. 8.

[4. ]The philosopher Tsăng’s dying counsels to a man of high rank. King was the honorary epithet of Chung-sun Tseĕ, a great officer of Loo and son of Mang-woo, II. vi. From the conclusion of this chapter, we may suppose that he descended to small matters below his rank.

[5. ]The admirable simplicity and freedom from egotism of a friend of the philosopher Tsăng. This friend is supposed to have been Yen Yuen.

[6. ]A combination of talents and virtue constituting a Keuntsze.

[7. ]The necessity to the scholar of compass and vigour of mind. The designation “scholar” here might also be translated “officer.” Scholar is the primary meaning; but in all ages learning has been the qualification for, and passport to, official employment in China, hence it is also a general designation for “an officer.”

[8. ]The effects of poetry, proprieties, and music.

[9. ]What may, and what may not, be attained to with the people. This chapter has a very doubtful merit, and the sentiment is much too broadly expressed. Some commentators say, however, that all which is meant is that a knowledge of the reasons and principles of what they are called to do need not be required from the people.

[10. ]Different causes of insubordination—a lesson to rulers.

[11. ]The worthlessness of talent without virtue.

[12. ]How quickly learning leads to good. I have translated here according to the old interpretation of K‘ung Gan-kwŏ. Choo He takes the term for “good” in the sense of “emolument,” which it also has, and would change the character for “coming to,” into another of the same sound and tone, meaning “setting the mind on,” thus making the whole a lamentation over the rarity of the disinterested pursuit of learning. But we are not at liberty to admit alterations of the text, unless, as received, it be absolutely unintelligible.

[13. ]The qualifications of an officer, who will always act right in accepting and declining office. 1. This paragraph is to be taken as descriptive of character, the effects of whose presence we have in the next, and of its absence in the last.—The whole chapter seems to want the warmth of generous principle and feeling. In fact. I doubt whether its parts bear the relation and connection which they are supposed to have.

[14. ]Every man should mind his own business. So the sentiment of this chapter is generalized by the paraphrasts and perhaps correctly. Its letter, however, has doubtless operated to prevent the spread of right notions about political liberty in China.

[15. ]The praise of the music-master Che.

[16. ]A lamentation over moral error added to natural defect. “I do not understand them,” that is, say commentators, natural defects of endowment are generally associated with certain redeeming qualities, as hastiness with straightforwardness, &c. In the parties Confucius had in view, those redeeming qualities were absent. He did not understand them, and could do nothing for them.

[17. ]With what earnestness and continuousness learning should be pursued.

[18. ]The lofty character of Shun and Yu. Shun received the empire from Yaou, bc 2254, and Yu received it from Shun, bc 2204. The throne came to them not by inheritance. They were called to it by their talents and virtue. And yet the possession of empire did not seem to affect them at all.

[19. ]The praise of Yaou. 1. No doubt Yaou, as he appears in Chinese annals, is a fit object of admiration, but if Confucius had had a right knowledge of, and reverence for. Heaven, he could not have spoken as he does here. Grant that it is only the visible heaven overspreading all, to which he compares Yaou, even that is sufficiently absurd.

[20. ]The scarcity of men of talent, and praise of the house of Chow. 1. Shun’s five ministers were Yu, superintendent of works, Tseih, superintendent of agriculture, Seĕ, minister of instruction, Kaou-yaou, minister of justice, and Pih-yih, warden of woods and marshes. Those five, as being eminent above all their compeers, are mentioned. 2. See the Shoo-king, V. Bk I. ii. 6. Of the ten ministers, the most distinguished of course was the duke of Chow. One of them, it is said in the next paragraph, was a woman, but whether she was the mother of King Wăn, or his wife, is much disputed. 3. Instead of the usual “The Master said,” we have here “K‘ung the philosopher said”. This is accounted for on the ground that the words of king Woo having been quoted immediately before, it would not have done to crown the sage with his usual title of “the Master.” The style of the whole chapter, however, is different from that of any previous one, and we may suspect that it is corrupted. “The dynasties of T‘ang and Yu” were those of Yaou and Shun. Yaou is called T‘ang, having ascended the throne from the marquisate of that name, and Yu became the accepted surname or style of Shun.

[21. ]The praise of Yu.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “The Master seldom.” The thirty chapters of this book are much akin to those of the seventh. They are mostly occupied with the doctrine, character, and ways of Confucius himself.

[1. ]Subjects seldom spoken of by Confucius. “Profitableness” is taken here in a good sense;—not as selfish gain, but as it is defined under the first of the diagrams in the Yih-king, “the harmoniousness of all that is righteous;” that is, how what is right is really what is truly profitable. Compare Mencius, I. Pt I. i. Yet even in this sense Confucius seldom spoke of it, as he would not have the consideration of the profitable introduced into conduct at all. With his not speaking of “perfect virtue,” there is a difficulty which I know not how to solve. The IVth book is nearly all occupied with it, and it was a prominent topic in Confucius teachings.

[2. ]Amusement of Confucius at the remark of an ignorant man about him. Commentators, old and new, say that the chapter shows the exceeding humility of the sage, educed by his being praised, but his observation on the man’s remark was evidently ironical.

[3. ]Some common practices indifferent and others not. 1. The cap here spoken of was that prescribed to be worn in the ancestral temple, and made of very fine linen dyed of a deep dark colour. It had fallen into disuse, and was superseded by a simpler one of silk. Rather than be singular, Confucius gave in to a practice, which involved no principle of right, and was economical. 2. “In the ceremonial intercourse between ministers and their prince, it was proper for them to bow below the raised hall. This the prince declined, on which they ascended and completed the homage.” The prevailing disregard of the first part of the ceremony Confucius considered inconsistent with the proper distance to be observed between prince and minister, and therefore he would be singular in adhering to the rule.

[4. ]Frailties from which Confucius was free.

[5. ]Confucius assured in a time of danger by his conviction of a divine mission. Compare VII. xxii., but the adventure to which this chapter refers is placed in the sage’s history before the other, and seems to have occurred in his fifty-seventh year, not long after he had resigned office, and left Loo. There are different opinions as to what state K‘wang belonged to. The most likely is that it was a border town of Ch‘ing, and its site is now to be found in the department of K‘ae-fung in Ho-nan. The account is that K‘wang had suffered from Yang Foo, an officer of Loo, to whom Confucius bore a resemblance. As he passed by the place, moreover, a disciple who had been associated with Yang Foo in his operations against K‘wang, was driving him. These circumstances made the people think that Confucius was their old enemy, so they attacked him, and kept him prisoner for five days. The accounts of his escape vary, some of them being evidently fabulous. The disciples were in fear. The text would indicate that Confucius himself was so, but this is denied. He here identifies himself with the line of the great sages, to whom Heaven has intrusted the instruction of men. In all the six centuries between himself and King Wăn, he does not admit of such another.

[6. ]On the various ability of Confucius.—his sagehood not therein. The officer had found the sagehood of Confucius in his various ability. Tsze-kung, positively, and yet with some appearance of hesitancy, affirms the sagehood, and makes that ability only an additional circumstance. Confucius explains his possession of various ability, and repudiates its being essential to the sage, or even to the keun-tsze. 4. Laou was a disciple, by surname K‘in, and styled Tsze-k‘ae, or Tsze-chang. It is supposed that when these conversations were being digested into their present form, some one remembered that Laou had been in the habit of mentioning the remark given, and accordingly it was appended to the chapter.

[7. ]Confucius disclaims the knowledge attributed to him, and declares his earnestness in teaching. The first sentence here was probably an exclamation with reference to some remark upon himself as having extraordinary knowledge.

[8. ]For want of auspicious omens, Confucius gives up the hope of the triumph of his doctrines. The fung is the male of a fabulous bird, which has been called the Chinese phœnix, said to appear when a sage ascends the throne, or when right principles are going to triumph through the empire. The female is called hwang. In the days of Shun, they gambolled in his hall, and were heard singing on mount K‘e, in the time of King Wăn. The river and the map carry us farther back still,—to the time of Fuh-he, to whom a monster with the head of a dragon, and the body of a horse, rose from the water, being so marked on the back as to give that first of the sages the idea of his diagrams. Confucius endorses these fables.

[9. ]Confucius’ sympathy with sorrow, respect for rank, and pity for misfortune.

[10. ]Yen Yuen’s admiration of his master’s doctrines, and his own progress in them.

[11. ]Confucius’ dislike of pretension, and contentment with his condition. Confucius had been a great officer, and had enjoyed the services of ministers, as in a petty court. Tsze-loo would have surrounded him in his great sickness with the illusions of his former state, and brought on himself this rebuke.

[12. ]How the desire for office should be qualified by self-respect. The disciple wanted to elicit from Confucius why he declined office so much, and insinuated the subject in this way.

[13. ]How barbarians can be civilized. This chapter is to be understood, it is said, like V. vi., not as if Confucius really wished to go among the E (barbarians), but that he thus expressed his regret that his doctrine did not find acceptance in China.

[14. ]Confucius’ services in correcting the music of his native state and adjusting the Book of Poetry. Confucius returned from Wei to Loo in his sixty-ninth year, and died five years after. The “Correct Odes” and “Praise Songs” are the names of two, or rather three of the divisions of the She-king, the former being the “elegant” or “correct” odes, to be used with music mostly at imperial festivals, and the latter, celebrating principally the virtues of the founders of different dynasties, to be used in the services of the ancestral temple.

[15. ]Confucius’ very humble estimate of himself. Compare VII. ii; but the things which Confucius here disclaims are of a still lower character than those there mentioned. Very remarkable is the last, as from the sage.

[16. ]How Confucius was affected by a running stream. What does the it in the translation refer to? The construction of the sentence indicates something in the sage’s mind, suggested by the ceaseless movement of the water. Choo He makes it “our course of nature.” Others say “events,” “the things of time.” Probably Choo He is correct. Compare Mencius, IV. Pt II. xviii.

[17. ]The rarity of a sincere love of virtue.

[18. ]That learners should not cease nor intermit their labours. This is a fragment like many other chapters, of some conversation, and the subject thus illustrated must be supplied, after the modern commentators, as in the translation; or, after the old, by “the following of virtue.” See the Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk V. ix., where the subject is virtuous consistency. The lesson of the chapter is—that repeated acquisitions individually small will ultimately amount to much, and that the learner is never to give over.

[19. ]Hwuy the earnest student.

[20. ]Confucius’ fond recollection of Hwuy as a model student.

[21. ]It is the end which crowns the work.

[22. ]How and why a youth should be regarded with respect. The same person is spoken of throughout the chapter. With Confucius’ remark compare that of John Trebonius, Luther’s schoolmaster at Eisenach, who used to raise his cap to his pupils on entering the schoolroom, and gave as the reason—“There are among these boys men of whom God will one day make burgomasters, chancellors, doctors, and magistrates. Although you do not yet see them with the badges of their dignity, it is right that you should treat them with respect.”

[23. ]The hopelessness of the case of those who assent and approve without reformation or serious thought.

[24. ] This is a repetition of part of I. viii.

[25. ]The will unsubduable.

[26. ]Tsze-loo’s brave contentment in poverty. but failure to seek the highest aims. 2. See the She-king. Pt I. Bk III. viii. 4. Tsze-loo was a man of impulse, with many fine points, but not sufficiently reflective.

[27. ]Men are known in times of adversity. “The last to lose their leaves,” may be regarded as a meiosis for their being evergreens.

[28. ]Sequences of wisdom, virtue, and bravery.

[29. ]How different individuals stop at different stages of progress. More literally rendered, this chapter would be—“It may be possible with some parties together to study, but it may not yet be possible with them to go on to principles,” &c.

[30. ]The necessity of reflection. 1. This is from one of the pieces of poetry which were not admitted into the She-king, and no more of it being preserved than what we have here, it is not altogether intelligible. 2. With this paragraph Choo He compares VII. 30.—The whole chapter is like the 20th of the last book, and suggests the thought of its being an addition by another hand to the original compilation.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “The village.” This book is different in its character from all the others in the work. It contains hardly any sayings of Confucius, but is descriptive of his ways and demeanour in a variety of places and circumstances. It is not uninteresting, but, as a whole, it does not heighten our veneration for the sage. We seem to know him better from it, and to Western minds, after being viewed in his bed-chamber, his undress, and at his meals, he becomes divested of a good deal of his dignity and reputation. There is something remarkable about the style. Only in one passage is Confucius styled “The Master” He appears either as “K‘ung the philosopher,” or as “The superior man.” A suspicion is thus raised that the chronicler had not the same relation to him as the compilers of the other books. Anciently, the book formed only one chapter, but it is now arranged under seventeen divisions. Those divisions, for convenience in the translation, I continue to denominate chapters, which is done also in some native editions.

[1. ]Demeanour of Confucius in his village, in the ancestral temple, and in the court.

[2. ]Demeanour of confucius at court with other officers, and before the prince. It was the custom for all the officers to repair at daybreak to the court, and wait for the prince to give them audience “Great officer” was a general name, applicable to all the higher ministers in a court. At the imperial court they were divided into three classes.—“highest,” “middle,” and “lowest,” but the various princes had only the first and third. Of the first order there were properly three, the king or nobles of the state, who were in Loo the chiefs of the “three families.” Confucius belonged himself to the lower grade.

[3. ]Demeanour of Confucius at the official reception of a visitor. 1. The visitor is supposed to be the prince of another state. On the occasion of two princes meeting there was much ceremony. The visitor having arrived remained outside the front gate, and the host inside his reception-room, which was in the ancestial temple. Messages passed between them by means of a number of officers called keui, on the side of the visitor, and pin, on the side of the host, who formed a zigzag line of communication from the one to the other, and passed their question and answers along, till an understanding about the visit was thus officially effected. 2. This shows Confucius’ manner when engaged in the transmission of the messages between the prince and his visitor. He must have occupied an intermediate place in the row of his prince’s pin, bowing to them on the right or the left, as he transmitted the messages to and from the prince. 3. The host having come out to receive his visitor, proceeded in with him, it is said, followed by all their internuncios in a line, and to his manner in this movement this paragraph is generally referred. But the duty of seeing the guest off, the subject of the next paragraph, belonged to the pin who had been nearest to the prince, and was of higher rank than Confucius sustained. Hence arises a difficulty Either it is true that Confucius was at one time raised to the rank of the highest dignitaries of the state, or he was temporarily employed, for his knowledge of ceremonies, after the first act in the reception of visitors, to discharge the duties of one. Assuming this, the “hastening forward” is to be explained of some of his movements in the reception-room. How could he hurry forward when walking in file with the other internuncios? The ways of China, it appears, were much the same anciently as now. A guest turns round and bows repeatedly in leaving, and the host can’t return to his place till these salutations are ended.

[4. ]Demeanour of Confucius in the court at an audience. 1. The imperial court consisted of five divisions, each having its peculiar gate. That of a prince of a State consisted only of three, whose gates were named foo, che, and loo. The “gate” in the text is any one of these. The bending his body when passing through, high as the gate was, is supposed to indicate the great reverence which Confucius felt. 2. Each gate had a post in the centre, by which it was divided into two halves, appropriated to ingress and egress. The prince only could stand in the centre of either of them, and he only could tread on the threshold or sill. 3. At the early formal audience at daybreak, when the prince came out of the inner apartment, and received the homage of the officers, he occupied a particular spot. This is the “place,” now empty, which Confucius passes in his way to the audience in the inner apartment. 4. He is now ascending the steps to the “dais” or raised platform in the inner apartment, where the prince held his council, or gave entertainments, and from which the family rooms of the palace branched off. 5. The audience is now over, and Confucius is returning to his usual place at the formal audience.

[5. ]Demeanour of Confucius when employed on a friendly embassy. 1. “Sceptre” here is in the sense simply of “a badge of authority.” It was a precious stone, conferred by the emperor on the princes, and differed in size and shape according to their rank. They took it with them when they attended the imperial court, and, according to Choo He, and the old interpretation, it was carried also by their representatives, as their voucher, on occasions of embassies among themselves. 2. The preceding paragraph describes Confucius’ manner in the friendly court, at his first interview, showing his credentials, and delivering his message. That done, he had to deliver the various presents with which he was charged. After all the public presents were delivered, the ambassador had others of his own to give, and his interview for that purpose is here spoken of.—Choo He remarks that there is no record of Confucius ever having been employed on such a mission, and supposes that this chapter and the preceding are simply summaries of the manner in which he used to say duties referred to in them ought to be discharged.

[6. ]Rules of Confucius in regard to his dress. 1. The title of “Superior Man,” used here to denote Confucius, can hardly have come from the hand of a disciple. “The ornaments,” i.e. the collar and sleeves. The first colour, it is said, by Choo He, after K‘ung Gan-kwŏ, was worn in fasting, and the other in mourning, on which account Confucius would not use them. 2. There are five colours which go by the name of “correct,” viz., “azure, yellow, carnation, white, and black,” others, among which are red, and red-drop, go by the name “intermediate.” Confucius would use only the correct colours, and moreover, Choo He adds, red and reddish-blue are liked by women and girls. 3. This single garment was made from the fibres of a creeping plant, the dolichos. See the She-king, Pt I. Bk I. ii. 4. The lamb’s fur belonged to the court dress, the fawn’s was worn on embassies, the fox’s on occasions of sacrifice, &c. The fur and the thin garment over it were of the same colour. This was winter wear. 5. Confucius knew how to blend comfort and convenience. 6. This paragraph, it is supposed, belongs to the next chapter, in which case it is not the usual sleeping garment of Confucius that is spoken of, but the one he used in fasting. 7. These are the furs of paragraph 5. 8. The appendages of the girdle were—the handkerchief, a small knite, a spike for opening knots, &c. Being ornamental, they were laid aside in mourning. 9. The lower garment reached below the knees like a kilt or petticoat. For court and sacrificial dress, it was made curtain-like, as wide at top as at bottom. In that worn on other occasions, Confucius saved the cloth in the way described. So, at least, says K‘ung Gan-kwŏ. 10. Lamb’s fur was worn black (paragraph 4), but white is the colour of mourning in China, and Confucius would not visit mourners but in a sympathizing colour. 11. This was Confucius’ practice, after he had ceased to be in office.

[7. ]Rules observed by Confucius when fasting. 1. The sixth paragraph of last chapter should come in as the second here. 2. The fasting was not from all food, but only from wine or spirits, and from strong-flavoured vegetables.

[8. ]Rules of Confucius about his food. 1. The “minced meat.” according to the commentators. was made of beef, mutton, or fish, uncooked. One hundred shing of paddy were reduced to thirty, to bring it to the state of finely-cleaned rice. 4. It is said, that in other things he had a limit, but the use of wine being to make glad, he could not beforehand set a limit to the quantity of it. 8. The prince, anciently (and it is still a custom), distributed among the assisting ministers the flesh of his sacrifices. Each would only get a little, and so it could be used at once. 10. The “sacrificing” refers to a custom something like our saying grace. The Master took a few grains of rice, or part of the other provisions, and placed them on the ground, among the sacrificial vessels, a tribute to the worthy or worthies who first taught the art of cooking. The Buddhist priests in their monasteries have a custom of this kind: and on public occasions, as when K‘e-ying gave an entertainment in Hongkong in 1845, something like it is sometimes observed, but any such ceremony is unknown among the common habits of the people. However poor might be his fare, Confucius always observed it.

[9. ]Rule of Confucius about his mat.

[10. ]Other ways of Confucius in his village. 1. At sixty, people carried staves. Confucius here showed his respect for age. He would not go out before the “fathers.” 2. There were three of these ceremonies every year, but that in the text was called “the great no,” being observed in the winter season, when the officers led all the people of a village about, searching every house to expel demons, and drive away pestilence. It was conducted with great uproar, and little better than a play, but Confucius saw a good old idea in it, and when the mob was in his house, he stood on the eastern steps (the place of a host receiving guests) in full dress. Some make the steps those of his ancestral temple, and his standing there to be to assure the spirits of his shrine.

[11. ]Traits of Confucius’ intercourse with others. 1. The two bows, it is said, were not to the messenger, but intended for the distant friend to whom he was being sent. 2. K‘ang was Ke K‘ang-tsze of II. xx. et al. Confucius accepted the gift, but thought it necessary to let the donor know he could not, for the present at least, avail himself of it.

[12. ]How Confucius valued human life. A “stable” was fitted to accommodate 216 horses. The term may be used indeed for a private stable, but it is more natural to take it here for the State kew. This is the view in the Family Sayings.

[13. ]Demeanour of Confucius in relation to his prince. 1. He would not offer the cooked meat to the spirits of his ancestors, not knowing but it might previously have been offered by the prince to the spirits of his. But he reverently tasted it, as if he had been in the prince’s presence. He “honoured” the gift of cooked food, “glorified” the undressed, and “was kind” to the living animal. 2. The sacrifice here is that in chapter viii. 10. Among parties of equal rank all performed the ceremony, but Confucius, with his prince, held that the prince sacrificed for all. He tasted everything, as if he had been a cook, it being the cook’s duty to taste every dish before the prince partook of it. 3. The head to the east was the proper position for a person in bed; a sick man might for comfort be lying differently, but Confucius would not see the prince but in the correct position, and also in the court dress, so far as he could accomplish it. 4. He would not wait a moment, but let his carriage follow him.

[14. ] A repetition of part of III. xv. Compare also chapter ii. These two passages make the explanation, given at III. xv., of the questioning being on his first entrance on office very doubtful.

[15. ]Traits of Confucius in the relation of a friend. 2. Between friends there should be a community of goods. “The flesh of sacrifice,” however, was that which had been offered by his friend to the spirits of his parents or ancestors. That demanded acknowledgment.

[16. ]Confucius in bed, at home, hearing thunder, &c. 2. Compare IX. ix., which is here repeated, with heightening circumstances. 3. The carriage of Confucius’s time was hardly more than what we call a cart. In saluting when riding, parties bowed forward to the front bar. 4. He showed these signs, with reference to the generosity of the provider.

[17. ]Confucius at and in his carriage. 1. The strap or cord was attached to the carriage to assist in mounting it.

[18. ] A fragment, which seemingly has no connection with the rest of the book. Various corrections of characters are proposed, and various views of the meaning given. Ho An’s view of the conclusion is this “Tsze-loo took it and served it up. The Master thrice smelt it and rose.”

[* ]Heading and subjects of this Book.—“The former men—No. XI.” With this Book there commences the second part of the Analects, commonly called the Hea Lun. There is, however, no classical authority for this division. It contains twenty-five chapters, treating mostly of various disciples of the Master, and deciding the point of their worthiness. Min Tsze-K‘een appears in it four times, and on this account some attribute the compilation of it to his disciples. There are indications in the style of a peculiar hand.

[1. ]Confucius’ preference of the simpler ways of former times.

[2. ]Confucius’ regretful memory of his disciples’ fidelity. Characteristics of ten of the disciples. 1. This utterance must have been made towards the close of Confucius’ life, when many of his disciples had been removed by death, or separated from him by other causes. In his sixty-second year or thereabouts, as the accounts go, he was passing, in his wanderings from Ch‘m to Ts‘ae, when the officers of Ch‘in, afraid that he would go on into Tsoo, endeavoured to stop his course, and for several days he and the disciples with him were cut off from food. Both Ch‘m and Ts‘ae were in the present province of Ho-nan, and are referred to the departments of Ch‘m-Chow and Joo-ning. 2. This paragraph is to be taken as a note by the compilers of the book, enumerating the principal followers of Confucius on the occasion referred to, with their distinguishing qualities. They are arranged in four classes, and, amounting to ten, are known as the ten wise ones. The “four classes” and “ten wise ones” are often mentioned in connection with the sage’s school.

[3. ]Hwuy’s silent reception of the Master’s teachings. A teacher is sometimes helped by the doubts and questions of learners, which lead him to explain himself more fully. Compare III. viii. 3.

[4. ]The filial piety of Min Tsze-k‘een.

[5. ]Confucius’ approbation of Nan Yung. Nan Yung, see V. i. For the lines, see the She-king, Pt III. Bk III. ii. 5. They are—“A flaw in a white sceptre-stone may be ground away; but for a flaw in speech, nothing can be done.” In his repeating of these lines, we have, perhaps, the ground-virtue of the character for which Yung is commended in V. i.

[6. ]How Hwuy loved to learn. See VI. ii., where the same question is put by the Duke Gae, and the same answer is returned, only in a more extended form.

[7. ]How Confucius would not sell his carriage to buy a shell for Yen Yuen. 1. In the Family Sayings and in the History of Records, Hwuy’s death is represented as taking place before the death of Le. It is difficult to understand how such a view could ever have been adopted, if the authors were acquainted with this chapter. 2. “I follow in rear of the great officers.” This is said to be an expression of humility. Confucius, retired from office, might still present himself at court, in the robes of his former dignity, and would still be consulted on emergencies. He would no doubt have a foremost place on such occasions.

[8. ]Confucius felt Hwuy’s death as if it had been his own. The old interpreters make this simply the exclamation of bitter sorrow. The modern, perhaps correctly, make the chief ingredient to be grief that the man was gone to whom he looked most for the transmission of his doctrines.

[9. ]Confucius vindicates his great grief for the death of Hwuy.

[10. ]Confucius’ dissatisfaction with the grand way in which Hwuy was buried. The old interpreters take the disciples here as being the disciples of Yen Yuen. This is not natural, and yet we can hardly understand how the disciples of Confucius would act so directly contrary to his express wishes. Confucius objected to a grand funeral as inconsistent with the poverty of the family (see chapter vii.).

[11. ]Confucius avoids answering questions about serving spirits, and about death. Two views of the replies here are found in commentators. The older ones say—“Confucius put off Ke Loo, and gave him no answer, because spirits and death are obscure, and unprofitable subjects to talk about”. With this some modern writers agree, but others, and the majority, say—“Confucius answered the disciple protoundly, and showed him how he should prosecute his inquiries in the proper order. The service of the dead must be in the same spirit as the service of the living. Obedience and sacrifice are equally the expression of the filial heart. Death is only the natural termination of life. We are born with certain gifts and principles, which carry us on to the end of our course.” This is ingenious refining; but, after all, Confucius avoids answering the important questions proposed to him.

[12. ]Confucius happy with his disciples about him. He warns Tsze-loo.

[13. ]Wise advice of Min Sun against useless expenditure.

[14. ]Confucius’ admonition and defence of Tsze-loo. 1. The form of the harpsichord seems to come nearer to that of the shih than any other of our instruments. The shih is a kindred instrument with the k‘in, commonly called “the scholar’s lute.” See the Chinese Repository, vol. VIII. p. 38. The music made by Yew was more martial in its air than befitted the peace-inculcating school of the sage. 2. This contains a defence of Yew, and an illustration of his real attainments.

[15. ]Comparison of Sze and Shang. Excess and defect equally wrong.

[16. ]Confucius’ indignation at the support of usurpation and extortion by one of his disciples. “Beat the drum and assail him;” this refers to the practice of executing criminals in the market-place, and by beat of drum collecting the people to hear their crimes. Commentators, however, say that the Master only required the disciples here to tell K‘ew of his faults and recover him.

[17. ]Characters of the four disciples—Ch‘ae, Sin, Sze, and Yew. It is supposed “The Master said,” is missing from the beginning of this chapter. Admitting this, the sentences are to be translated in the present tense, and not in the past, which would be required, if the chapter were simply the record of the compilers. Ch‘ae, by surname Kaou, and styled Tsze-Kaou, has his tablet now the fifth, west, in the outer court of the temples. He was small and ugly, but distinguished for his sincerity, filial piety, and justice. Such was the conviction of his impartial justice, that in a time of peril he was saved by a man whom he had formerly punished with cutting off his feet.

[18. ]Hwuy and Tsze contrasted. Hwuy’s being brought often to this state is mentioned merely as an additional circumstance about him, intended to show that he was happy in his deep poverty. Ho An preserves the comment of some one, which is worth giving here and according to which, “empty-hearted,” free from all vanities and ambitions, was the formative element of Hwuy’s character.

[19. ]The good man. Compare VII. xxv. By a “good man” Choo He understands “one of fine natural capacity, but who has not learned.” Such a man will in many things be a law to himself, and needs not to follow in the wake of others, but after all his progress will be limited. The text is rather enigmatical.

[20. ]We may not hastily judge a man to be good from his discourse.

[21. ]An instance in Tsze-loo and Yen Yew of how Confucius dealt with his disciples according to their characters.

[22. ]Yen Yuen’s attachment to Confucius, and confidence in his mission. See IX. v. If Hwuy’s answer was anything more than pleasantry, we must pronounce it foolish. The commentators, however, expand it thus:—“I knew that you would not perish in this danger, and therefore I would not rashly expose my own life, but preserved it rather, that I might continue to enjoy the benefit of your instructions.” If we inquire how Hwuy knew that Confucius would not perish, we are informed that he shared his master’s assurance that he had a divine mission. See VII. xxii., IX. v.

[23. ]A great minister. Chung-yew and Yen K‘ew only ordinary ministers. The paraphrasts sum up the contents thus—“Confucius represses the boasting of Ke Tsze-jen, and indicates an acquaintance with his traitorous purposes.” This Ke Tsze-jen was a younger brother of Ke Hwan, who was the head of the Ke family spoken of in III. i. Having an ambitious purpose on the dukedom of Loo, he was increasing his officers, and having got the two disciples to enter his service, he boastingly speaks to Confucius about them.

[24. ]How preliminary study is necessary to the exercise of government:—a reproof of Tsze-loo. 1. Pe,—see VI. vii. This commandantship is probably what Min Sun there refused. Tsze-loo had entered into the service of the Ke family (see last chapter), and recommended Tsze-kaou as likely to keep the turbulent Pe in order, thereby withdrawing him from his studies with the Master. 2. By denominating Tsze-kaou “a man’s son,” Confucius intimates, I suppose, that the father was injured as well. His son ought not to be so dealt with. 3. The absurd defence of Tsze-loo. It is to this effect:—“The whole duty of man is in treating other men right, and rendering what is due to spiritual beings, and it may be learned practically without the study you require.” “On this account,”—with reference to Tsze-loo’s reply.

[25. ]The aims of Tsze-loo, Tsang Sih, Yen Yew, and Kung-se Hwa; and Confucius’ remarks about them. Compare V. vii. and xxv. 1. The disciples mentioned here are all familiar to us excepting Tsăng Sih. He was the father of the more celebrated Tsăng Sin, and himself by name Teen. The four are mentioned in the order of their age, and Teen would have answered immediately after Tsze-loo, but that Confucius passed him by, as he was occupied with his harpsichord. It does not appear whether Teen, even at the last, understood why Confucius had laughed at Tsze-loo, and not at the others. “It was not,” say the commentators, “because Tsze-loo was extravagant in his aims. They were all thinking of great things, yet not greater than they were able for. Tsze-loo’s fault was in the levity with which he had proclaimed his wishes. That was his offence against propriety.”

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “Yen Yuen.” It contains twenty-four chapters, conveying lessons on perfect virtue, government, and other questions of morality and policy, addressed in conversation by Confucius chiefly to his disciples. The different answers given about the same subject to different questioners, show well how the sage suited his instructions to the characters and capacities of the parties with whom he had to do.

[1. ]How to attain to perfect virtue:—a conversation with Yen Yuen. 1. In Ho An “to subdue one’s self” is explained by “to restrain the body.” Choo He defines the “subdue” by “to overcome,” and the “self” by “the selfish desires of the body.” In one commentary it is said “self here is not exactly selfishness, but selfishness is what abides by being attached to the body, and hence it is said that selfishness is self.” And again, “To subdue one’s self is not subduing and putting away the self, but subduing and putting away the selfish desires in the self.” This “selfishness in the self” is of a three-fold character:—first, what is said by Morrison to be “a person’s natural constitution and disposition of mind:” it is, I think, very much the ψυχικὸς ἅνθρωπος or “animal man;” second, “the desires of the ears, the eyes, the mouth, the nose, i.e., the dominating influences of the senses: and third, “Thou and I,” i.e., the lust of superiority. More concisely the self is said to be “the mind of man” in opposition to the “mind of reason.” See the Shoo-king II. Bk II. xv. This refractory “mind of man,” it is said, is “innate,” or perhaps “connate.” In all these statements there is an acknowledgment of the fact—the morally abnormal condition of human nature—which underlies the Christian doctrine of original sin. With reference to the above three-fold classification of selfish desires, the second paragraph shows that it was the second order of them—the influence of the senses, which Confucius specially intended. We turn to propriety, see note on VIII. ii. The thing is not here ceremonies. Choo He defines it “the specific divisions and graces of heavenly principle or reason.” This is continually being departed from, on the impulse of selfishness, but there is an ideal of it as proper to man, which is to be sought—“returned to”—by overcoming that.

[2. ]Wherein perfect virtue is realized:—a conversation with Chung-kung. From this chapter, it appears that reverence and reciprocity, on the largest scale, are perfect virtue. “Ordering the people” is apt to be done with haughtiness. This part of the answer may be compared with the apostle’s precept—“Honour all men,” only the “all men” is much more comprehensive there.—The answer, the same as that of Hwuy in last chapter, seems to betray the hand of the compiler.

[3. ]Caution in speaking a characteristic of perfect virtue:—a conversation with Tsze-new. Tsze-new was the designation of Sze-ma Kang, whose tablet is now the seventh, east, in the outer range of the temples. He belonged to Sung, and was a brother of Hwan T‘uy, VII. xxii. Their ordinary surname was Heang, but that of Hwan could also be used by them, as they were descended from the duke so called. The office of “Master of the horse” had long been in the family, and that title appears here as if it were New’s surname.

[4. ]How the Keun-tsze has neither anxiety nor fear, conscious rectitude freeing from these.

[5. ]Consolation offered by Tsze-hea to Tsze-new anxious about the peril of his brother. 1. Tsze-new’s anxiety was occasioned by the conduct of his eldest brother, Hwan T‘uy, who, he knew, was contemplating rebellion, which would probably lead to his death. “All have their brothers,”—i.e., all can rest quietly without anxiety in their relation. 2. It is naturally supposed that the author of the observation was Confucius. 4. One writer says that the expression:—“all within the four seas are brothers,” “does not mean that all under heaven have the same genealogical register.” Choo He’s interpretation is that, when a man so acts, other men will love and respect him as a brother. This no doubt is the extent of the saying. I have found no satisfactory gloss on the phrase—“the four seas.” It is found in the Shoo-king the She-king, and the Le-ke. In the (illegible) Ya, a sort of Lexicon, very ancient, which was once reckoned among the king, it is explained as a territorial designation, the name of the dwelling-place of all the barbarous tribes. But the great Yu is represented as having made the four seas as four ditches, to which he drained the waters inundating “the middle kingdom.” Plainly, the ancient conception was of their own country as the great habitable tract, north, south, east, and west of which were four seas or oceans, between whose shores and their own borders the intervening space was not very great, and occupied by wild hordes of inferior races. Commentators consider Tsze-hea’s attempt at consolation altogether wide of the mark.

[6. ]What constitutes intelligence:—addressed to Tsze-chang. Tsze-chang, it is said, was always seeking to be wise about things lofty and distant, and therefore Confucius brings him back to things near at hand, which it was more necessary for him to attend to.

[7. ]Requisites in government:—a conversation with Tsze-chang. 3. The difficulty here is with the concluding clause which is literally. “No faith, not stand.” Transferring the meaning of faith or confidence from paragraph 1, we naturally render as in the translation, “the state will not stand.” This is the view, moreover, of the old interpreters. Choo He and his followers, however, seek to make much more of “faith.” On the first paragraph he comments,—“The granaries being full, and the military preparation complete, then let the influence of instruction proceed. So shall the people have faith in their ruler, and will not leave him or rebel.” On the third paragraph he says,—“If the people be without food, they must die, but death is the inevitable lot of men. If they are without faith though they live, they have not wherewith to establish themselves. It is better for them in such case to die. Therefore it is better for the ruler to die, not losing faith to his people, so that the people will prefer death rather than lose faith to him.”

[8. ]Substantial qualities and accomplishments in the Keun-tsze. 1. Tsze-shing was an officer of the state of Wei, and, distressed by the pursuit in the times of what was merely external, made this not sufficiently well-considered remark, to which Tsze-kung replied, in, according to Choo He, an equally one-sided manner. 3. The modern commentators seem hypercritical in condemning Tsze-kung’s language here. He shows the desirableness of the ornamental accomplishments, but does not necessarily put them on the same level with the substantial qualities.

[9. ]Light taxation the best way to secure the government from embarrassment for want of funds. 2. By the statutes of the Chow dynasty, the ground was divided into allotments cultivated in common by the families located upon them, and the produce was divided equally, nine tenths being given to the farmers, and one tenth being reserved as a contribution to the state. 3. A former duke of Loo, Seuen (bc 601—590), had imposed an additional tax of another tenth from each family’s portion. 4. The meaning of this paragraph is given in the translation. Literally rendered it is,—“The people having plenty, the prince—with whom not plenty? The people not having plenty, with whom can the prince have plenty?” Yew Jŏ wished to impress on the duke, that a sympathy and common condition should unite him and his people. If he lightened his taxation to the regular tithe, then they would cultivate their allotments with so much vigour, that his receipts would be abundant. They would be able, moreover, to help their kind ruler in any emergency.

[10. ]How to exalt virtue and discover delusions. 2. The Master says nothing about the “discriminating,” or “discovering,” of delusions, but gives an instance of a twofold delusion. Life and death, it is said, are independent of our wishes. To desire for a man either the one or the other, therefore, is one delusion. And on the change of our feelings to change our wishes in reference to the same person, is another. But in this Confucius hardly appears to be the sage. 3. See the Sheking, Pt II Bk IV. iv. 3. I have translated according to the meaning in the She-king. The quotation may be twisted into some sort of accordance with the preceding paragraph, as a case of delusion, but the commentator Ch‘ing is probably correct in supposing that it should be transferred to XVI. xii.

[11. ]Good government obtains only when all the relative duties are maintained. 1. Confucius went to Ts‘e in his thirty-sixth year, and finding the reigning duke—styled King after his death—overshadowed by his ministers, and thinking of setting aside his eldest son from the succession, he shaped his answer to the question about government accordingly.

[12. ]With what ease Tsze-loo could settle litigations. 1. We translate here—“could,” and not—“can,” because Confucius is not referring to facts, but simply praising the disciple’s character. 2. This paragraph is a note by the compilers, stating a fact about Tsze-loo, to illustrate what the Master said of him.

[13. ]To prevent better than to determine litigations. See the Great Learning, Commentary, IV. Little stress is to be laid on the “I.” The meaning simply=“One man is as good as another.” Much stress is to be laid on “to cause” as=“to influence to.”

[14. ]The art of governing.

[15. ]Hardly different from VI. xxv.

[16. ]Opposite influence upon others of the superior man and the mean man.

[17. ]Government moral in its end, and efficient by example.

[18. ]The people are made thieves by the example of their rulers. This is a good instance of Confucius’ boldness in reproving men in power. Ke K‘ang had confirmed himself as head of the Ke family, and entered into all its usurpations, by taking off the infant nephew, who should have been its rightful chief.

[19. ]Killing not to be talked of by rulers; the effect of their example.

[20. ]The man of true distinction, and the man of notoriety.

[21. ]How to exalt virtue, correct vice, and discover delusions. Compare chapter x. Here, as there, under the last point of the inquiry, Confucius simply indicates a case of delusion, and perhaps this is the best way to teach how to discover delusions generally.

[22. ]About benevolence and wisdom;—how knowledge subserves benevolence. Fan Ch‘e might well deem the Master’s replies enigmatical, and, with the help of Tsze-hea’s explanations, the student still finds it difficult to understand the chapter.—Shun and T‘ang showed their wisdom—their knowledge of men—in the selection of those ministers. That was their employment of the upright, and therefore all devoid of virtue disappeared. That was their making the crooked upright;—and so their love reached to all.

[23. ]Prudence in friendship.

[24. ]The friendship of the Keun-tsze. “On literary grounds,”—literally, “by means of letters,” i.e., common literary studies and pursuits.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book.—“Tsze-loo.” Here, as in the last book, we have a number of subjects touched upon, all bearing more or less directly on the government of the state, and the cultivation of the person. The book extends to thirty chapters.

[1. ]The secret of success in governing is the unwearied example of the rulers:—a lesson to Tsze-loo. 1. To what understood antecedents do the Che refer? For the first, we may suppose to “people;” “precede the people,” or “lead the people,” that is, do so by the example of your personal conduct. But we cannot in the second clause bring Che in the same way under the regimen of laou, “to be laborious for them;” that is, to set them the example of diligence in agriculture, &c. It is better, however, according to the idiom I have several times pointed out, to take Che as giving a sort of neuter and general force to the preceding words, so that the expressions are=“example and laboriousness.”—K‘ung Gan-kwŏ understands the meaning differently:—“set the people an example, and then you may make them labour.” But this is not so good.

[2. ]The duties chiefly to be attended to by a head minister:—a lesson to Yen Yung. 1. Compare VIII. iv. 3. A head minister should assign to his various officers their duties, and not be interfering in them himself. His business is to examine into the manner in which they discharge them. And in doing so, he should overlook small faults. 2. Confucius’ meaning is, that Chung-kung need not trouble himself about all men of worth. Let him advance those he knew. There was no fear that the others would be neglected. Compare what is said on “knowing men,” in XII. xxii.

[3. ]The supreme importance of names being correct. 1. This conversation is assigned by Choo He to the eleventh year of the Duke Gae of Loo, when Confucius was sixty-nine, and he returned from his wanderings to his native state. Tsze-loo had then been some time in the service of the Duke Ch‘uh of Wei, who it would appear had been wishing to get the services of the sage himself, and the disciple did not think that his Master would refuse to accept office, as he had not objected to his doing so. 2. “Names” must have here a special reference, which Tsze-loo did not apprehend. Nor did the old interpreter, for Ma Yung explains the counsel “to rectify the names of all things.” On this view, the reply would indeed be “wide of the mark.” The answer is substantially the same as the reply to Duke King of Ts‘e about government in XII. xi., that it obtains when the prince is prince, the father father, &c.; that is, when each man in his relations is what the name of his relation would require. Now, the Duke Ch‘uh held the rule of Wei against his father; see VII. xiv. Confucius, from the necessity of the case and peculiarity of the circumstances, allowed his disciples, notwithstanding that, to take office in Wei; but at the time of this conversation, Ch‘uh had been duke for nine years, and ought to have been so established that he could have taken the course of a filial son without subjecting the state to any risks. On this account, Confucius said he would begin with rectifying the name of the duke, that is, with requiring him to resign the dukedom to his father, and be what his name of son required him to be. This view enables us to understand better the climax that follows, though its successive steps are still not without difficulty.

[4. ]A ruler has not to occupy himself with what is properly the business of the people. It is to be supposed that Fan Ch‘e was at this time in office somewhere, and thinking of the Master, as the villager and high officer did, IX. ii. and vi., that his knowledge embraced almost every subject, he imagined that he might get lessons from him on the two subjects he specifies, which he might use for the benefit of the people. The last paragraph shows what people in office should learn. Confucius intended that it should be repeated to Fan Ch‘e.

[5. ]Literary acquirements useless without practical ability.

[6. ]His personal conduct all in all to a ruler.

[7. ]The similar condition of the states of Loo and Wei. Compare VI. xxii. Loo’s state had been so from the influence of Chow-kung, and Wei was the fief of his brother Fung, commonly known as K‘ang-shuh. They had, similarly, maintained an equal and brotherly course in their progress, or, as it was in Confucius’ time, in their degeneracy. That portion of the present Ho-nan, which runs up and lies between Shan-se and Pih-chih-le, was the bulk of Wei.

[8. ]The contentment of the officer King, and his indifference in getting rich. The commentators say that it is not to be understood that King really made these utterances, but that Confucius thus vividly represents how he felt.

[9. ]A people numerous, well-off, and educated, is the great achievement of government.

[10. ]Confucius’ estimate of what he could do, if employed to administer the government of a state.

[11. ]What a hundred years of good government could effect. Confucius quotes here a saying of his time, and approves of it.

[12. ]In what time a royal ruler could transform the empire. The character denoting “a king,” “a royal ruler,” is formed by three straight lines representing the three powers of Heaven. Earth, and Man, and a perpendicular line going through and uniting them, and thus conveys the highest idea of power and influence. Here it means the highest wisdom and virtue in the highest place.—To save Confucius from the charge of vanity in what he says, in chapter x., that he could accomplish in three years, it is said that the perfection which he predicates there would only be the foundation for the virtue here realized.

[13. ]That he be personally correct essential to an officer of government.

[14. ]An ironical admonition to Yen Yew on the usurping tendencies of the Ke family. The point of the chapter turns on the opposition of the phrases “government business,” and “family affairs;”—at the court of the Ke family, that is, they had really been discussing matters of government, affecting the State, and proper only for the prince’s court. Confucius affects not to believe it, and says that at the chief’s court they could only have been discussing the affairs of his house. Superannuated officers might go to court on occasions of emergency, and might also be consulted on such, though the general rule was to allow them to retire at seventy. See the Le Ke, I. i. 28.

[15. ]How the prosperity and ruin of a country may depend on the ruler’s view of his position, his feeling its difficulty, or only cherishing a headstrong will. 1. I should suppose that these were commentators’ sayings, about which the duke asks, in a way to intimate his disbelief of them.

[16. ]Good government seen from its effects. 1. Shĕ;—see VII. xviii. 2. Confucius is supposed to have in view the oppressive and aggressive government of Tsoo, to which Shĕ belonged.

[17. ]Haste and small advantages not to be desired in governing. Keu-foo was a small city in the western borders of Loo.

[18. ]Natural duty and uprightness in collision. 1. We cannot say whether the duke is referring to one or more actual cases, or giving his opinion of what his people would do. Confucius’ reply would incline us to the latter view. Accounts are quoted of such cases, but they are probably founded on this chapter. Ching seems to convey here the idea of accusation, as well as of witnessing. 2. The concluding expression does not absolutely affirm that this is upright, but that in this there is a better principle than in the other conduct.—Anybody but a Chinese will say that both the duke’s view of the subject and the sage’s were incomplete.

[19. ]Characteristics of perfect virtue, even when associating with barbarians.

[20. ]Different classes of men who in their several degrees may be styled officers, and the inferiority of the mass of the officers of Confucius’ time.

[21. ]Confucius obliged to content himself with the ardent and cautious as disciples. Compare V xxi., and Mencius, VII. Bk II. xxxvii.

[22. ]The importance of fixity and constancy of mind. 1. I translate the word “wizard,” for want of a better term. In the Chow Le, Bk XXVI., the woo appear sustaining a sort of official status, regularly called in to bring down spiritual beings, obtain showers, &c. They are distinguished as men and women, though the term is often feminine, “a witch,” as opposed to another, signifying “a wizard.” Confucius’ use of the saying, according to Choo He, is this:—“Since such small people must have constancy, how much more ought others to have it!” The ranking of the doctors and wizards together sufficiently shows what was the position of the healing art in those days.—Ching K‘ang-shing interprets this paragraph quite inadmissibly:—“wizards and doctors cannot manage people who have no constancy.” 2. This is a quotation from the Yih-king, diagram xxxii. 3. This is inexplicable to Choo He. Some bring out from it the meaning in the translation.—Ch‘ing K‘ang-shing says:—“By the Yih we prognosticate good and evil, but in it there is no prognostication of people without constancy.”

[23. ]The different manners of the superior and the mean man. Compare II. xiv.; but here the parties are contrasted in their more private intercourse with others.

[24. ]How to judge of a man from the likings and dislikings of others, we must know the characters of those others.

[25. ]Difference between the superior and the mean man in their relation to those employed by them.

[26. ]The different air and bearing of the superior and the mean man.

[27. ]Natural qualities which are favourable to virtue.

[28. ]Qualities that mark the scholar in social intercourse. This is the same question as in chapter xx. 1, but the subject is here “the scholar,” the gentleman of education, without reference to his being in office or not.

[29. ]How the government of a good ruler will prepare the people for war. “A good man,”—spoken with reference to him as a ruler. The teaching is not to be understood of military training, but of the duties of life and citizenship; a people so taught are morally fitted to fight for their government. What military training may be included in the teaching, would merely be the hunting and drilling during the people’s repose from the toils of agriculture.

[30. ]That people must be taught, to prepare them for war. Compare the last chapter. The language is very strong, and the instruction being understood as in that chapter, shows how Confucius valued education for all classes.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book.—The glossarist Hing Ping says, “In this Book we have the characters of the Three Kings, and Two Chiefs, the courses proper for princes and great officers, the practice of virtue, the knowledge of what is shameful, personal cultivation, and the tranquillizing of the people;—all subjects of great importance in government. They are therefore collected together, and arranged after the last chapter which commences with an inquiry about government.” Some writers are of opinion that the whole book was compiled by Heen or Yuen Sze, who appears in the first chapter.

[1. ]It is shameful in an officer to be caring only about his emolument. Heen is the Yuen Sze of VI. iii.; and if we suppose Confucius’ answer designed to have a practical application to Hëen himself, it is not easily reconcileable with what appears of his character in that other place.

[2. ]The praise of perfect virtue is not to be allowed for the repression of bad feelings. In Ho An, this chapter is joined to the preceding, and Choo He also takes the first paragraph to be a question of Yuen Heen.

[3. ]A scholar must be aiming at what is higher than comfort or pleasure. Compare IV. xi.

[4. ]What one does must always be right; what one feels need not always be spoken:—a lesson of prudence.

[5. ]We may predicate the external from the internal, but not vice versâ.

[6. ]Eminent prowess conducting to ruin, eminent virtue leading to empire. The modesty of Confucius. Nan-kung Kwŏh is said by Choo He to have been the same as Nan Yung in V. i.; but this is doubtful. See on Nan Yung there. Kwŏh, it is said, insinuated in his remark an inquiry, whether Confucius was not like Yu or Tseih, and the great men of the time so many Es and Ngaous, and the sage was modestly silent upon the subject. E and Ngaou carry us back to the twenty-second century before Christ. The first belonged to a family of princelets, famous, from the time of the Emperor Kuh (bc 2432), for their archery, and dethroned the Emperor How Seang, bc 2145. E was afterwards slain by his minister, Han Tsuh, who then married his wife, and one of their sons was the individual here named Ngaou, who was subsequently destroyed by the Emperor Shaou-k‘ang, the posthumous son of How-seang. Tseih was the son of the Emperor Kuh, of whose birth many prodigies are narrated, and appears in the Shoo-king as the minister of agriculture to Yaou and Shun, by name K‘e. The Chow family traced their descent lineally from him, so that though the empire only came to his descendants more than a thousand years after his time, Nan-kung Kwŏh speaks as if he had got it himself, as Yu did.

[7. ]The highest virtue not easily attained to, and incompatible with meanness. Compare IV. iv. We must supply the “always,” to bring out the meaning.

[8. ]A lesson for parents and ministers, that they must be strict and decided.

[9. ]The excellence of the official notifications of Ch‘ing, owing to the ability of four of its officers. The state of Ch‘ing, small and surrounded by powerful neighbours, was yet fortunate in having able ministers, through whose mode of conducting its government it enjoyed considerable prosperity. Tsze-ch‘an (see V. xv.) was the chief minister of the State, and in preparing such documents first used the services of P‘e Shin, who was noted for his wise planning of matters. “She-shuh” shows the relation of the officer indicated to the ruling family. His name was Yew-keih.

[10. ]The judgment of Confucius concerning Tsze-ch‘an, Tsze-se, and Kwan Chung. 1. See V. xv. 2. Tsze-se was the chief minister of T‘soo. He had refused to accept the nomination to the sovereignty of the State in preference to the rightful heir, but did not oppose the usurping tendencies of the rulers of T‘soo. He had moreover opposed the wish of King Ch‘aou to employ the sage. 3. Kwan Chung,—see III. xxii. To reward his merits, the Duke Hwan conferred on him the domain of the officer mentioned in the text, who had been guilty of some offence. His submitting, as he did, to his changed fortunes was the best tribute to Kwan’s excellence.

[11. ]It is harder to bear poverty aright than to carry riches. This sentiment may be controverted.

[12. ]The capacity of Mang Kung-ch‘ŏ. Kung-ch‘ŏ was the head of the Măng, or Chung-sun family, and according to the “Historical Records,” was valued by Confucius more than any other great man of the times in Loo. His estimate of him, however, as appears here, was not very high. In the sage’s time, the government of the State of Tsin was in the hands of the three Families, Chaou, Wei, and Han, which afterwards divided the territory among themselves, and became, as we shall see, in the times of Mencius, three independent principalities. T‘ang was a small state, the place of which is seen in the district of the same name in the department of Yen-chow, Shan-tung. Seĕ was another small state adjacent to it.

[13. ]Of the complete man:—a conversation with Tsze-loo. 1. Tsang Woo-chung had been an officer of Loo in the reign anterior to that in which Confucius was born. So great was his reputation for wisdom that the people gave him the title of “sage.” Woo was his honorary epithet, and Chung denotes his family place, among his brothers. Chwang, it is said, by Choo He, after Chow, one of the oldest commentators, whose surname only has come down to us, was “great officer of the city of Peen.” In the “Great Collection of Surnames.” a secondary branch of a family of the state of T‘saou having settled in Loo, and being gifted with Peen, its members took their surname thence.

[14. ]The character of Kung-shuh Wăn, who was said neither to speak, nor laugh, nor take. 1. Wăn was the honorary epithet of the individual in question, by name Che, or, as some say, Fă, an officer of the state of Wei. He was descended from the Duke Heen, and was himself the founder of the Kung-shuh family, being so designated, I suppose, because of his relation to the reigning duke. Of Kung-ming Kea nothing seems to be known.

[15. ]Condemnation of Tsang Woo-chung for forcing a favour from his prince. Woo-chung (see chapter xiii.) was obliged to fly from Loo, by the animosity of the Măng family, and took refuge in Choo. As the head of the Tsang family, it devolved on him to offer the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, and he wished one of his half-brothers to be made the head of the family, in his room, that those might not be neglected. To strengthen the application for this, which he contrived to get made, he returned himself to the city of Fang, which belonged to his family, and thence sent a message to the court, which was tantamount to a threat that if the application were not granted, he would hold possession of the place. This was what Confucius condemned,—in a matter which should have been left to the duke’s grace.

[16. ]The different characters of the dukes Wăn of Tsin and Hwan of Ts‘e. Hwan and Wăn were the two first of the five leaders of the princes of the empire, who play an important part in Chinese history, during the period of the Chow dynasty known as the Ch‘un Ts‘ew. Hwan ruled in Ts‘e, bc 683—640, and Wăn in Tsin bc 635—627. Of Duke Hwan, see the next chapter. The attributes mentioned by Confucius are not to be taken absolutely, but as respectively predominating in the two chiefs.

[17. ]The merit of Kwan Chung:—a conversation with Tsze-loo. 1. “The duke’s son Kew,” but, to avoid the awkwardness of that rendering, I say—“his brother.” Hwan and Kew had both been refugees in different States, the latter having been carried into Loo, away from the troubles and dangers of Ts‘e, by the ministers Kwan Chung and Shaou Hwuh. On the death of the prince of Ts‘e, Hwan anticipated Kew, got to Ts‘e, and took possession of the State. Soon after, he required the duke of Loo to put his brother to death, and to deliver up the two ministers, when Shaou Hwuh chose to dash his brains out, and die with his master, while Kwan Chung returned gladly to Ts‘e, took service with Hwan, became his prime minister, and made him supreme arbiter among the various chiefs of the empire. Such conduct was condemned by Tsze-loo. 2. Confucius detends Kwan Chung, on the ground of the services which he rendered.

[18. ]The merit of Kwan Chung:—a conversation with Tsze-kung. 1. Tsze-loo’s doubts about Kwan Chung arose from his not dying with the Prince Kew. Tsze-kung’s turned principally on his subsequently becoming premier to Hwan. 2. Anciently the right was the position of honour, and the right hand, moreover, is the more convenient for use, but the practice of the barbarians was contrary to that of China in both points. The sentence of Confucius is, that but for Kwan Chung, his countrymen would have sunk to the state of the rude tribes about them. 3. By “small fidelity” is intended the faithfulness of a married couple of the common people, where the husband takes no concubine in addition to his wife. The argument is this:—“Do you think Kwan Chung should have considered himself bound to Kew, as a common man considers himself bound to his wife? And would you have had him commit suicide, as common people will do on any slight occasion?” Commentators say that there is underlying the vindication this fact:—that Kwang Chung’s and Shaou Hwuh’s adherence to Kew was wrong in the first place. Kew being the younger brother. Chung’s conduct therefore was not to be judged as if Kew had been the senior. There is nothing of this, however, in Confucius’ words. He vindicates Chung simply on the ground of his subsequent services, and his reference to “the small fidelity” of husband and wife among the common people is very unhappy.

[19. ]The merit of Kung-shuh Wăn in recommending to office a man of worth. Kung-shuh WĂn, see chapter xiv. The paragraph is to be understood as intimating that Kung-shuh, seeing the worth and capacity of his minister, had recommended him to his sovereign, and afterwards was not ashamed to appear in the same rank with him at court.

[20. ]The importance of good and able ministers:—seen in the state of Wei. 1. Ling was the honorary epithet of Yuen, duke of Wei. bc 533—492. He was the husband of Nan-tsze, VI. xxvi. 2. The Chung-shuh, Yu, is the K‘ung Wăn of V. xiv. Chung-shuh expresses his family position, according to the degrees of kindred. “The litanist, T‘o,”—see VI. xiv. Wang-sun Kea,—see III. xiii.

[21. ]Extravagant speech hard to be made good. Compare IV. xxii.

[22. ]How Confucius wished to avenge the murder of the duke of Ts‘e:—his righteous and public spirit. 1. Keen,—“indolent in not a single virtue,” and “tranquil, not speaking unadvisedly,” are the meanings attached to this as an honorary epithet; while Ch‘ing indicates “tranquillizer of the people, and establisher of government.” The murder of the Duke Keen by his officer, Ch‘in Hăng, took place bc 480, barely two years before Confucius’ death. 2. “Bathing” implies all the fasting and other solemn preparation, as for a sacrifice or other great occasion. According to the account of this matter in the Tso Ch‘uen, Confucius meant that the Duke Gae should himself, with the forces of Loo, undertake the punishment of the regicide. Some modern commentators cry out against this. The sage’s advice, they say, would have been that the duke should report the thing to the emperor, and with his authority associate other princes with himself to do justice on the offender. 3. This is taken as the remark of Confucius, or his colloquy with himself, when he had gone out from the duke. The last observation was spoken to the chiefs, to reprove them for their disregard of a crime, which concerned every public man.

[23. ]How the minister of a prince must be sincere and boldly upright.

[24. ]The different progressive tendencies of the superior man and the mean man.

[25. ]The different motives of learners in old times, and in the times of Confucius.

[26. ]An admirable messenger. Pih-vuh was the designation of Keu Yuen, an officer of the state of Wei, and a disciple of the sage. His place is now first, east, in the outer court of the temples. Confucius had lodged with him when in Wei, and it was after his return to Loo that Pih-yuh sent to inquire for him.

[27. ] A repetition of VIII. xiv.

[28. ]The thoughts of a superior man in harmony with his position. Tsăng here quotes from the illustration of the fifty-second diagram of the Yih-king, but he leaves out a character, and thereby alters the meaning somewhat. What is said in the Yih, is—“The superior man is thoughtful, and so does not go out of his place.”—The chapter, it is said, is inserted here, from its analogy with the preceding.

[29. ]The superior man more in deeds than in words.

[30. ]Confucius’ humble estimate of himself, which Tsze-kung denies.

[31. ]One’s work is with one’s self:—against making comparisons.

[32. ]Concern should be about our personal attainment, and not about the estimation of others. See I. xvi., et al. A critical canon is laid down here by Choo He:—“All passages, the same in meaning and in words, are to be understood as having been spoken only once, and their recurrence is the work of the compilers. Where the meaning is the same and the language a little different, they are to be taken as having been repeated by Confucius himself, with the variations.” According to this rule, the sentiment in this chapter was repeated by the master in four different utterances.

[33. ]Quick discrimination without suspiciousness is highly meritorious.

[34. ]Confucius not self-willed and yet no glib-tongued talker:—defence of himself from the charge of an aged reprover. From Wei-shang’s addressing Confucius by his name, it is presumed that he was an old man. Such a liberty in a young man would have been impudence. It is presumed, also, that he was one of those men who kept themselves retired from the world in disgust. “Rooster-er,” as a bird, is used contemptuously with reference to Confucius going about among the princes, and wishing to be called to office.

[35. ]Virtue, and not strength, the fit subject of praise.K‘i was the name of a famous horse of antiquity who could run 1000 le in one day. See the dictionary in voc. It is here used generally for “a good horse.”

[36. ]Good is not to be returned for evil, evil is to be met simply with justice. 1 The phrase “Recompense injury with kindness” is found in Laou-tsze, but it is likely that Confucius’ questioner simply consulted him about it as a saying which he had heard and was inclined to approve himself. 2. How far the ethics of Confucius fall below the Christian standard is evident from this chapter. The same expressions are attributed to Confucius in the Le-ke, XXXII. 11, and it is there added,—“He who returns good for evil is a man who is careful of his person,” i. e., will try to avert danger from himself by such a course. One author says, that the injuries intended by the questioner were only trivial matters, which perhaps might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, but great offences, as those against a sovereign, a father, may not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice. The Master himself, however, does not fence his deliverance in any way.

[37. ]Confucius, lamenting that men did not know him, rests in the thought that Heaven knew him. Confucius referred in his complaint, commentators say, to the way in which he pursued his course, simply, out of his own conviction of duty, and for his own improvement, without regard to success, or the opinions of others. 2. “My studies he low, and my penetration rises high” is literally—“beneath I learn, above I penetrate,”—the meaning appears to be that he contented himself with the study of men and things, common matters as more ambitious spirits would deem them, but from those he rose to understand the high principles involved in them,—“the appointments of Heaven,” according to one commentator.

[38. ]How Confucius rested, as to the progress of his doctrines on the ordering of Heaven:—on occasion of Tsze-loo’s being slandered. Leaou, called Kung-pih (literally, duke’s uncle) probably from an affinity with the ducal house, is said by some to have been a disciple of the sage, but that is not likely, as we find him here slandering Tsze-loo, that he might not be able, in his official connection with the Ke family, to carry the Master’s lessons into practice. Tsze-fuh King-pih was an officer of Loo. Exposing the bodies of criminals was a sequel of their execution. The bodies of “great officers” were so exposed in the court, and those of meaner criminals in the market-place. “The market-place and the court” came to be employed together, though the exposure could take place only in one place.

[39. ]Different causes why men of worth withdraw from public life, and different extents to which they so withdraw themselves.

[40. ]The number of men of worth who had withdrawn from public life in Confucius’ time. This chapter is understood, both by Choo. He and the old commentators, in connection with the preceding, as appears in the translation. Some also give the names of the seven men, which, according to Choo, is “chiselling,” i. e., forcing out an illustration of the text.

[41. ]Condemnation of Confucius’ course in seeking to be employed, by one who had withdrawn from public life. The site of Shih-mun is referred to the district of Ch‘ang-tsung, department of Ts‘e-nan, in Shan-tung. The keeper was probably one of the seven worthies, spoken of in the preceding chapter. We might translate Shih-mun by “Stony-gate.” It seems to have been one of the frontier passes between Ts‘e and Loo.

[42. ]The judgment of a retired worthy on Confucius’ course, and remark of Confucius thereon.

[43. ]How government was carried on during the three years of silent mourning by the emperor. See the Shoo-king. IV. viii. 1, but the passage there is not exactly as in the text. It is there said that Kaou-tsung, after the three years’ mourning, still did not speak. Kaou-tsung was the honorary epithet of the Emperor Woo-ting, bc 1323—1263—Tsze-chang was perplexed to know how government could be carried on during so long a period of silence.

[44. ]How a love of the rules of propriety in rulers facilitates government.

[45. ]Reverent self-cultivation the distinguishing characteristic of the Keun-tsze. “All the people” is literally, “the hundred surnames,” which, as a designation for the mass of the people, occurs as early as in the first Book of the Shoo. It is = “the surnames of the hundred families,” into which number the families of the people were perhaps divided at a very early time. The surnames of the Chinese now amount to several hundreds. A small work, made in the Sung dynasty, contains nearly 450. We find a ridiculous reason given for the surnames being a hundred, to the effect that the ancient sages gave a surname for each of the five notes of the scale in music, and of the five great relations of life and of the four seas; consequently, 5 × 5 × 4=100.” It is to be observed, that in the Shoo-king, we find “a hundred surnames,” interchanged with “ten thousand surnames,” and it would seem needless, therefore, to seek to attach a definite explanation to the number. On the concluding remark,—see VI. xxviii.

[46. ]Confucius’ conduct to an unmannerly old man of his acquaintance. Yuen Jang was an old acquaintance of Confucius, but had adopted the principles of Laou-tsze, and gave himself extraordinary license in his behaviour.—See an instance in the Le-ke, II. Pt II. iii. 24. The address of Confucius might be translated in the second person, but it is perhaps better to keep to the third, leaving the application to be understood.

[47. ]Confucius’ employment of a forward youth. 1. There is a tradition that Confucius lived and taught in the village of K‘eueh., but it is much disputed. The inquirer supposed that Confucius’ employment of the lad was to distinguish him for the progress which he had made. 2. According to the rules of ceremony a youth must sit in the corner, the body of the room being reserved for full-grown men. See the Le-ke, II. Pt I. i. 17. In walking with an elder, a youth was required to keep a little behind him. See the Le-ke. III. v. 15. Confucius’ employment of the lad, therefore, was to teach him the courtesies required by his years, as he would not dare to give himself his usual airs with the sage’s visitors.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “The duke, Ling, of Wei.” The contents of the Book, contained in forty chapters, are as miscellaneous as those of the former. Rather they are more so, some chapters bearing on the public administration of government, several being occupied with the superior man, and others containing lessons of practical wisdom. “All the subjects,” says Hing Ping, “illustrate the feeling of the sense of shame and consequent pursuit of the correct course, and therefore the Book immediately follows the preceding one.”

[1. ]Confucius refuses to talk on military affairs. In the midst of distress, he shows the disciples how the superior man is above distress. 1. “About sacrificial vessels” is literally, “about the ‘cho’ and ‘tow,’ ” vessels with which Confucius, when a boy, was fond of playing. He wished, by his reply and departure, to teach the duke that the rules of propriety, and not war, were essential to the government of a State. 2. From Wei Confucius proceeded to Ch‘in. and there met with the distress here mentioned. It is probably the same which is referred to in XI. ii. 1, though there is some chronological difficulty about the subject.

[2. ]How Confucius aimed at the knowledge of an all pervading unity. This chapter is to be compared with IV. xv.; only, says Choo He “that is spoken with reference to practice and this with reference to knowledge.” But the design of Confucius was probably the same in them both; and I understand the first paragraph here as meaning—“Tsze, do you think that I am aiming, by the exercise of memory, to acquire a varied and extensive knowledge?” Then the third paragraph is equivalent to:—“I am not doing this. My aim is to know myself,—the mind which embraces all knowledge, and regulates all practice.”

[3. ]Few really know virtue. This is understood as spoken with reference to the dissatisfaction manifested by Tsze-loo in chapter I. If he had possessed a right knowledge of virtue, he would not have been so affected by distress.

[4. ]How Shun was able to govern without personal effort. “Made himself reverent” and “He gravely and reverently occupied his imperial seat” is literally, “he correctly adjusted his southward face,” see VI. i. Shun succeeding Yaou, there were many ministers of great virtue and ability, to occupy all the offices of the government. All that Shun did, was by his grave and sage example. This is the lesson—the influence of a ruler’s personal character.

[5. ]Conduct that will be appreciated in all parts of the world. 1. We must supply a good deal to bring out the meaning here. Choo He compares the question with that other of Tsze-chang about the scholar who may be called “distinguished,” see XII. xx.

[6. ]The admirable characters of Tsze-yu and Keu Pih-yuh. 1. Tsze-yu was the historiographer of Wei. On his death-bed, he left a message for his prince, and gave orders that his body should be laid out in a place and manner likely to attract his attention when he paid the visit of condolence. It was so, and the message then delivered had the desired effect. Perhaps it was on hearing this that Confucius made this remark. 2. Keu Pih-yuh,—see XIV. xxvi. Commentators say that Tsze-yu’s uniform straightforwardness was not equal to Pih-yuh’s rightly adapting himself to circumstances.

[7. ]There are men with whom to speak, and men with whom to keep silence. The wise know them.

[8. ]High natures value virtue more than life. “They will sacrifice their lives” may be translated—“They will kill themselves.” No doubt suicide is included in the expression (see the amplification of Ho An’s commentary), and Confucius here justifies that act, as in certain cases expressive of high virtue.

[9. ]How intercourse with the good aids the practice of virtue. Compare Proverbs xxvii. 17, “Iron sharpeneth iron; so a man sharpeneth the countenance of his friend.”

[10. ]Certain rules exemplified in the ancient dynasties, to be followed in governing:—a reply to Yen Yuen. 1. The disciple modestly put his question with reference to the government of a State, but the Master answers it according to the disciple’s ability, as if it had been about the ruling of the empire. 2. The three great ancient dynasties began the year at different times. According to an ancient tradition, “Heaven was opened at the time tsze; Earth appeared at the time ch‘ow; and Man was born at the time yin. Tsze commences in our December, at the winter solstice; ch‘ow a month later; and yin a month after ch‘ow. The Chow dynasty began its year with tsze; the Shang with ch‘ow; and the Hea with yin. As human life then commenced, the year in reference to human labours, naturally proceeds from the spring, and Confucius approved the rule of the Hea dynasty. His decision has been the law of all dynasties since the Ts‘in. See the “Discours Préliminaire, Chapter I.,” in Gaubil’s Shoo King. 3. The state carriage of the Yin dynasty was plain and substantial, which Confucius preferred to the more ornamented ones of Chow. 4. Yet he does not object to the more elegant cap of that dynasty, “the cap,” says Choo He, “being a small thing, and placed over all the body.” 5. The shaou was the music of Shun; see III. xxv., the “dancers,” or “pantomimes,” kept time to the music. See the Shoo-king II. Bk II. 21. 6. “The sounds of Ch‘ing,” meaning both the songs of Ch‘ing and the appropriate music to which they were sung. Those songs form the seventh book of the first division of the She-king, and are here characterized justly.

[11. ]The necessity of forethought and precaution.

[12. ]The rarity of a true love of virtue. “It is all over,”—see V. xxvi.; the rest is a repetition of IX. xvii., said to have been spoken by Confucius when he was in Wei, and saw the duke riding out openly in the same carriage with Nan-tsze.

[13. ]Against jealousy of others’ talents;—the case of Tsang Wăn, and Hwuy of Lew-hea. Tsang Wăn-chung,—see V. xvii. Tsang Wăn would not recommend Hwuy, because he was an abler and better man than himself. Hwuy is a famous name in China. He was an officer of Loo, styled Hwuy after death, and derived his revenue from a town called Lew-hea, though some say that it was a lew or willow tree, overhanging his house, which made him to be known as Lew-hea Hwuy—“Hwuy that lived under the willow tree.” See Mencius II. Bk. I. ix.

[14. ]The way to ward off resentments.

[15. ]Nothing can be made of people who take things easily, not giving themselves the trouble to think. Compare VII. viii.

[16. ]Against frivolous talkers and superficial speculators. “A hard case,” i. e., they will make nothing out, and nothing can be made of them.

[17. ]The conduct of the superior man is righteous, courteous, humble, and sincere.

[18. ]Our own incompetency, and not our reputation, the proper business of concern to us. See XIV. xxxii., et al.

[19. ]The superior man wishes to be had in remembrance. Not, say the commentators, that the superior man cares about fame, but fame is the invariable concomitant of merit. He can’t have been the superior man, if he be not remembered.

[20. ]His own approbation is the superior man’s rule. The approbation of others is the mean man’s. Compare XIV. xxv.

[21. ]The superior man is dignified and affable without the faults to which those qualities oftln lead. Compare II. xiv., and VII. xxx.

[22. ]The superior man is discriminating in his employment of men and judging of statements.

[23. ]The great principle of reciprocity is the rule of life. Compare V. xi. It is singular that Tsze-kung professes there to act on the principle here recommended to him.

[24. ]Confucius showed his respect for men by strict truthfulness in awarding praise or censure. The meaning of this chapter seems to be this:—First, Confucius was very careful in according praise or blame. If he ever seemed to go beyond the truth, it was on the side of praise, and even then he saw something in the individual which made him believe that his praise of him would in the future be justified. Second, In this matter, Confucius acted as the founders of the three great dynasties had done. Third, Those founders and himself were equally influenced by a regard to the truth-approving nature of man. This was the rule for the former in their institutions, and for him in his judgments.

[25. ]Instances of the degeneracy of Confucius times. The appointment of the historiographer is referred to Hwang-te or “The Yellow emperor,” the inventor of the cycle. The statutes of Chow mention no fewer than five classes of such officers. They were attached also to the fendal courts, and what Confucius says, is, that, in his early days, a historiographer, on any point about which he was not sure, would leave a blank; so careful were they to record only the truth. This second sentence is explained in Ho An:—“If any one had a horse which he could not tame, he would lend it to another to ride and exercise it!”—The commentator Hoo says well that the meaning of the chapter must be left in uncertainty.

[26. ]The danger of specious words and of impatience. The subject of the second sentence is not “a little impatience,” but impatience in little things; “the hastiness,” it is said, “of women and small people.”

[27. ]In judging of a man we must not be guided by his being generally liked or disliked. Compare XIII. xxiv.

[28. ]Principles of duty an instrument in the hand of man. This sentence is quite mystical in its sententiousness. One writer says—“The subject here is the path of duty, which all men, in their various relations, have to pursue, and man has the three virtues of knowledge, benevolence, and fortitude, wherewith to pursue that path, and so he enlarges it. That virtue, remote, occupying an empty place, cannot enlarge man, needs not to be said.” That writer’s account of the subject here is probably correct, and “duty unapprehended,” “in an empty place,” can have no effect on any man; but this is a mere truism. Duty apprehended is constantly enlarging, elevating, and energizing multitudes who had previously been uncognizant of it. The first clause of the chapter may be granted but the second is not in accordance with truth.

[29. ]The culpability of not reforming known faults. Compare I. viii. Choo He’s commentary appears to make the meaning somewhat different. He say:—“If one having faults can change them, he comes back to the condition of having no faults. But if he do not change them, then they go on to their completion, and will never come to be changed.”

[30. ]The fruitlessness of thinking without reading. Compare II. xv., where the dependence of acquisition and reflection on each other is set forth.—Many commentators say that Confucius merely transfers the things which he here mentions to himself for the sake of others, not that it ever was really thus with himself.

[31. ]The superior man should not be mercenary, but have truth for his object. “Want may be in the midst of ploughing,”—i. e., husbandry is the way to plenty, and yet despite the labours of the husbandman, a famine or scarcity sometimes occurs. The application of this to the case of learning, however, is not very apt. Is the emolument that sometimes comes with learning a calamity like famine?—Ch‘ing K‘ang-shing’s view is:—“Although a man may plough, yet, not learning, he will come to hunger. If he learn, he will get emolument, and though he do not plough, he will not be in want. This is advising men to learn!”

[32. ]How knowledge without virtue is not lasting, and to knowledge and virtue a ruler should add dignity and the rules of propriety.

[33. ]How to know the superior man and the mean man and their capacities. Choo He says, “The knowing here is our knowing the individuals.” The “little matters” are ingenious but trifling arts and accomplishments, in which a really great man may sometimes be deficient while a small man will be familiar with them. The “knowing” is not, that the parties are keun-tsze and small men, but what attainments they have, and for what they are fit. The difficulty, on this view, is with the conclusion. Ho An gives the view of Wang Shuh:—“The way of the keun-tsze is profound and far-reaching. He may not let his knowledge be small, and he may receive what is great. The way of the seaou-jin is shallow and near. He may let his knowledge be small, and he may not receive what is great.”

[34. ]Virtue more to man than water or fire, and never hurtful to him. “The people’s relation to, or dependence on, virtue.” The case is easily conceivable of men’s suffering death on account of their virtue. There have been martyrs for their loyalty and other virtues, as well as for their religious faith. Choo He provides for this difference in his remarks:—“The want of fire and water is hurtful only to man’s body, but to be without virtue is to lose one’s mind (the higher nature), and so it is more to him than water or fire.” See on IV. viii.

[35. ]Virtue personal and obligatory on every man.

[36. ]The superior man’s firmness is based on right.

[37. ]The faithful minister.

[38. ]The effect of teaching. Choo He says on this:—“The nature of all men is good, but we find among them the different classes of good and bad. This is the effect of physical constitution and of practice. The superior man, in consequence, employs his teaching and all may be brought back to the state of good, and there is no necessity of speaking any more of the badness of some.” This is very extravagant. Teaching is not so omnipotent:—The old interpretation is simply that in teaching there should be no distinction of classes.

[39. ]Agreement in principle necessary to concord in plans.

[40. ]Perspicuity the chief virtue of language.

[41. ]Consideration of Confucius for the blind. Anciently, the blind were employed in the offices of music, partly because their sense of hearing was more than ordinarily acute, and partly that they might be made of some use in the world. Meen had come to Confucius’ house, under the care of a guide, but the sage met him, and undertook the care of him himself.

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “The chief of the Ke.” Throughout this book, Confucius is spoken of as “K‘ung, the philosopher,” and never by the designation, “The Master.” Then, the style of several of the chapters (IV.—XI.) is not like the utterances of Confucius to which we have been accustomed. From these circumstances, one commentator. Hung Kwŏh, supposed that it belonged to the Ts‘e recensus of these analects; the other books belonging to the Loo recensus. This supposition, however, is not otherwise supported.

[1. ]Confucius exposes the presumptuous and impolitic conduct of the chief of the Ke family in proposing to attack a minor State. and rebukes Yen Yew and Tsze-loo for abetting the design. 1. Chuen-yu was a small territory in Loo, whose ruler was of the fourth order of nobility. It was one of the States called “attached,” whose chiefs could not appear in the presence of the emperor, excepting in the train of the prince within whose jurisdiction they were embraced. Their existence was not from a practice like the sub-infeudation, which belonged to the feudal system of Europe. They held of the lord paramount or emperor, but with the restriction which has been mentioned, and with a certain subservience also to their immediate superior. Its particular position is fixed by its proximity to Pe, and to the Mung hill. The word “to attack,” is not merely “to attack,” but “to attack and punish,”—an exercise of judicial authority, which could emanate only from the emperor. The term is used here, to show the nefarious and presumptuous character of the contemplated operations. 2. There is some difficulty here, as, according to the “Historical Records,” the two disciples were not in the service of the Ke family at the same time. We may suppose, however, that Tsze-loo, returning with the sage from Wei on the invitation of Duke Gae, took service a second time, and for a short period, with the Ke family, of which the chief was then Ke K‘ang. This brings the time of the transaction to bc 483, or 482. 3. Confucius addresses himself only to K‘ew, as he had been a considerable time, and very active, in the Ke service. 4. It was the prerogative of the princes to sacrifice to the hills and rivers within their jurisdictions;—here was the chief of Chuen-yu, imperially appointed (the “former king” is probably Ch‘ing, the second emperor of the Chow dynasty) to be the lord of the Mung mountain, that is, to preside over the sacrifices offered to it. This raised him high above any mere ministers or officers of Loo. The mountain Mung is in the present district of Pe, in the department of E-chow. It was called eastern, to distinguish it from another of the same name in Shen-se, which was the western Mung. “It is in the midst of the territory of our State,”—this is mentioned, to show that Chuen-yu was so situated as to give Loo no occasion for apprehension. “Its ruler is a minister in direct connection with the emperor” is, literally, “a minister of the altars to the spirits of the land and grain.” To those spirits only, the prince had the prerogative of sacrificing. The chief of Chuen-yu having this, how dared an officer of Loo to think of attacking him? The term “minister” is used of his relation to the emperor. Choo He makes the phrase = “a minister of the ducal house,” saying that the three families had usurped all the dominions proper of Loo, leaving only the chiefs of the “attached” States to appear in the ducal court. I prefer the former interpretation 6. Chow Jin is by Choo He simply called—“a good historiographer of ancient times.” Some trace him back to the Shang dynasty, and others only to the early times of the Chow. There are other weighty utterances of his in vogue, besides that in the text. From this point, Confucius speaks of the general disorganization of Loo under the management of the three families, and especially of the Ke. 12. All this is to be understood of the head of the Ke family, as controlling the government of Loo and as being assisted by the two disciples, so that the reproof falls heavily on them. 13. “Within the screen of their own court” is, literally, “in the inside of the wall of reverence.” “Officers, on reaching the screen, which they had only to pass, to find themselves in the presence of their head, were supposed to become more reverential,” and hence the expression in the text—“among his own immediate officers.”

[2. ]The supreme authority ought ever to maintain its power. The violation of this rule always leads to ruin, which is speedier as the rank of the violator is lower. In these utterances, Confucius had reference to the disorganized state of the empire, when “the son of Heaven” was fast becoming an empty name, the princes of States were in bondage to their great officers, and those again at the mercy of their family ministers.

[3. ]Illustration of the principles of the last chapter. In the year bc 608, at the death of Duke Wan, his rightful heir was killed, and the son of a concubine raised to the dukedom. He is in the annals as Duke Seuen, and after him came Shing, Seang, Ch‘aou, and Ting, in whose time this must have been spoken. These dukes were but shadows, pensionaries of their great officers, so that it might be said the revenue had gone from them. “The three Hwan” are the three families, as being all descended from Duke Hwan, see on II. v. Choo He appears to have fallen into a mistake in enumerating the four heads of the Ke family who had administered the government of Loo as Woo, Taou, P‘ing, and Hwan, as Taou died before his father, and would not be said therefore to have the government in his hands. The right enumeration is Wăn, Woo, P‘ing, and Hwan.

[4. ]Three friendships advantageous, and three injurious.

[5. ]Three sources of enjoyment advantageous, and three injurious.

[6. ]Three errors in regard to speech to be avoided in the presence of the great. “Without looking at the countenance,”—i.e., to see whether he is paying attention or not.—The general principle is that there is a time to speak. Let that be observed, and these three errors will be avoided.

[7. ]The vices which youth, manhood and age have to guard against. As to what causal relation Confucius may have supposed to exist between the state of the physical powers and the several vices indicated, that is not developed. Hing Ping explains the first caution thus:—“Youth embraces all the period below 29. Then, the physical powers are still weak, and the sinews and bones have not reached their vigour, and indulgence in lust will injure the body.”

[8. ]Contrast of the superior and the mean man in regard to the three things of which the former stands in awe. “The ordinances of Heaven,” according to Choo He, means the moral nature of man, conferred by Heaven. High above the nature of other creatures, it lays him under great responsibility to cherish and cultivate himself. The old interpreters take the phrase to indicate Heaven’s moral administration by rewards and punishments. The “great men” are men high in position and great in wisdom and virtue, the royal instructors, who have been raised up by Heaven for the training and ruling of mankind. So, the commentators; but the verb employed suggests at once a more general and a lower view of the phrase.

[9. ]Four classes of men in relation to knowledge. On the first clause, see on VII. xix., where Confucius disclaims for himself being ranked in the first of the classes here mentioned. In the concluding words, “They are the lowest of the people,” I suppose “the people”=men. The term is elsewhere so used.

[10. ]Nine subjects of thought to the superior man:—various instances of the way in which he regulates himself. The conciseness of the text contrasts here with the verbosity of the translation, and yet the many words of the latter seem necessary.

[11. ]The contemporaries of Confucius could eschew evil, and follow after good, but no one of the highest capacity had appeared among them. 1. The two first clauses here, and in the next paragraph also, are quotations of old sayings, current in Confucius’ time. Such men were several of the sage’s own disciples. 2. “To study their aims” is, literally, “seeking for their aims;” i.e., meditating on them, studying them, fixing them, to be prepared to carry them out, as in the next clause. Such men among the ancients were the great ministers E-Yin and T‘ae-kung. Such might the disciple Yen Hwuy have been, but an early death snatched him away before he could have an opportunity of showing what was in him.

[12. ]Wealth without virtue and virtue without wealth:—their different appreciations. This chapter is plainly a fragment. As it stands, it would appear to come from the compilers and not from Confucius. Then the second paragraph implies a reference to something which has been lost. Under XII. x., I have referred to the proposal to transfer to this place the last paragraph of that chapter, which might be explained so as to harmonize with the sentiment of this.—The Duke King of Ts‘e,—see XII. xi. Pih-e and Shuh-ts‘e,—see VI. xxii. The mountain Show-yang is to be found probably in the department of P‘oochow in Shan-se.

[13. ]Confucius’ instruction of his son not different from his instruction of his disciples generally. Ch‘in K‘ang is the Tsze-k‘in of I. x. When Confucius’ eldest son was born, the duke of Loo sent the philosopher a present of a carp, on which account he named the child Le (the carp), and afterwards gave him the designation of Pih-yu (Fish, the elder).

[14. ]Appellations for the wife of a prince. This chapter may have been spoken by Confucius to rectity some disorder of the times, but there is no intimation to that effect. The different appellations may be thus explained:—“Wife” is “she who is her husband’s equal.” The designation foo-jin is equivalent to “help-meet.” The wife modestly calls herself Seaou-t‘ung, “the little girl.” The old interpreters take—most naturally—keun foo-jin as = “our prince’s help-meet,” but the modern commentators take keun to be a verb, with reference to the office of the wife to “preside over the internal economy of the palace.” On this view keun foo-jin is “the domestic help-meet.” The ambassador of a prince spoke of him by the style of k‘wa-keun, “my prince of small virtue.” After that example of modesty, his wife was styled to the people of other States, “our small prince of small virtue.” The people of other States had no reason to imitate her subjects in that, and so they styled her—“your prince’s help-meet,” or “the domestic help-meet.”

[* ]Heading and subjects of this book. “Yang Ho.” As the last book commenced with the presumption of the head of the Ke family, who kept his prince in subjection, this begins with an account of an officer, who did for the head of the Ke what he did for the duke of Loo. For this reason—some similarity in the subject matter of the first chapters—this book, it is said, is placed after the former. It contains twenty-six chapters.

[1. ]Confucius’ polite but dignified treatment of a powerful, but usurping and unworthy, officer. Yang Ho, known also as Yang Hoo, was nominally the principal minister of the Ke family; but its chief was entirely in his hands, and he was scheming to arrogate the whole authority of the state of Loo to himself. He first appears in the Chronicles of Loo about the year bc 514, acting against the exiled Duke Ch‘aou; in bc 504, we find him keeping his own chief, Ke Hwan, a prisoner, and, in bc 501, he is driven out, on the failure of his projects, a fugitive into Ts‘e. At the time when the incidents in this chapter occurred, Yang Ho was anxious to get, or appear to get, the support of a man of Confucius’ reputation, and finding that the sage would not call on him, he adopted the expedient of sending him a pig, at the time when Confucius was not at home, the rules of ceremony requiring that when a great officer sent a present to a scholar, and the latter was not in his house on its arrival he had to go to the officer’s house to acknowledge it. See the Le-ke XIII. in 20. Confucius, however, was not to be entrapped. He also timed Hoo’s being away from home, and went to call on him.

[2. ]The differences in the characters of men are chiefly owing to habit. “Nature,” it is contended, is here not the moral constitution of man absolutely considered, but his complex, actual nature, with its elements of the material, the animal, and the intellectual, by association with which the perfectly good moral nature is continually being led astray. The moral nature is the same in all, and though the material organism and disposition do differ in different individuals, they are at first, more nearly alike than they subsequently become. No doubt, it is true that many—perhaps most—of the differences among men are owing to habit.

[3. ]Only two classes whom practice cannot change. This is a sequel to the last chapter, with which it is incorporated in Ho An’s edition. The case of the “stupid of the lowest class,” would seem to be inconsistent with the doctrine of the perfect goodness of the moral nature of all men. Modern commentators, to get over the difficulty, say that they are the “self violators,” “self abandoners,” of Mencius, IV. Bk I. x.

[4. ]However small the sphere of government, the highest influences of proprieties and music should be employed. Wooshing was in the district of Pe. Tsze-yew appears as the commandant of it, in VI. xii. We read, “The town was named Woo, from its position, precipitous and favourable to military operations, but Tsze-yew had been able, by his course, to transform the people, and make them change their mail and helmets for stringed instruments and singing. This was what made the Master glad.”

[5. ]The lengths to which Confucius was inclined to go, to get his principles carried into practice. Kung-shan Fuh-jaou was a confederate of Yang Ho (chapter I.), and, according to K‘ung Gan-kwŏ, it was after the imprisonment by them, in common, of Ke Hwan, that Fuhjaou sent this invitation to Confucius. Others make the invitation subsequent to Ho’s discomfiture and flight to Ts‘e. We must conclude, with Tsze-loo, that Confucius ought not to have thought of accepting the invitation of such a man. The original seat of the Chow dynasty lay west from Loo, and the revival of the principles and government of Wăn and Woo in Loo, or even in Pe, which was but a part of it, might make an eastern Chow, so that Confucius would perform the part of King Wăn—After all, the sage did not go to Pe.

[6. ]Five things the practice of which constitutes perfect virtue.

[7. ]Confucius, inclined to respond to the advances of an unworthy man, protests against his conduct being judged by ordinary rules. Compare chapter V., but the invitation of Peih Heih was subsequent to that of Kung-shan Fuh-jaou, and after Confucius had given up office in Loo. 1. Peih Heih was commandant of Chung-mow, for the chief of the Chaou family, in the State of Tsin. 2. There were two places of the name of Chung-mow, one belonging to the State of Ch‘ing, and the other to the State of Tsin, which is that intended here, and is referred to the present district of T‘ang-yin, department of Chang-tih, in Ho-nan province. 3. The application of the proverbial sayings is to Confucius himself, as, from his superiority, incapable of being affected by evil communications.

[8. ]Knowledge, acquired by learning, is necessary to the completion of virtue, by preserving the mind from being beclouded. 1. “The six words” are the benevolence, knowledge, sincerity, straight-forwardness, boldness, and firmness, mentioned below, all virtues, but yet each, when pursued without discrimination, tending to becloud the mind. 2. “Sit down.”—Tsze-loo had risen, according to the rules of propriety, to give his answer; see the Le-ke, I. Pt I. iii. 21; and Confucius tells him to resume his seat. 3. I give here the paraphrase of the “Daily Lesson,” on the first virtue and its beclouding, which may illustrate the manner in which the whole paragraph is developed.—“In all matters, there is a perfect right and unchangeable principle, which men ought carefully to study, till they have thoroughly examined and apprehended it. Then their actions will be without error, and their virtue may be perfected. For instance, loving is what rules in benevolence. It is certainly a beautiful virtue, but if you only set yourself to love men, and do not care to study to understand the principle of benevolence, then your mind will be beclouded by that loving, and you will be following a man into a well to save him, so that both he and you will perish. Will not this be foolish simplicity?”

[9. ]Benefits derived from studying the Book of Poetry.

[10. ]The importance of studying the Chow-nan and Shaou-nan. Chow-nan and Shaou-nan are the titles of the first two books in the National Songs or first part of the She-king. For the meaning of the titles, see the She-king, Pt I. Bk I., and Pt I. Bk II. They are supposed to inculcate important lessons about personal virtue and family government. A man “with his face against a wall” cannot advance a step, nor see anything. This chapter in the old editions is incorporated with the preceding one.

[11. ]It is not the external appurtenances which constitute propriety, nor the sound of instruments which constitutes music.

[12. ]The meanness of presumption and pusillanimity conjoined. The last clause shows emphatically to whom, among the low, mean people, the individual spoken of is like,—a thief, namely, who is in constant fear of being detected.

[13. ]Contentment with vulgar ways and views injurious to virtue. See the sentiment of this chapter explained and expanded by Mencius, VII. Pt II. xxxvii., 7, 8.

[14. ]Swiftness to speak incompatible with the cultivation of virtue. It is to be understood that what has been heard contains some good lesson. At once to be talking of it without revolving it, and striving to practise it, shows an indifference to our own improvement.

[15. ]The case of mercenary officers, and how it is impossible to serve one’s prince along with them.

[16. ]The defects of former times become vices in the time of Confucius.

[17. ] A repetition of I. iii.

[18. ]Confucius’ indignation at the way in which the wrong overcame the right. On the first clause,—see X. vi. 2. “The songs or sounds of Ch‘ing,’—see XV. x. “The Ya,”—see on IX. xiv.

[19. ]The actions of Confucius were lessons and laws, and not his words merely. Such is the scope of this chapter, according to Choo He and his school. The older commentators say that it is a caution to men to pay attention to their conduct rather than to their words. This interpretation is far-fetched but on the other hand, it is not easy to defend Confucius from the charge of presumption in comparing himself to Heaven.

[20. ]How Confucius could be not at home, and yet give intimation to the visitor of his presence. Of Joo Pei little is known. He was a man of Loo, and had at one time been in attendance on Confucius to receive his instructions. There must have been some reason—some fault in him—why Confucius would not see him on the occasion in the text, and that he might understand that it was on that account, and not that he was really sick, that he declined his visit, the sage acted as we are told. But what was the necessity for sending a false message in the first place? In the notes to the E-le. III. 1, it is said that Joo Pei’s fault was in trying to see the master without using the services of an internuncius.

[21. ]The period of three years’ mourning for parents; it may not on any account be shortened; the reason of it. 1. On the three years’ mourning, see the 31st book of the Le-ke. Nominally extending to three years, that period comprehended properly but twenty-five months, and at most twenty-seven months. 2. Tsae Wo finds here a reason for his view in the necessity of “human affairs.” 3. He finds here a reason for his view in “the seasons of heaven.” Certain woods were assigned to the several seasons, to be employed for getting fire by friction, the elm and willow, for instance, to spring, the date and almond trees to summer, &c., so that Wo says, “In boring to get fire, we have changed from wood to wood through the ones appropriate to the four seasons.” 4. Coarse food and coarse clothing were appropriate, though in varying degree, to all the period of mourning. Tsae Wo is strangely insensible to the home-put argument of the Master. 7. “This shows Yu’s want of virtue” responds to all that has gone before, and forms a sort of apodosis. Confucius added, it is said, the remarks in this paragraph, that they might be reported to Tsae Wo, lest he should “feel at ease” to go and do as he said he could. Still the reason which the Master finds for the statute-period of mourning for parents must be pronounced puerile.

[22. ]The hopeless case of gluttony and idleness. “Gamesters and chess-players:”—Of the game of chess, the Chinese have two kinds. There is what is called the “surrounding chess,” which is played with 361 pieces, and is referred to the Emperor Yaou as its inventor. This is still not uncommon, though I have never seen it played myself. There is also what is called the “elephant chess,” played with 32 pieces, and having a great analogy to our game, which indeed was borrowed from the East. “The elephant” is the piece corresponding to our “bishop,” though his movement is more like that of a double knight. The invention of this is ascribed to the first emperor of the Chow dynasty (bc 1122), though some date it a few hundred years later. “Gamesters” in the text are different from the chess-players. The game specially intended was one played with twelve dice, the invention of which is ascribed to the time of one or other of the tyrants, with whom the dynasties of Hea and Shang terminated. I have also seen it referred to a much later date, and said to have been imported from India. If it were so, then we do not know what game Confucius had in his mind. Commentators are much concerned to defend him from the suspicion of giving in this chapter any sanction to gambling. He certainly expresses his detestation of the idle glutton very strongly.

[23. ]Valour to be valued only in subordination to righteousness; its consequences apart from that.

[24. ]Characters disliked by Confucius and Tsze-kung. Tsze-kung is understood to have intended Confucius himself by “the superior man.”

[25. ]The difficulty how to treat concubines and servants. The text does not speak here of women generally, as Collie has translated, but of girls, i.e., concubines. The commentators find in the chapter a lesson for the great in the ordering of their harems; but there is nothing in the language to make us restrict the meaning in any way.

[26. ]The difficulty of improvement in advanced years. According to Chinese views, at forty a man is at his best in every way:—Youth is doubtless the season for improvement, but the sentiment of the chapter is too broadly stated.

[* ]Heading and contents of this book.—“The viscount of Wei” This book, consisting of only eleven chapters, treats of various individuals famous in Chinese history, as eminent for the way in which they discharged their duties to their sovereign, or for their retirement from public service. It commemorates also some of the worthies of Confucius’ days, who lived in retirement rather than be in office in so degenerate times. The object of the whole is to illustrate and vindicate the course of Confucius himself.

[1. ]The viscounts of Wei and Ke, and Pe-kan:—three worthies of the Yin dynasty. 1. Wei-tsze and Ke-tsze are continually repeated by Chinese, as if they were proper names. But Wei and Ke were the names of two small States, presided over by chiefs of the Tsze, or fourth, degree of nobility, called viscounts, for want of a more exact term. They both appear to have been within the limits of the present Shan-se, Wei being referred to the district of Loo-ch‘ing, department Loo-gan, and Ke to Yu-shay, department Leaou-chow. The chief of Wei was an elder brother (by a concubine) of the tyrant Chow, the last emperor of the Yin dynasty, bc 1153—1122. The chief of Ke, and Pe-kan, were both, probably, uncles of the tyrant. The first, seeing that remonstrances availed nothing, withdrew from court, wishing to preserve the sacrifices of their family, amid the ruin which he saw was impending. The second was thrown into prison, and, to escape death, feigned madness. He was used by Chow as a buffoon. Pe-kan, persisting in his remonstrances, was put barbarously to death, the tyrant having his heart torn out, that he might see, he said, a sage’s heart.

[2. ]How Hwuy of Lew-hea, though often dismissed from office, still clave to his country. Lew-hea Hwuy,—see XV. xiii. The office which Hwuy held is described in the Chow-le, XXXIV. iii. He was under the minister of Crime, but with many subordinate magistrates under him.—Some remarks akin to that in the text are ascribed to Hwuy’s wife. It is observed by the commentator Hoo, that there ought to be another paragraph, giving Confucius’ judgment upon Hwuy’s conduct, but it has been lost.

[3. ]How Confucius left Ts‘e, when the duke could not appreciate and employ him. It was in the year bc 516, that Confucius went to Ts‘e. The remarks about how he should be treated, &c., are to be understood as having taken place in consultation between the duke and his ministers, and being afterwards reported to the sage. The Măng family (see II. v.) was, in the time of Confucius, much weaker than the Ke. The chief of it was only the lowest noble of Loo, while the Ke was the highest. Yet for the duke of Ts‘e to treat Confucius better than the duke of Loo treated the chief of the Măng family, was not dishonouring the sage. We must suppose that Confucius left Ts‘e, because of the duke’s concluding remarks.

[4. ]How Confucius gave up official service in Loo. In the fourteenth year of the Duke Ting, Confucius reached the highest point of his official service. He was minister of Crime, and also, according to the general opinion, acting premier. He effected in a few months a wonderful renovation of the State, and the neighbouring countries began to fear that under his administration, Loo would overtop and subdue them all. To prevent this, the duke of Ts‘e sent a present to Loo of fine horses and of eighty highly accomplished beauties. The duke of Loo was induced to receive these by the advice of the head of the Ke family, Ke Sze or Ke Hwan. The sage was forgotten; government was neglected. Confucius, indignant and sorrowful, withdrew from office, and for a time, from the country too.

[5. ]Confucius and the madman of Ts‘oo who blames his not retiring from the world. 1. Ts‘eĕ-yu was the designation of one Luh T‘ung, a native of Ts‘oo, who feigned himself mad, to escape being importuned to engage in public service. It must have been about the year bc 489, that the incident in the text occurred. By the fung or phœnix, his satirizer or adviser intended Confucius, see IX. viii.

[6. ]Confucius and the two recluses, Ch‘ang-tseu and Keĕ-neih; why he would not withdraw from the world. 1. The surnames and names of these worthies are not known. It is supposed that they belonged to Ts‘oo, like the hero of the last chapter, and that the interview with them occurred about the same time. The designations in the text are descriptive of their character, and=“the long Rester,” and “the firm Recluse.” What kind of field labour is here denoted cannot be determined. 2. The original of “he knows the ford,” indicates that “he” is emphatic,=he, going about everywhere, and seeking to be employed, ought to know the ford. The use of “his Master” in the last paragraph is remarkable. It must mean “his Master” and not “the Master.” The compiler of this chapter can hardly have been a disciple of the sage.

[7. ]Tsze-loo’s rencontre with an old man, a recluse: his vindication of his master’s course. The incident in this chapter was probably nearly contemporaneous with those which occupy the two previous ones. Some say that the old man belonged to Shĕ, which was a part of Ts‘oo. “The five grains” are “rice, millet, sacrificial millet, wheat, and pulse.” But they are sometimes otherwise enumerated. We have also “the six kinds,” “the eight kinds,” “the nine kinds,” and perhaps other classifications. 2. Tsze-loo, standing with his arms across his breast, indicated his respect, and won upon the old man. 5. Tsze-loo is to be understood as here speaking the sentiments of the Master, and vindicating his course. By “the relations between old and young,” he refers to the manner in which the old man had introduced his sons to him the evening before, and to all the orderly intercourse between old and young, which he had probably seen in the family.

[8. ]Confucius’ judgment of former worthies who had kept from the world. His own guiding principle. 1. On the word “retired” with which this chapter commences, it is said:—“Retirement here is not that of seclusion, but is characteristic of men of large souls, who cannot be measured by ordinary rules. They may display their character by retiring from the world. They may display it also in the manner of their discharge of office.” The phrase is guarded in this way, I suppose, because of its application to Hwuy of Lew-hea, who did not obstinately withdraw from the world. Pih-e, and Shuh-ts‘e,—see V. xxii. Yu-chung should probably be Woo-chung. He was the brother of T‘ae-pih, called Chung-yung, and is mentioned in the note on VIII. i. He retired with T‘ae-pih among the barbarous tribes, then occupying the country of Woo, and succeeded to the chieftaincy of them on his brother’s death. “E-vih and Choo-chang,” says Choo He, “are not found in the classics and histories. From a passage in the Le-ke, XXI i. 14, it appears that Shaou-leen belonged to one of the barbarous tribes on the east, but was well acquainted with, and observant of, the rules of propriety, particularly those relating to mourning. 4. “Living in retirement, they gave a license to their words,”—this is intended to show that in this respect they were inferior to Hwuy and Shaou-leen. 5. Confucius’s openness to act according to circumstances is to be understood as being always in subordination to right and propriety.

[9. ]The dispersion of the musicians of Loo. The dispersion here narrated is supposed to have taken place in the time of Duke Gae. When once Confucius had rectified the music of Loo (IX. xiv.), the musicians would no longer be assisting in the prostitution of their art, and so, as the disorganization and decay proceeded, the chief among them withdrew to other countries, or from society altogether. 1. “The music-master, Che,”—see VIII. xv. 2. The princes of China, it would appear, had music at their meals, and a separate band performed at each meal, or possibly, the band might be the same, but under the superintendence of a separate officer at each meal. The emperor had four meals a day, and the princes of States only three, but it was the prerogative of the duke of Loo to use the ceremonies of the imperial household. Nothing is said here of the band-master at the first meal, perhaps because he did not leave Loo, or nothing may have been known of him. 3. “The river” is of course “the Yellow River.” 5. It was from Scang that Confucius learned to play on the lute.

[10. ]Instructions of Chow-kung to his son about government, a generous consideration of others to be cherished. See VI. v. It would seem that the duke of Chow was himself appointed to the principality of Loo, but being detained at court by his duties to the young Emperor Ch‘ing, he sent his son, here called “the duke of Loo,” to that State as his representative.

[11. ]The fruitfulness of the early time of the Chow dynasty officers. The eight individuals mentioned here are said to have been brothers, four pairs of twins by the same mother. This is intimated in their names, the two first being primi, the next pair secundi, the third tertii and the last two ultimi. One mother, bearing twins four times in succession, and all proving distinguished men, showed the vigour of the early days of the dynasty in all that was good.—It is disputed to what reign these brothers belonged, nor is their surname ascertained.

[* ]Heading and contents of this book. “Tsze-chang—No XIX.” Contueius does not appear personally in this book at all. Choo He says.—“This book records the words of the disciples, Tsze-hea being the most frequent speaker, and Tsze-kung next to him. For in the Confucian school, after Yen Yuen there was no one of such discriminating understanding as Tsze-kung, and, after Tsang Sin no one of such firm sincerity as Tsze-hea.” The disciples deliver their sentiments very much after the manner of their master, and yet we can discern a falling off from him.

[1. ]Tsze-chang’s opinion of the chief attributes of the true scholar.

[2. ]Tsze-chang on narrow-mindedness and a hesitating faith. Hing Ping interprets this chapter in the following way:—“If a man grasp hold of his virtue, and is not widened and enlarged by it, although he may believe good principles, he cannot be sincere and generous.” But it is better to take the clauses as coordinate, and not dependent on each other.

[3. ]The different opinions of Tsze-hea and Tsze-chang on the principles which should regulate our intercourse with others. It is strange to me that the disciples of Tsze-hea should begin their answer to Tsze-chang with the designation Tsze-hea, instead of saying “our Master” Hing Ping expounds Tsze-hea’s rule thus:—“If the man be worthy, fit for you to have intercourse with, then have it, but if he be not worthy,” &c. On the other hand, we find:—“If the man will advantage you, he is a fit person, then maintain intercourse with him,” &c. This seems to be merely carrying out Confucius’ rule, I. viii. 3. Choo He, however, approves of Tsze chang’s censure of it, while he thinks also that Tsze-chang’s own view is defective:—Paou Heen says:—“Our intercourse with friends should be according to Tsze-hea’s rule; general intercourse according to Tsze-chang’s.”

[4. ]Tsze-hea’s opinion of the inapplicability of small pursuits to great objects. Gardening, husbandry, divining, and the healing art, are all mentioned by Choo He as instances of the “small ways,” here intended, having their own truth in them, but not available for higher purposes, or what is beyond themselves.

[5. ]The indications of a real love of learning:—by Tsze hea.

[6. ]How learning should be pursued to lead to virtue:—by Tsze-hea.

[7. ]Learning is the student’s workshop:—by Tsze-hea. A certain quarter was assigned anciently in Chinese towns and cities for mechanics, and all of one art were required to have their shops together. A son must follow his father’s profession, and, seeing nothing but the exercise of that around him, it was supposed that he would not be led to think of anything else, and would so become very proficient in it.

[8. ]Glossing his faults the proof of the mean man:—by Tsze-hea. Literally, “The faults of the mean man must gloss,” i.e., he is sure to gloss.

[9. ]Changing appearances of the superior man to others:—by Tsze-hea. Tsze-hea probably intended Confucius by the Keun-tsze, but there is a general applicability in his language and sentiments:—The description is about equivalent to our “fortiter in re suaviter in modo.”

[10. ]The importance of enjoying confidence to the right serving of superiors and ordering of inferiors:—by Tsze-hea.

[11. ]The great virtues demand the chief attention, and the small ones may be somewhat violated:—by Tsze-hea. The sentiment here is very questionable. A different turn, however, is given to the chapter in the older interpreters. Hing Ping, expanding K‘ung Gankwŏ says:—“Men of great virtue never go beyond the boundary-line; it is enough for those who are virtuous in a less degree to keep near to it, going beyond and coming back.” We adopt the more natural interpretation of Choo He.

[12. ]Tsze-hea’s defence of his own graduated method of teaching:—against Tsze-yew. 1. The sprinkling, &c., are the things boys were supposed anciently to be taught, the rudiments of learning, from which they advanced to all that is inculcated in the “Great Learning.” But as Tsze-hea’s pupils were not boys, but men, we should understand. I suppose, these specifications as but a contemptuous reference to his instructions, as embracing merely what was external. The general scope of Tsze-hea’s reply is sufficiently plain, but the old interpreters and new differ in explaining the several sentences. After dwelling long on it, I have agreed generally with the new school, and followed Choo He in the translation. Tsze-hea did not teach what he taught as being in itself more important than what he for the time left untouched. He communicated knowledge as his disciples were able to bear it.

[13. ]The officer and the student should attend each to his proper work in the first instance:—by Tsze-yew.

[14. ]The trappings of mourning may be dispensed with:—by Tsze-yew. The sentiment here is perhaps the same as that of Confucius in III. iv., but the sage guards and explains his utterance.—K‘ung Gankwŏ, following an expression in the “Classic of Filial Piety,” makes the meaning to be that the mourner may not endanger his health or life by excessive grief and abstinence.

[15. ]Tsze-yew’s opinion of Tsze-chang, as minding too much high things.

[16. ]The philosopher Tsang’s opinion of Tsze-chang, as too high-pitched for friendship.

[17. ]How grief for the loss of parents brings out the real nature of man:—by Tsang Sin.

[18. ]The filial piety of Mang Chwang:—by Tsang Sin. Chwang was the honorary epithet of Suh, the head of the Măng family, not long anterior to Confucius. His father, according to Choo He, had been a man of great merit, nor was Chwang inferior to him, but his virtue especially appeared in what the text mentions.—Ho An gives the comment of Ma Yung, that though there were bad men among his father’s ministers, and defects in his government, yet Chwang made no change in the one or the other, during the three years of mourning, and that it was this which constituted his excellence.

[19. ]How a criminal judge should cherish compassion in his administration of justice:—by Tsang Sin. Seven disciples of Tsăng Sin are more particularly mentioned, one of them being this Yang Foo. “Disorganized,” literally “scattered,” is to be understood of the moral state of the people, and not, physically, of their being scattered from their dwellings.

[20. ]The danger of a bad name:—by Tsze-kung. “Not so bad as the name implies,” is, literally, “not so very bad as this,”—the this is understood by Hing Ping as referring to the epithet Chow, which cannot be called honorary in this instance. According to the laws for such terms, it means “cruel and unmerciful, injurious to righteousness.” If the this does not in this way refer to the name, the remark would seem to have occurred in a conversation about the wickedness of Chow.

[21. ]The superior man does not conceal his errors, nor persist in them:—by Tsze-kung. Such is the lesson of this chapter, as expanded in the “Daily Lessons.” The sun and the moon being here spoken of together, the term must be confined to “eclipses,” but it is also applied to the ordinary waning of the moon.

[22. ]Confucius’ sources of knowledge were the recollections and traditions of the principles on Wan and Woo:—by Tsze-kung. 1. Of the questioner here we have no other memorial. His surname indicates that he was a descendant of some of the dukes of Wei. Observe how he calls Confucius by his designation of Chung-ne or “Ne secundus.” (There was an elder brother, a concubine’s son, who was called Pih-ne). The last clause is taken by modern commentators as asserting Confucius’ connate knowledge, but Gan-kwŏ finds in it only a repetition of the statement that the sage found teachers everywhere.

[23. ]Tsze-kung repudiates being thought superior to Confucius, and, by the comparison of a house and wall, shows how ordinary people could not understand the Master. 1. “Woo” was the honorary epithet of Chow Kew, one of the chiefs of the Shuh-sun family. From a mention of him in the “Family Sayings,” we may conclude that he was given to envy and detraction. The term rendered “house” is now the common word for a “palace,” but here it is to be taken generally for a house or building. It is a poor house, as representing the disciple, and a ducal mansion, as representing his master. Many commentators make the wall to be the sole object in the comparison; but it is better to take both the house and the wall as members of the comparison. The wall is not a part of the house, but one inclosing it.

[24. ]Confucius is like the sun or moon, high above the reach of depreciation:—by Tsze-kung.

[25. ]Confucius can no more be equalled than the heavens can be climbed:—by Tsze-kung. We find it difficult to conceive of the sage’s disciples speaking to one another, as Tsze-k‘in does here to Tsze-kung; and Hing Ping says that this was not the disciple Tsze-k‘in, but another man of the same surname and designation. But this is inadmissible, especially as we find the same parties, in I. x., talking about the character of their master. I think it likely the conversation took place after the sage’s death, in which case the tenses in the translation would in several cases have to be altered. Unfortunately the Chinese language has no inflexions of any kind, and in concise composition such as that of these Analects the adjunctive indications of mood and tense seldom occur.

[* ]Heading and contents of this book.—“Yaou said” Hing Ping says:—“This records the words of the two emperors, the three kings, and Confucius, throwing light on the excellence of the ordinances of Heaven, and the transforming power of government. Its doctrines are all those of sages, worthy of being transmitted to posterity. On this account, it brings up the rear of all the other books, without any particular relation to the one immediately preceding.”

[1. ]Principles and ways of Yaou, Shun, Yu, T‘ang, and Woo. The first five paragraphs here are mostly compiled from different parts of the Shoo-king. But there are many variations of language. The compiler may have thought it sufficient, if he gave the substance of the original in his quotations, without seeking to observe a verbal accuracy, or, possibly, the Shoo-king, as it was in his days, may have contained the passages as he gives them, and the variations be owing to the burning of most of the classical books by the founder of the Ts‘in dynasty, and their recovery and restoration in a mutilated state. 1. We do not find this address of Yaou to Shun in the Shoo-king. Pt I., but the different sentences may be gathered from I’t II. Bk II. 14, 15, 17, where we have the charge of Shun to Yu. Yaou’s reign commenced bc 2356, and after reigning 73 years, he resigned the administration to Shun. He died, bc 2256, and, two years after, Shun occupied the throne, in obedience to the will of the people. “The Heaven-determined order of succession” is, literally, “the represented and calculated numbers of heaven,” i.e., the divisions of the year, its terms, months, and days, all described in a calendar, as they succeed one another with determined regularity. Here, ancient and modern interpreters agree in giving to the expression the meaning which appears in the translation. I may observe here, that Choo He differs often from the old interpreters in explaining these passages of the Shoo-king, but I have followed him, leaving the correctness or incorrectness of his views to be considered in the annotations on the Shoo-king. 3. At the commencement of this paragraph we must understand T‘ang, the founder of the Shang dynasty. The sentences here may in substance be collected in a measure from the Shoo-king, Pt IV. Bk III. 4, 8. The sinner is Keĕ, the tyrant, and last emperor of the Hea dynasty. “The ministers of God” are the able and virtuous men, whom T‘ang had called, or would call, to office. 4. In the Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk III. 9, we find King Woo saying, “He distributed great rewards through the empire, and all the people were pleased and submitted.” 5. See the Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk I. sect. ii. 6, 7. The subject is Chow, the tyrant of the Yin dynasty. The people found fault with King Woo, because he did not come to save them from their sufferings, by destroying their oppressor. The remaining paragraphs are descriptive of the policy of King Woo, but cannot, excepting the eighth one, be traced in the present Shoo-king.

[2. ]How government may be conducted with efficiency, by honouring five excellent things, and putting away four bad things:—a conversation with Tsze-chang. It is understood that this chapter, and the next, give the ideas of Confucius on government, as a sequel to those of the ancient sages and emperors, whose principles are set forth in the last chapter, to show how Confucius was their proper successor.

[3. ]The ordinances of Heaven, the rules of Propriety, and the force of Words, all necessary to be known.