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• Introduction
• A Note On the Texts
• English Editions of the Law of Nations
• Three Essays By Vattel
• Acknowledgments
• The Law of Nations
• Advertisement
• Preface
• Preliminaries Idea and General Principles of the Law of Nations.
• Book I: Of Nations Considered In Themselves
• Chapter I: Of Nations Or Sovereign States.
• Chapter II: General Principles of the Duties of a Nation Towards Itself.
• Chapter III: Of the Constitution of a State, and the Duties and Rights of the Nation In This Respect.
• Chapter IV: Of the Sovereign, His Obligations, and His Rights.
• Chapter V: Of States Elective, Successive Or Hereditary, and of Those Called Patrimonial.
• Chapter VI: Principal Objects of a Good Government; and First to Provide For the Necessities of the Nation.
• Chapter VII: Of the Cultivation of the Soil.
• Chapter VIII: Of Commerce.
• Chapter IX: Of the Care of the Public Ways of Communication, and the Right of Toll.
• Chapter X: Of Money and Exchange.
• Chapter XI: Second Object of a Good Government,—to Procure the True Happiness of the Nation.
• Chapter XII: Of Piety and Religion.
• Chapter XIII: Of Justice and Polity.
• Chapter XIV: The Third Object of a Good Government,—to Fortify Itself Against External Attacks.
• Chapter XV: Of the Glory of a Nation.
• Chapter XVI: Of the Protection Sought By a Nation, and Its Voluntary Submission to a Foreign Power.
• Chapter XVII: How a Nation May Separate Itself From the State of Which It Is a Member, Or Renounce Its Allegiance to Its Sovereign When It Is Not Protected.
• Chapter XVIII: Of the Establishment of a Nation In a Country.
• Chapter XIX: Of Our Native Country, and Several Things That Relate to It.
• Chapter XX: Of Public, Common, and Private Property.
• Chapter XXI: Of the Alienation of the Public Property, Or the Domain, and That of a Part of the State.
• Chapter XXII: Of Rivers, Streams, and Lakes.
• Chapter XXIII: Of the Sea.
• Book II: Of a Nation Considered In Its Relations to Others
• Chapter I: Of the Common Duties of a Nation Towards Others, Or of the Offices of Humanity Between Nations.
• Chapter II: Of the Mutual Commerce Between Nations.
• Chapter III: Of the Dignity and Equality of Nations,—of Titles,—and Other Marks of Honour.
• Chapter IV: Of the Right to Security, and the Effects of the Sovereignty and Independence of Nations.
• Chapter V: Of the Observance of Justice Between Nations.
• Chapter VI: Of the Concern a Nation May Have In the Actions of Her Citizens.
• Chapter VII: Effects of the Domain, Between Nations.
• Chapter VIII: Rules With Respect to Foreigners.
• Chapter IX: Of the Rights Retained By All Nations After the Introduction of Domain and Property.
• Chapter X: How a Nation Is to Use Her Right of Domain, In Order to Discharge Her Duties Towards Other Nations, With Respect to the Innocent Use of Things.
• Chapter XI: Of Usucaption and Prescription Among Nations.
• Chapter XII: Of Treaties of Alliance, and Other Public Treaties.
• Chapter XIII: Of the Dissolution and Renewal of Treaties.
• Chapter XIV: Of Other Public Conventions,—of Those That Are Made By Subordinate Powers,—particularly of the Agreement Called In Latin Sponsio,—and of Conventions of Sovereigns With Private Persons.
• Chapter XV: Of the Faith of Treaties.
• Chapter XVI: Of Securities Given For the Observance of Treaties.
• Chapter XVII: Of the Interpretation of Treaties.
• Chapter XVIII: Of the Mode of Terminating Disputes Between Nations.
• Book III: Of War
• Chapter I: Of War,—its Different Kinds,— and the Right of Making War.
• Chapter II: Of the Instruments of War,—the Raising of Troops, &c.—their Commanders, Or the Subordinate Powers In War.
• Chapter III: Of the Just Causes of War.
• Chapter IV: Of the Declaration of War,— and of War In Due Form.
• Chapter V: Of the Enemy, and of Things Belonging to the Enemy.
• Chapter VI: Of the Enemy’s Allies—of Warlike Associations— of Auxiliaries and Subsidies.
• Chapter VII: Of Neutrality—and the Passage of Troops Through a Neutral Country.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Rights of Nations In War,—and First, of What We Have a Right to Do, and What We Are Allowed to Do, to the Enemy’s Person In a Just War.
• Chapter IX: Of the Right of War, With Regard to Things Belonging to the Enemy.
• Chapter X: Of Faith Between Enemies,—of Stratagems, Artifices In War, Spies, and Some Other Practices.
• Chapter XI: Of the Sovereign Who Wages an Unjust War.
• Chapter XII: Of the Voluntary Law of Nations, As It Regards the Effects of Regular Warfare, Independently of the Justice of the Cause.
• Chapter XIII: Of Acquisitions By War, and Particularly of Conquests.
• Chapter XIV: Of the Right of Postliminium.
• Chapter XV: Of the Right of Private Persons In War.
• Chapter XVI: Of Various Conventions Made During the Course of the War.
• Chapter XVII: Of Safe-conducts and Passports,—with Questions On the Ransom of Prisoners of War.
• Chapter XVIII: Of Civil War.
• Book IV: Of the Restoration of Peace; and of Embassies
• Chapter I: Of Peace, and the Obligation to Cultivate It.
• Chapter II: Treaties of Peace.
• Chapter III: Of the Execution of the Treaty of Peace.
• Chapter IV: Of the Observance and Breach of the Treaty of Peace.
• Chapter V: Of the Right of Embassy, Or the Right of Sending and Receiving Public Ministers.
• Chapter VI: Of the Several Orders of Public Ministers,—of the Representative Character,—and of the Honours Due to Ministers.
• Chapter VII: Of the Rights, Privileges, and Immunities of Embassadors and Other Public Ministers.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Judge of Embassadors In Civil Cases.
• Chapter IX: Of the Embassador’s House and Domestics.
• Additional Essays
• Essay On the Foundation of Natural Law and On the First Principle of the Obligation Men Find Themselves Under to Observe Laws 1
• Dissertation On This Question: “can Natural Law Bring Society to Perfection Without the Assistance of Political Laws?”
• Dialogue Between the Prince of ****and His Confidant, On Certain Essential Elements of Public Administration
• Biographical Sketches of Authors Referred to By Vattel

The first two essays included here, Essay on the Foundation of Natural Law1 and Can Natural Law Bring Society to Perfection Without the Assistance of Political Laws?2 date from the early and formative phase of Vattel’s career and anticipate many of the themes of The Law of Nations. Both essays were originally published in the collection Le loisir phi losoph ique ou pièces diverses de philosophie, de morale et d’amusement (Geneva, 1747). The second dissertation was a response to the Academy of Dijon’s prize competition of 1742.

The third essay, Dialogue Between the Prince of **** and His Confidant,3 was first published in Amusemens de littérature, de morale, et de politique par M. de Vattel (The Hague: Pierre Gosse Junior & Daniel Pinet libraires de S.A.S, 1765, 21–48). It is translated here in English for the first time.

CHAPTER IX

Of the Embassador’s House and Domestics.

§117. The embassador’s house.The independency of the embassador would be very imperfect, and his security very precarious, if the house in which he lives were not to enjoy a perfect immunity, and to be inaccessible to the ordinary officers of justice. The embassador might be molested under a thousand pretexts; his secrets might be discovered by searching his papers, and his person exposed to insults. Thus all the reasons which establish his independence and inviolability, concur likewise in securing the freedom of his house. In all civilised nations, this right is acknowledged as annexed to the embassadorial character: and an embassador’s house, at least in all the ordinary affairs of life, is, equally with his person, considered as being out of the country. Of this, a remarkable instance occurred, not many years ago, at Petersburg. On the third of April, 1752, thirty soldiers, with an officer at their head, entered the house of baron Greiffenheim the Swedish minister, and carried off two of his domestics, whom they conducted to prison, under a pretence that those two men had clandestinely sold liquors which the imperial farm alone has the privilege of selling. The court, incensed at such a proceeding, caused the authors of this act of violence to be immediately taken into custody, and the empress ordered satisfaction to be made to the offended minister; she likewise sent to him and to all the other foreign ministers, a declaration, in which she expressed her concern and resentment at what had happened, and communicated the orders which she had given to the senate to institute a prosecution against the commissioner of the office established for the prevention of the clandestine sale of liquors,—he being the chief delinquent.

The house of an embassador ought to be safe from all outrage, being under the particular protection of the law of nations, and that of the country: to insult it, is a crime both against the state and against all other nations.

§118. Right of asylum.But the immunity and freedom of the embassador’s house is established only in favour of the minister and his household; as is evident from the very reasons upon which it is grounded. Can he take advantage of the privilege, in order to convert his house into an asylum, to afford shelter and protection to the enemies of the prince, and to malefactors of every kind, and thus screen them from the punishments which they have deserved? Such proceedings would be contrary to all the duties of an embassador, to the spirit by which he ought to be animated, and to the lawful purposes for which he has been admitted into the country. This is what nobody will presume to deny. But I proceed farther, and lay it down as a certain truth, that a sovereign is not obliged to tolerate an abuse so pernicious to his state, and so detrimental to society. I grant, indeed, that when there is question only of certain ordinary transgressions, and these committed by persons who often prove to be rather unfortunate than criminal, or whose punishment is of no great importance to the peace of society, the house of an embassador may well serve as an asylum for such offenders; and it is better that the sovereign should suffer them to escape, than expose the embassador to frequent molestation under pretence of a search after them, and thus involve the state in any difficulties which might arise from such proceedings. And as the house of an embassador is independent of the ordinary jurisdiction, no magistrate, justice of the peace, or other subordinate officer, is in any case entitled to enter it by his own authority, or to send any of his people to enter it, unless on occasions of urgent necessity, when the public welfare is threatened with imminent danger which admits of no delay. Whatever concerns a point of such weight and delicacy,—whatever affects the rights and the dignity of a foreign power,—whatever may embroil the state with that power,—is to be laid immediately before the sovereign, and to be determined either by himself in person, or, under his direction, by the privy council. Thus, it belongs to the sovereign to decide, on occasion, how far the right of asylum, which an embassador claims as belonging to his house, is to be respected: and if the question relates to an offender whose arrest or punishment is of great importance to the state, the prince is not to be with-held by the consideration of a privilege which was never granted for the detriment and ruin of states. In the year 1726, the famous duke de Ripperda having sheltered himself in the house of lord Harrington, embassador from England, the council of Castille decided “that he might be taken out of it, even by force; since, otherwise, those regulations which had been made for the purpose of maintaining a more regular and intimate correspondence between sovereigns, would on the contrary operate to the subversion and utter ruin of their authority;—and that, if persons who had been intrusted with the finances, the power, and the secrets of the state, were, when guilty of violating the duties of their office, allowed to take shelter under a privilege which had been granted to the houses of embassadors in favour only of ordinary offenders,—such an extension of the right of asylum would be productive of consequences the most pernicious and detrimental to all the powers on earth, who, if the practice once became established, would be reduced to the necessity, not only of enduring the presence of every man who was plotting their destruction, but even of seeing him supported in their own court.”* —Nothing could be said on this head with greater truth and judgment.

The abuse of the privilege has no-where been carried to a greater extent than at Rome, where the embassadors of crowned heads claim it for the whole ward in which their house is situated. The popes, once so formidable to sovereigns, have for above two centuries been in their turn under a necessity of observing the most delicate and cautious circumspection in their conduct towards them. It is in vain that they have endeavoured to suppress, or at least to reduce within proper bounds, an abusive privilege, for which, prescription, however great its antiquity, ought not to be allowed as a sufficient plea in opposition to justice and reason.

§119. Exemption of an embassador’s carriages;An embassador’s carriages and equipages are equally privileged with his house, and for the same reasons: to insult them, is an attack on the embassador himself, and on the sovereign whom he represents. They are independent of all subordinate authority—of guards, custom-house officers, magistrates and their agents,—and must not be stopped or searched without a superior order. But in this instance, as in that of the embassador’s house, the abuse is not to be confounded with the right. It would be absurd that a foreign minister should have the power of conveying off in his coach a criminal of consequence,—a man, in the seizure of whose person the state were highly interested; and that he should do this under the very eyes of the sovereign, who thus would see himself defied in his own kingdom and court. Where is the sovereign who would suffer this? The marquis De Fontenay, the French embassador at Rome, sheltered the Neapolitan exiles and rebels, and at last undertook to convey them out of Rome in his own carriages: but the carriages were stopped at the city gates by some Corsicans of the pope’s guard, and the Neapolitans committed to prison. The embassador warmly complained of the procedure: but the pope answered “that his motive had only been that of arresting men whom the embassador had assisted in escaping from confinement; and that, since the embassador took the liberty of harbouring villains, and affording protection to every criminal in the papal territory,—at least he, who was sovereign of the state, ought to be allowed to have them retaken wherever they could be found; as the rights and privileges of embassadors were not to be carried to such lengths.” The embassador replied, “that it would not appear, on examination, that he had granted an asylum to any subjects of the pope, but solely to some Neapolitans, whom he might very lawfully shelter from the persecutions of the Spaniards.”* By this answer, the minister tacitly conceded that he would not have been authorised to complain of the stoppage of his carriages, if he had employed them for the purpose of favouring the escape of any of the pope’s subjects, and aiding criminals to elude the pursuit of justice.

§120.of his retinue;The persons in an embassador’s retinue partake of his inviolability; his independency extends to every individual of his household: so intimate a connection exists between him and all those persons, that they share the same fate with him; they immediately depend on him alone, and are exempt from the jurisdiction of the country, into which they would not have come without such reservation in their favour. The embassador is bound to protect them; and no insult can be offered to them, which is not at the same time an insult to himself. If the domestics and household of a foreign minister were not solely dependent on him, it is evident at first sight, how easily he might be harassed, molested, and disturbed in the exercise of his functions. These maxims are at present every-where adopted and confirmed by custom.

§121.of his wife and family;The embassador’s wife is intimately united with him, and more particularly belongs to him than any other person of his household. Accordingly she participates in his independence and inviolability: she even receives distinguished honours, which, in a certain degree, cannot be refused to her without affronting the embassador; and for which there exists, in the generality of courts, an established ceremonial. The respect due to the embassador extends likewise to his children, who also partake of his immunities.

§122.of the secretary of the embassy;The embassador’s secretary is one of his domestics: but the secretary of the embassy holds his commission from the sovereign himself; which makes him a kind of public minister, enjoying in his own right the protection of the law of nations, and the immunities annexed to his office, independently of the embassador, to whose orders he is indeed but imperfectly subjected,—sometimes not at all, and always in such degree only, as their common master has been pleased to ordain.

§123.of the embassador’s couriers and dispatches.Couriers sent or received by an embassador, his papers, letters, and dispatches, all essentially belong to the embassy, and are consequently to be held sacred; since, if they were not respected, the legitimate objects of the embassy could not be attained, nor would the embassador be able to discharge his functions with the necessary degree of security. The states-general of the United Provinces decided, whilst the president Jeannin resided with them as embassador from France, that to open the letters of a public minister is a breach of the law of nations.* Other instances may be seen in Wicquefort. That privilege, however, does not—on certain momentous occasions when the embassador himself has violated the law of nations by forming or countenancing plots or conspiracies against the state—deprive us of the liberty to seize his papers for the purpose of discovering the whole secret, and detecting his accomplices; since, in such an emergency, the embassador himself may lawfully be arrested and interrogated (§99). An example is furnished us in the conduct of the Roman government, who seized the letters which a treasonable junto had committed to the hands of Tarquin’s embassadors (§98).

§124. The embassador’s authority over his retinue.The persons in a foreign minister’s retinue being independent of the jurisdiction of the country, cannot be taken into custody or punished without his consent. It would nevertheless be highly improper that they should enjoy an absolute independence, and be at liberty to indulge in every kind of licentious disorder, without control or apprehension. The embassador must necessarily be supposed to possess whatever degree of authority is requisite for keeping them in order:† and some writers will have that authority to include even a power over life and death. When the marquis De Rôny, afterwards duke De Sully, was in England as embassador extraordinary from France, a gentleman of his retinue committed a murder, which caused a great noise among the people of London. The embassador assembled some French noblemen who had accompanied him on his mission, tried the murderer, and sentenced him to lose his head. He then acquainted the lord mayor of London that he had pronounced sentence on the criminal, desiring that magistrate to furnish him with an executioner and proper attendants to have the punishment inflicted. But he afterwards consented to deliver up the criminal to the English, in order that they might execute justice on him as they thought proper: and Monsieur De Beaumont, the French embassador in ordinary, prevailed on the British monarch to pardon the young man, who was related to that minister by the ties of consanguinity.* It rests entirely at the option of the sovereign to invest his embassador with such an extensive power over the persons of his suite: and the marquis De Rôny was confidently certain of having his conduct approved by his master, who did, in fact, express his approbation of the whole transaction. In general, however, it is to be presumed that the embassador is possessed only of a coercive power sufficient to restrain his dependents by other punishments which are not of a capital or infamous nature. He may punish the faults committed against himself and against his master’s service, or send the delinquents to their sovereign, in order to their being punished. But should any of his people commit crimes against society which deserve a severe punishment, the embassador ought to make a distinction between such of his domestics as belong to his own nation, and others who are subjects of the country where he resides. The shortest and most natural way with the latter is to dismiss them from his service, and deliver them up to justice. As to those of his own nation, if they have offended the sovereign of the country, or committed any of those atrocious crimes in whose punishment all nations are interested, and whose perpetrators are, for that reason, usually surrendered by one state when demanded by another,—why should he not give them up to the nation which calls for their punishment? If the transgression be of a different kind, he is to send them to his sovereign. Finally, if the case be of a doubtful nature, it is the embassador’s duty to keep the offender in irons till he receives orders from his court. But if he passes a capital sentence on the criminal, I do not think he can have it executed in his own house; an execution of that nature being an act of territorial superiority which belongs only to the sovereign of the country. And although the embassador, together with his house and household, be reputed out of the country, that is nothing more than a figurative mode of speech intended to express his independency, and all the rights necessary to the lawful success of the embassy: nor can that fiction involve privileges which are reserved to the sovereign alone,—which are of too delicate and important a nature to be communicated to a foreigner, and, moreover, not necessary to the embassador for the due discharge of his functions. If the offence has been committed against the embassador or against the service of his master, the embassador may send the delinquent to his sovereign. If the crime concerns the state where the minister resides, he may try the criminal, and, if he finds him worthy of death, deliver him up to the justice of the country, as did the marquis De Rôny.

§125. When the rights of an embassador expire.When the commission of an embassador is at an end,—when he has concluded the business for which he came into the country,—when he is recalled or dismissed,—in a word, when he is obliged to depart on any account whatever, his functions cease: but his privileges and rights do not immediately expire: he retains them till his return to his sovereign, to whom he is to make a report of his embassy.* His safety, his independence, and his inviolability, are not less necessary to the success of the embassy in his return, than at his coming. Accordingly, when an embassador departs on account of a war arising between his master and the sovereign at whose court he was employed, he is allowed a sufficient time to quit the country in perfect security: and moreover, if he was returning home by sea, and happened to be taken on his passage, he would be released without a moment’s hesitation, as not being subject to lawful capture.

§126. Cases when new credentials are necessary.For the same reasons the embassador’s privileges still exist at those times when the activity of his ministry happens to be suspended, and he stands in need of fresh powers. Such a case occurs in consequence of the death of the prince whom the minister represents, or of the sovereign at whose court he resides. On either occasion it becomes necessary that the minister should be furnished with new credentials. The necessity, however, is less cogent in the latter than in the former case, especially if the successor of the deceased prince be the natural and necessary successor; because, while the authority whence the minister’s power emanated, still subsists, it is fairly presumable that he retains his former character at the court of the new sovereign. But if his own master is no more, the minister’s powers are at an end; and he must necessarily receive fresh credentials from the new prince, before he can be authorised to speak and act in his name. In the interim, however, he still continues to be the minister of his nation, and, as such, is entitled to enjoy all the rights and honours annexed to that character.

§127. Conclusion.At length I have reached the end of my proposed career. I do not flatter myself with the idea of having given a perfect, full, and complete treatise of the law of nations; nor was that, indeed, my design; for it would have been too great a degree of confidence in my own abilities to have made such an attempt on a subject so extensive and so copious. I shall think I have done a great deal, if my principles are approved as solid, luminous, and sufficient to enable intelligent persons to give a proper solution of any minute questions that may arise in particular cases; and shall be happy if the result of my labours proves in any wise serviceable to those men in power who love mankind and respect justice,—and furnishes them with weapons for the purpose of defending the cause of right, and compelling the unjust to observe at least some measures, and to keep within the bounds of decency.

E N D.

Addition Essays

Essay on the Foundation of Natural Law and on the First Principle of the Obligation Men Find Themselves Under to Observe Laws1

Translated by T. J. Hochstrasser

What is the goal of those who teach natural law and ethics? Is it not to bring men to the observance of justice and the practice of virtue?

—The Author

I. Natural laws, natural jurisprudence, and moral science are three things that are often confused in ordinary language because they all three have the same object: to know how to order the customs and conduct of men. But in handling a topic clearly and securely it is necessary to separate out carefully those issues that are in reality distinct.

II. A law is in general a rule by which we are obliged to determine our actions; and natural laws, in particular, are those that we derive from nature, or whose rationale is found in the essence and nature of man, and of things in general.

III.Natural jurisprudence is a general theory of the duties of man, considered simply as man, or a science, which teaches us what is naturally good or bad in man, what he must and must not do.

IV. Moral science or ethics is a practical science, which teaches us how we should direct our faculties to practice what is good, and avoid what is bad. Often the term moral science is employed to designate the study of behavior in general, and in this sense it includes natural law and ethics. Sometimes moral science seems to mean the theory of our duties, insofar as we are obliged to employ them, for ourselves, as rational creatures; and natural law includes the theory of these same duties insofar as we are bound to them in respect of other men, as members of human society, or as others have the right to require that we observe them. But our distinction (§III) is more tidy and convenient, and it contains everything, for natural law comprises also our duties toward ourselves.

V. With that established, we look for the foundation of natural law, and the principle which compels us to practice what it prescribes for us, and avoid what it forbids us. On these two points there have been major disputes among the learned.

VI. If by the foundation of natural law we understand the source from which can be derived the rules and precepts; the principle in which is found what can provide an explanation for why these rules and precepts are as they are, then we would not wish to look further than in the essence and nature of man and things in general. For, since natural law is the science which tells us what is naturally good or bad in man (§III), how shall we determine what is naturally good or bad for him, if not through his essence and nature, and by the nature and essence of things, through considering the degree of suitability between actions and this essence and this nature? This truth is confirmed a posteriori or by experience. To determine whether someone has given an accurate idea of the laws of nature, examine what there is in man and in other things that is in accordance with their essence and nature, and you will see how you will understand clearly from that why our free actions must be regulated and determined in the manner that natural law prescribes.2 It would be easy to give examples of this. But each person can put this to the test for himself.

VII. All the authors of different systems are obliged to agree with what we have just established, whatever their sense may be of the principle of obligation, which we shall speak of presently. Those who delude themselves that natural law was invented for the benefit of human society, must agree that the source of this view can only be the nature and essence of things and of man in particular. For, I ask you, where could these would-be inventors have learned with such certainty that some actions are useful to the human race and that others are harmful, if not by considering the harmony or disharmony of these actions with the nature of man and the nature of things? Therefore it is on this nature that they have had to base their whole theory of rules and the laws of natural jurisprudence.

VIII. The same must be said of those who assign the instituting of natural law to the arbitrary will of God. For, at the same time as they recognize God as a wise being, who ordains nothing without wisdom, they must agree that God could only give laws suitable to the nature of things, and particularly to the essence and nature of man, whom he instructs to observe them; laws whose rationale is found in this essence and nature. We can go further: how do these authors know that God has laid down such-and-such laws rather than others quite contrary to them? Doubtless it is because knowing that God is a wise being, they consider, rightly, that he could only give laws that are the most appropriate to man, the most advantageous to the good of society in general, and to that of each individual in particular. But how will they know these most advantageous of laws? They will consider the nature of man and things, and they will see which laws are most appropriate to them. They are required to draw on the same source as us. This is sufficient to show that natural law is founded on the essence and nature of things and of men in particular. Cicero recognized this when he said that law is established by nature: natura ipsa constitutum est jus.

IX. We attain knowledge of these laws through reason. This faculty of the soul teaches us what is the essence and nature of man and of things in general, and makes us see the aptness or inappropriateness of actions in relation to this essence and nature: from this we derive general rules or laws which constitute the body of natural jurisprudence.

X. But it is not enough that these laws exist and that they are known: for men to be obliged to obey them they must also be effective. Everyone agrees that they are so bound, but authors disagree on the principle of this obligation. Some derive it from the authority of a superior, which can only be God, the author of nature; others base it on the very beauty of virtue, which, by its nature, is preferable to vice. Finally, others say that man, being a rational and sociable creature, must act in conformity with this character. Let us try to determine the true and first principle of this obligation and reveal where all these authors agree and are right, and where their views err. To succeed in this it is absolutely necessary to develop a clear and distinct idea of things, and to provide good definitions. We shall see that it is as a result of having neglected this rule that clever authors have caused themselves so much embarrassment in this matter, and have seemed to fall into views that are so mutually opposed.

XI. To determine what obligation is requires first an examination of what is commonly understood when this term is employed. Ask any man who says, “We are obliged to do something,” and you will see that he means that we are under a kind of necessity to do this very thing; that we are compelled, bound, tied—as if forced—although not forced or constrained physically by an external cause that acts violently upon us, but morally, and in a way that free beings can be engaged to do something even against the urging of their passions. Now, what are the reasons which bring free beings to act even against their inclination, without physical compulsion or external causes? They can only be motives, which being immediate to the soul, perceived and evaluated by reason, make us feel the necessity of acting in such a fashion and resolve the will, often against the heart’s inclination and despite the resistance of the passions. How therefore are we compelled to take a certain action? It is through the linkage of a powerful motive with this action. Thus, there are two issues to consider in respect of obligation: 1. The principle which gives birth to or which constitutes it, which creates the obligation; 2. The condition in which we find ourselves when we are so obligated.

XII. Hence it follows that obligation is characterized as active and passive.Active obligation is the connection of the motive with the action. Passive obligation is a moral necessity3 to act or not to act.4 The former is the principle which sways the intelligent being, and the latter is the condition in which this being finds himself.

XIII. Passive obligation produces active obligation just as cause gives birth to effect. For, if it is morally necessary to act, it is necessary to wish to act. Now, there is no will in the soul without motivation; therefore to bring about the moral necessity to undertake a particular action, some motivation must be linked to this action, which you cannot separate from it.5

XIV. There is good reason why we pause to demonstrate this origin for passive obligation. It proves the reality of our definition and shows that we are in agreement with the most famous writers, though sometimes with this difference—that these authors have restricted themselves to showing the effect of obligation, without explaining clearly its content. Some have defined passive obligation and not active obligation: “Obligation,” says Pufendorf, “is a moral quality by virtue of which we are compelled, by a moral necessity, to accept or endure something.”6 But he does not say in what this moral quality consists. Grotius also uses this expression, that an action is morally necessary, to say that we are obliged to do it; but he does not in any way define obligation.7

XV. Those who only have extremely confused ideas of all this will perhaps object that it is duty which creates obligation, and that we are obliged to undertake certain actions because they are in line with our duty, and abstain from others because they conflict with it. Nothing is more common than this way of speaking; it is why it matters to throw light on the problem, although, as we shall see, it consists only of pure gibberish. Let us see therefore what is this duty on which obligation is based.

XVI. Our duty is no more than the way in which we must determine or direct our actions so that they are good and right.8

XVII. Now, a free action is good or right when it has its justification in the essence and attributes of the being that produces it,9 that is to say, when a reason or explanation can be given through the essence and attributes of this being as to why his action has had to be so and not otherwise.10 This recalls what we have said (§VI) about the match or mismatch of actions with the essence of the nature of man and of things, which creates the foundation of natural law and the source of the laws that compose it. It still remains to find out the nature of the obligation we are under to live according to our duty, and, in consequence, the objection we have just witnessed is only empty verbiage. The same outcome will hold good if the term duty is considered in another sense, according to which particular duty is an action decided on in accordance with law, in such a way that we are compelled to resolve on it in this way. For in this sense, it is obligation, which constitutes duty, and so, it does not stem from duty.

XVIII. Mr. Barbeyrac in his notes on Grotius and Pufendorf provides no definition of obligation at all; except that, while saying that there is no obligation without a superior, he makes it appear that we are subject to the will of a superior, which compels us to bring our conduct into conformity with this superior’s laws. But it is plainly a confusion to interpret obligation as dependency or submission. We still have to explain why this dependence binds us; why we must preserve this submission. If we ask this learned man, “Why must we obey a superior?” he will not reply, “Because we are obliged to.” This would be to say nothing and to explain like with like. Will he say that it is because this obedience is just, in conformity with the rules of order, or because this superior can punish us if we rebel against him? But in that case he is citing to us the motives which are linked to this action of obedience, and he falls back on our definition, according to which obligation is the connection or link of motive with action.

XIX. Now this definition is adequately established if the first principle of obligation can be found which binds us to the observance of natural law, to a principle which is truly primary, which does not stem from any other. Then it is clear that we can only find it in a general motive which moves us, without drawing its effectiveness from any other, and which, in contrast, all the others relate to as branches or subsidiary motives, which draw all their strength from this common source.

XX. Given that motives act on us in accordance with our desires, to discover what we are looking for, we must see if there is in our soul an affection or essential and basic desire, which does not derive from another, and on which all the others rely. We do not need a long period of reflection to convince us that there is no inclination, desire, or affection more essential to us, or more basic and general, than self-love, which causes us to desire and seek for our happiness or the perfection of our condition, whether internal or external, i.e., the perfection of our soul, the well-being of our body, and the prosperity of our fortune.

XXI. That being so, the most general motive that influences us, this basic motive which stems from no other, can only be what relies on this general and basic inclination. Now, what is this motive, which stems fromself-love or our desire for happiness? It is, for sure, our well-being, our expediency, our advantage. Experience reveals this truth clearly to the eyes of whoever wishes to pay some attention to what takes place inside his own mind. Let us investigate carefully, let us examine attentively the way in which our wishes are formed, and we shall see that we never determine on an action through the perception of some benefit that we think we perceive in it, whether for perfection or peace and the pleasure of our soul, or for the well-being of our body, or for the profit of our fortune. Every motive returns, ultimately, to real or perceived expediency. But we must observe in passing that if our greatest good comprises the perfection of our soul, then the motives that relate to it—for example, those which derive from obedience owed to a being such as God, independent of all fear, beauty, and virtue—these motives, I say, may be considered as the noblest with good reason. After them, those that are concerned with the good of the body are the most rational; finally, the motives that provide us with the condition of our fortune take the third place.

XXII. If our expediency and our well-being are therefore the predominant motivation, the most basic motive that drives us, we must conclude that this good, this expediency, is the first principle of all obligation, and in particular of the obligation to keep to natural law. There is no doubt that our expediency is linked to this observance, for natural law is a science that teaches us what is naturally good or bad in man (§III); and the natural laws that comprise this law only prescribe some actions and forbid others as a result of the harmony or disharmony of these actions with our nature and the nature of things (§VI).

XXIII. Man is a social animal; society is natural to him; indeed, it is even essential to him if he is to pass his life happily. From this observation the judicious Grotius adopted the sociability of man as the foundation of natural law; and that is very reasonable provided that we do not take it as the first principle of obligation, but only as the next principle from which the duty derives for all men to follow the laws which must govern the natural society which exists among them, and without which they cannot survive.

XXIV. Each individual has as a general and overriding motive his own self-interest, and this motive creates the obligation to which he is liable: it is the unvarying principle of his decisions, against which it would be absurd to claim that he could be made to act. But if society is useful and even necessary to him, and this society is unable to subsist without laws or general rules observed by all its members, he is obliged, by virtue of his own expediency, to follow them. He ought not even consider sacrificing them to an immediate advantage, because they are what guarantee him peaceful enjoyment of all his other goods.

XXV. That is the foundation of civil laws and the principle of the submission that we owe to them. Men, who are required by their needs to form individual societies, will definitely not give up their own self-interest and expediency on entering them. On the contrary, it was doubtless on account of this very benefit that they each decided to make these commitments. But readily perceiving that such a host of evils and disadvantages might arise among people so often blinded by or taken up with their passions (if every individual had the freedom to decide, in particular instances, what was the best course of action for him), they understood that they had to establish laws that were sufficient to guarantee the happiness of society. They adjusted them, so far as was possible for a majority, to the interest of each member. Everyone felt that these laws, if they were to achieve the desired effect, must be observed religiously; that exceptions could not be made from them without weakening or destroying them, and that therefore on this occasion they had to sacrifice an immediate advantage to a greater good, since laws are the basis of our peace and security. That is the true principle of the obligation we have to observe them, a principle to which all men subject themselves without difficulty.

XXVI. The view that I established (§XXI) on the principle of obligation is not new, and I find in a note of Mr. Barbeyrac, on the great work of Pufendorf,11 a passage in which I see with a particular pleasure, that a learned Englishman shared exactly the same views: “According to him, duty or obligation, in respect of man, can only be a reason or motive put forward in an appropriate manner, which makes him decide to choose or to prefer one way of acting over another; and this reason or motive can only be the avoidance or acquisition of a very high degree of unhappiness or happiness, which cannot be avoided or gained by acting in another manner. He does not acknowledge any other obligation—or if there be some other type, he believes that by examining it carefully it will be seen to resolve itself into the same kind.” Thus Mr. Bernard expresses the thoughts of Mr. Gastrell:12 which are precisely in line with what I have tried to establish.

XXVII. But let us see what Mr. Barbeyrac puts forward in the same note: “The motive for obligation, or what brings about most effective compliance with it, should not be confused with the foundation of obligation or the reason why we are absolutely required to do one thing or another. This reason is nothing other than the will of a superior, whose power, in relation to our own good or evil, then stimulates our will to determine our present duty.” The whole problem between this learned commentator and ourselves derives from the fact that he does not define obligation as we have done (§XVIII). Expediency, he says, is the motive for obligation, it is not the foundation: we are required to obey a superior. But we may ask him: what, therefore, is the foundation of obligation, and for what reason am I to obey a superior? You will tell me that it is my duty to obey him because I am dependent on him. That still does not enlighten me.

XXVIII. I continue: why must I respect this dependency? Why must I fulfill my duty? And if I violate it, what will happen? You will punish me, you will say. And there we have the motive that creates my obligation to this duty: by breaking with it, I bring harm to myself. But if I could avoid the punishment, would this transgression still be an offense? Yes, you say—and why? Because I must obey a superior who has a legitimate authority over me: my disobedience would be a bad act. But why should I not commit an evil act when it will draw down no punishment upon me? You cannot respond with anything more rational than this: “In committing an evil act, an act contrary to order and reason, you depart from the perfection of your being.” And that brings us back to my view, which bases obligation on expediency, for it is without doubt advantageous to me to be perfect. Let us not pursue any further a matter we have already touched upon (§XVIII).

XXIX. I flatter myself that by developing ideas carefully and defining the meaning of terms precisely, as I have tried to do, the reader will see a way of reconciling Mr. Barbeyrac with us, and that this scholar will himself come to agree.13 The will of a superior, as we have just seen, is not the first principle or the foundation of obligation. But it is, doubtless, a proximate principle of real substance: firstly, because disregarding the integrity inherent in the action that is prescribed for us, it is fine and praiseworthy to obey a legitimate superior; and secondly, because this superior can recompense or punish us, independently of the good or evil that our action naturally entails. And when this superior is recognized as very wise, and all-powerful, his will alone imposes on us a true obligation, even if we might not perceive the integrity of the action that he prescribes to us, or the relation that it can have in itself with our happiness. I would go further: even if we believed we saw something harmful to us in the situation—in a word, when we do not know the reasons for the law that he gives us. For we can relate to him; we rely on his wisdom for the integrity of the action and on his goodness for the usefulness of this very action; and it is by virtue of this legitimate trust that we can say when he prescribes a law that his will takes the place of reasons.14 Moreover, while this act might be unimportant in itself, whether in terms of its integrity or our self-interest, or even contrary to it, the act becomes good and praiseworthy as soon as he prescribes it, and he is the master through his omnipotence who can attach such a reward as he considers appropriate, and compensate us a hundredfold for the harm that it will have caused us. To God alone, as a wise and all-powerful superior, is this unlimited trust due. But as a result the occasion for action can only exist when this sovereign legislator gives us revealed laws. For natural laws, we only know them to be the laws of God, by the reasons for these laws—by the reasons which show their justice and expediency; so, if we do not see wise reasons for undertaking a particular action or abstaining from it, we cannot know if it is the will of God that we should do it or avoid it. Let us recall here a passage of Mr. Barbeyrac, even if it is a little long; the reader, on comparing it with what we have just said, will see clearly the heart of the problem, how our principles cause it to vanish, and how they may serve to reconcile opinions which at first sight seem so opposed:15 “The author [Grotius] here imagines that there might be an obligation to do or not do certain things, even if he did not have to answer to anybody for his conduct. And there is no need to be astonished that his ideas on this point are not quite in order, since we still see today, not only that the majority of philosophers and scholastic theologians, but also some authors who elsewhere are very judicious and in no way slaves to scholastic prejudice, are all obstinate in maintaining that the rules of natural law and ethics, impose in themselves an absolute obligation, independent of the will of God. Nevertheless, some argue in a way that suggests that there is only a dispute over the meaning of words between the latter and others who are not of the same opinion. I am going to try, albeit in a few words, to update thoroughly the state of the debate, and the basis of the disagreement I have with the author. It is not a matter here of arguing whether by disregarding the will of an intelligent being or even the will of God our minds can discover the ideas and relations from which the rules of natural law and ethics can be deduced. We must agree in good faith with the supporters of the view that I am combating, that the rules are effectively based on the very nature of things; that they are in conformity with the order that we conceive as necessary to the beauty of the universe; that there is a certain proportion or lack of proportion, aptitude or unsuitability between the majority of actions and their objects, which makes sure that we find beauty in some and ugliness in others. But from that alone it does not follow that anyone is properly obliged to do or not do one thing or another. The fitness or unsuitability, which we can call the natural morality of actions, is indeed a reason which can cause action or its refusal, but it is not a reason which imposes an absolute requirement, such as the idea of obligation implies. This necessity can only come from a superior, i.e., from an intelligent being outside ourselves, who has the power to restrict our freedom and to prescribe rules of conduct for us. For proof, here is my reasoning. If there were some obligation, independent of the will of a superior, either the nature of things would have to impose it or our own reason. The very nature of things could not impose any obligation on us, in any real sense. That there may be a harmonious or disharmonious relationship between our ideas, this alone does not require a recognition of this relationship—something further is required to compel us to make our acts and life conform. Nor can reason by itself place us under an indispensable necessity to follow the ideas of harmony or disharmony that it sets before our eyes as based on the nature of things.” (I do not copy the proof that the author gives of it, which is found word for word in his reply to the Judgment of Mr. Leibniz, which I shall look at shortly.16 Let us move on to his conclusion.) “From all these points I conclude that the maxims of reason, however congruent they may be with the nature of things, and with the makeup of our being, are in no way binding, until this very same reason has revealed to us the Author of existence and of the nature of things, who gives the force of law to these maxims by his will, and imposes on us an indispensable necessity of conforming to them by virtue of the right he has to limit our liberty as he considers appropriate, and to set such boundaries for the faculties he has given us as seem good to him. It is true that God can ordain nothing contrary to the ideas of harmony or disharmony with which reason furnishes us in certain acts; but that does not alter the fact that the obligation to regulate ourselves according to those ideas stems uniquely from his will. It matters not whether this will is arbitrary or not; it is always the will alone which imposes the necessity. Finally, a proof that the will of God is the source of every duty and obligation, lies in that fact that when those who have a religion, adopt the rules of virtue and the maxims of natural law, they must do so, not chiefly because they recognize that these rules are in conformity with the natural and unvarying ideas of order, harmony, and justice, but rather because God, their sovereign master, wishes them to follow the rules in their conduct.” A charming proof, which precisely defines what is at issue. But perhaps there is a path of reconciliation between us. We reply to all this reasoning that men would be obliged to follow natural laws even by setting aside the will of God, because they are praiseworthy and useful. But this will undoubtedly adds a great weight to this obligation: it is a very legitimate and solid foundation although this foundation is not a basic principle since it derives itself from another from whom it draws its strength—I mean, our self-interest. Will not the learned commentator on Grotius be obliged to agree, and will he not admit that his note is useless against a similar system? He adds, “that ultimately it would otherwise be fairly purposeless that God prescribed anything (to men), since they would already be held to it: the will and authority of God would only in this case be a kind of accessory, which would not contribute anything further than to make the obligation stronger.” That issue, I do not consider as a difficulty. In no way does it detract from the authority of God to say that everything he ordains for us in natural laws is so fine and useful in itself that we would be obliged to adopt it, even if God had not ordered it.

XXX. Another few words about self-interest. There is something ambiguous about this term: some define it unreasonably narrowly, and seem to mean by it a crude expediency restricted to property. It is what gives rise to this note by Mr. Barbeyrac: “There are here two extremes to avoid: one is the work of those who by confusing integrity and expediency, and measuring this expediency according to their own particular interest, destroy thereby every idea of virtue and vice, all natural law and morality; the other, on the part of those who believing (with reason) that the practice of all the virtues, and of all the rules of natural law, is truly and infallibly to the advantage of all men in every respect, confuse this expediency with the natural integrity of actions. The first is only an ineluctable consequence of the other, and a feature from which we can discern what is truly honorable from what is only so in the erroneous opinion of men. When I say, we should repay evil with good, but not good with evil; and men must obey the will of their creator, God, there is in these statements a congruence so clear and evident that, however little attention we pay to them, we cannot refrain from acquiescing, and judging the views they contain both fine and honorable, without needing to think at all about the advantage which flows from following them. We are convinced from that point on that any action contrary to these maxims is a sin against reason, and we are forced to blame ourselves. The concept of duty derives from that recognition alone, as does the rational end to follow duty. It is true that to give full force to all these like maxims where we reveal a natural beauty and harmony, we must have been convinced of the truth of the second example I gave. But even when everything is properly reduced to this basic rule, there is no need at all to consider the unlimited expediency which flows from it as a way of perceiving the obligation we are under to conform to it. More to the point: it is precisely not on account of this self-interest that we must currently perform what is in line with the will of God: it is solely because we admit we are his dependents and that it is fine and honorable to obey him; and this would still be so even if (which would be impossible) he demanded something absolutely without purpose. Whatever view we take of self-interest, we must not view it simply in itself, but in terms of the product of the natural and wonderful union that the Creator has established between the duty and happiness of his creatures. In a word, to set up expediency itself as the most real and universal foundation of moral integrity and of obligation as such, is to muddle concepts and to make what is secondary into the principal. Let us also recognize that those who have not known about or have imperfectly understood this expediency have insufficiently acknowledged the intrinsic integrity of the majority of actions that conform with natural law.”17 It is surely sufficient to respond that when we say that self-interest provides the foundation or the principle of obligation, we are speaking of a noble and agreed expediency, which is located mainly in the observance and practice of virtue—because this observance and practice bring us closer to perfection. I would argue that that point alone is enough to bring this reasoning tumbling down, and to lighten the difficulties in which the author entangles himself, from which he cannot extract himself with the help of his principles. When we have a correct understanding of self-interest; when we have constituted it mainly in the perfection of the soul, a perfection that already defines our happiness in itself, and which reconciles us with the good will of the Creator, what danger is there in confusing the meaning of integrity with expediency? Furthermore—the doctrine of those who by distinguishing between integrity and expediency maintain that there are honest things that are not useful and useful ones that are not honest—is it not, as the ancients have observed, as pernicious as it is insecure? On this point let us consider the fine words of Cicero: The usage of this word has been corrupted and perverted and has gradually come to the point where, separating moral rectitude from expediency, it is accepted that a thing may be morally right without being expedient, and expedient without being morally right. No more pernicious doctrine than this could be introduced into human life.18And so, we have heard, Socrates used to pronounce a curse upon those who first drew a conceptual distinction between things naturally inseparable.19 Now that we know what we must understand by the word expediency, let us conclude with Horace: Self-interest itself is almost the mother of justice and fairness.20

XXXI. Since we have begun to examine the reasoning that Mr. Barbeyrac develops to support his hypothesis, let us add some reflections on what the same scholar, at the end of his translation of the treatise On the Duties of Man and Citizen, sets up against the judgment that Mr. Leibniz had delivered on this work of Pufendorf. This discussion will conclude by highlighting the use that we can make of our principles. We conclude this dissertation with these remarks not with the goal of criticizing an able man, but so as to demonstrate the advantage of a precise method, and to show how by defining ideas, by making them clear and defining terms, we can unravel almost painlessly the debates in which many scholars have obstructed us.

XXXII. “The anonymous author,”21 says Mr. Barbeyrac,22 “manifestly confuses duty with the effects or the motives for its observance; the strength that duty has in its own right with the force it exercises over the minds of men in the way that most of them are constituted.” He should say all men here rather than most. For Mr. Leibniz’s statement that duties have no force without motives is true of all men without exception; we have established this earlier by showing how obligation is nothing other than the link between motive and action (§XI and XII); and this philosopher, without any reference to another life, had grounded his view in the same fashion: “If we are born with such dispositions, and if we have not been brought up in such a way that we find a great pleasure in virtue and a great distaste for vices (it is fortunate that everyone has not!), there will be nothing that can deter us from a major crime, when we will be able, through committing it, to acquire great rewards with impunity.”23 And above all there will be nothing that can induce us to sacrifice our goods and our lives for the sake of our country, or for the support of law and justice.24 For in the imaginary instance a man would have no motive to make this sacrifice, not even those people who can argue for the beauty of virtue. However, Mr. Barbeyrac opposes a doctrine which seems to us so self-evident: “We are obliged,” he says,25 “not only not to do harm to anyone in the course of obtaining some advantage for ourselves, but also to give up on occasion our goods, honors, and even our lives, quite independent of any consideration of the life to come; and for this sole reason, that these are the duties which the wise Author of natural law and sovereign leader of the universe has imposed upon us.” What does the term obliged mean here? If Mr. Barbeyrac has the same concept of obligation that we have (§XI and XII), then for sure what he proposes is unsustainable: for there is no motive remaining to be linked to the action in the case in question. If this scholar means that it is a rule of law, a maxim of the virtue of sometimes sacrificing our property, etc., we would agree with him. But how does this relate to a man who, as we imagine him here, has no taste for virtue and in no way prefers it to vice? It is not a matter of determining the maxims of right or virtue, but of knowing the outcomes to which men will be brought or obligated in one case or another. How will we be able to impose on them a requirement for action, without recourse to the constraints of physical force? They are bound to these actions, says our author, by this single reason—that they are the duties which the wise Author of natural law and sovereign Leader of the universe has imposed on them. But what purchase has this reason on a man who has no expectation of this sovereign Legislator, and who has no love for virtue, and supports as well the hypothesis against which we are reasoning?

XXXIII. “Which of these two moral outlooks, I ask you,” adds Mr. Barbeyrac, “is the most pure, noble, and conformable to the ideas of the wise pagan authors who have distinguished so clearly between integrity and expediency?” Without getting into an argument about the epithets pure and noble, let us ask in turn what is the goal of those who teach natural law and ethics? Is it not to bring men to an observance of justice and to the practice of virtue? Which moral system is therefore the most reasonable and useful? The one that, based on the nature of man, bears him toward virtue through considering his best interests? Or the one that is so pure and noble that it is outside our reach and entirely useless as an influence on our will? As for the ideas of the wise pagan authors, we have seen that the wisest had sharply turned away from a clear separation of integrity and expediency.Socrates, says Cicero, execrated those who were the first in their opinions to have separated things that nature had closely united.

XXXIV. Mr. Barbeyrac continues: “But how does the reasoning of our anonymous author match up with what he says here, that there is a level of natural law which can exist even in the case of an atheist? And also with what he argues later (§XV) that there would be some natural obligation, even if someone argued that there is no Divinity?” The anonymous author, or Mr. Leibniz, has not contradicted himself. He argues (p. 445)26that to neglect consideration of a life to come, which has an inseparable link with divine Providence, is to destroy several duties of life. He does not say that it would destroy all of them: on the contrary, he concedes that there would still be a large number of duties for an atheist, because there are, in fact, several where the reasons or motives which bind us, reside in their expediency, even in respect of this life; and an atheist can also in several instances readily find sufficient motives in the beauty of virtue alone. Mr. Barbeyrac, at the same time as he accuses his adversary of a contradiction, cannot prevent himself stating in the two following pages (446 & 447), what destroys this alleged contradiction. We can read these pages, and I pass on to another passage.

XXXV. “There is no middle course: either the obligation of the rules of justice among men is absolutely independent of the Divinity, and based uniquely on the very nature of things, as is the case with the principles of arithmetic and geometry, or it is not based on the nature of things in any respect.”27 And why might there be no middle ground There is one to be sure, and here it is: obligation derives from the very nature of things, but the Divinity is among the number of these things, whose nature determines the rules of justice and injustice, and provides the motives which constitute obligation. Moreover, we have noted earlier (§XXIX) that the will of God is also an immediate and very powerful principle of obligation. It is not difficult to prove what Mr. Leibniz advances—that the opinion of those who derive every right from the will of a superior is devoid of foundation, and that we need always to come back to the nature of things. When a man who has no other lights but those of reason identifies that one action is good and that another is bad, what proof does he have that it is the will of God that creates the former and is absent from the latter? His reason, you will say, teaches him that God wishes for all that is good. Very well. But this response itself demonstrates that the intrinsic quality of the action is already a reason to prefer it, disregarding the will of God; and that the very will of God orders itself according to this reason. This will is therefore not the first principle, the foundation of the preference that places the good above the bad: it adds only a great weight to reason derived from the nature of things; and when it is clearly known, it must take the place of everything, and provide us with a sufficient reason to determine our action without further investigation, on the particular merits of the prescribed end (§XXIX).

XXXVI. “The nature of things in itself,” adds Mr. Barbeyrac,28 “could not impose on us an obligation, as such. Whether there is this or that relation of equality and proportion, harmony or disharmony in the nature of things, that alone does not require us to recognize this relation: something further is required to limit our freedom and subject our actions to regulation in a particular manner.” It is true that the relations of harmony or disharmony, which exist between things, do not in themselves require recognition of these relations; but the influence that these very things can have on our happiness by virtue of these connections is a powerful motive which compels us to act or not since obligation is the link between motive and action (§XI). There is the extra factor that Mr. Barbeyrac requests to limit our freedom and subject our actions to regulation in a particular manner.

XXXVII. “Nor can reason,” he continues,29 “considered in itself, and independent of the Creator who has given it to us, place us under an absolute necessity of following these ideas, although it approves them as based on the nature of things. For, first, the passions set against these abstract and speculative ideas, ideas based on emotion and sensibility etc.” If reason shows us clearly that by following these ideas based on the nature of things we are working toward our greater good, to our true happiness, then it sets us under a necessity of following it; since this necessity is nothing other than passive obligation (§XII), which derives from active obligation (§XII), which consists of the link between motive and action (§XI & XII). Given that self-love and a desire for happiness are the strongest and most all-encompassing of our passions (§XX), will that passion be able to overcome the counsels of reason successfully, when reason will show us clearly the link between our happiness and a certain action? Rather it will enlighten us as to the truly appropriate route to our happiness, and our passions themselves will bring us to perform our duty.

XXXVIII. “Why,” says our author on the same page, “should we follow the lights of our own minds, rather than the inclination of our hearts, if there is no external principle—no being beyond us—to whom we are subject?” It is because we understand that the lights of our minds will lead us more securely to happiness than the inclination of our hearts. And setting aside this thought, what might be this principle external to our will? And how might this being beyond ourselves compel us to follow his orders freely, rather than our inclination? For sure, he can only make us his subjects by motives capable of influencing our wills. He might force us through physical action, but this would no longer be a matter of a required obligation, for we would no longer be acting freely. For sure, it is true that regard for a sovereign Master, our Creator, is highly efficacious in placing an obligation on us to practice the duties of morality. It is why Mr. Leibniz said earlier that to neglect consideration of the life to come, which has an inseparable link with divine Providence, is to deprive natural law of the finest of its parts, and to destroy at the same time several duties of life. Indeed, although every good action is useful in itself, and every bad action harmful, there are a thousand instances in which we do not see clearly enough the influence that actions have in themselves on our happiness, however much this reflection bears down on the strength of our inclinations. But the concept of a wise God, a good and just disposer of good and evil—this concept, I say, is always at the forefront of our minds—and directs us to an action that we know to conform to his will, even though we do not perceive at that moment the reasons bound up in the very nature of this action which should bring us to give it our preference. Besides, we should note that this concept of a divinity only acts on us as a motive. Why therefore is it so powerful in making up our minds and placing us under such a strong obligation? It is because we are convinced that nothing is more important for our happiness than a perfect obedience toward an omnipotent Being, who holds our fate in his hands and whose orders are always wise and just.

XXXIX. Mr. Barbeyrac has foreseen this reply. Let us look at his response.30 “Reason, you say, shows us clearly that by following the rules of harmony, based on the nature of things, we will act in a fashion more in line with our interests, than if we allow ourselves to be led by our passions. But is not every man free to give up his interest, insofar as there is nothing besides to prevent him, and there is no other person who is concerned that he does not act against his interests, and has the right to require that he pursue them?” It is not a matter here of some petty interests, or some advantages of fortune which we recognize each man is free to renounce; it is a question of our greatest interest, since the author himself says that all things considered, our interest requires that we follow what reason dictates. And he has to be understood in this sense, for otherwise all his reasoning would be meaningless against ours. But, good God, what a moral system! And for what kind of beings will it be created? If every man were free to give up his greatest interest, what would become of obligation? Where would duties be? What obligation, I ask you, or what duties would there be for a man who gave up his temporal and eternal happiness? If he is capable by himself of renouncing it, what could there be besides to prevent him? And why should the rights of another person concerned about his conduct matter to him? I agree that this other person will have the right to restrain him as a madman is restrained with a tourniquet; but this person will never be able to oblige him to act voluntarily. Our author would never have advanced such unsustainable paradoxes if he had worked out clear notions of these matters, and if he had begun by providing good definitions of terms. We have shown (§XI & XII) that obligation can only be understood as the connection between motive and action, from which it follows that there is no obligation at all for a man who renounces all his interests. And as for duty, however we may define this term, we shall never be able to show that a man capable of giving up happiness has duties. If we say that our duty is the manner in which we must determine our actions, whether they are good or bad (§XVI), or that a duty is an action resolved in conformity with law, insofar as we are obliged to resolve it in this way; we have shown (§XVII) that all the strength of duty in this sense, comes from obligation, as we have defined it (§XII). If duties, as they are often defined in theology, are things that we must practice if we wish to please God and to be happy, it is all the more clear that there is no duty for the man who has given up all interest. What does it matter to such a man that God approves, wishes, or commands an action? Why would he obey him if he does not care at all about doing what is fine and praiseworthy, or working to be happy? Now, he will not care one bit if he can renounce all interest. Finally, in a particular sense our duties in respect of others are things that they have the right to require from us, that we owe them, so that they could with justice do us harm if we refuse to fulfill our obligation. But in this sense also, what would these duties become for anyone who gave us his own interests? And how could he be brought to recognize them other than by force? Will he do for anyone else what he will not do for himself?

XL. Here is another objection: “But what we must reflect carefully on above all is that our reason, considered outside all dependence on the Creator from whom we possess it, is ultimately nothing other than ourselves. Now, no one can impose on himself an absolute necessity to act or not in one way or another.”31 This is a pure begging of the question. The objection is based on the view that we have already refuted, that all obligation comes from an external principle, the will of a superior. Besides, we should note that it is not our reason that imposes obligation on us: reason only makes apparent the link between motive and action that constitutes obligation. This link comes from the nature of things, and it is the Creator who established it when he made the world as it is. There is also a response which anticipates what Mr. Barbeyrac adds: “For necessity to truly exist, it cannot cease at the will of the person subject to it—otherwise it is reduced to nothing.” This necessity or obligation for sure cannot cease at our behest, for we cannot separate a motive from an action to which it is joined by the nature of things.

XLI. I believed that these few reflections on what the learned translator of Pufendorf objects to in Judgment of an Anonymous Author could serve to shed more light on the subject, and it is in the same light that I shall conclude by recalling the fine words of the anonymous author, or Mr. Leibniz:32 “What we have just argued is very useful in relation to the practice of true piety; for it is not enough to be subject to God as if we were in obedience to a tyrant; for we must not only fear him on account of his greatness but also love him because of his goodness. These are the maxims of right reason, as well as the precepts of Scripture, and they are where the good principles of jurisprudence lead, which are in accord with sound theology and which lead to a true virtue. Those who perform good actions not through a motive of hope or fear in respect of a superior but following the inclination of their hearts, do not act with justice. On the contrary, those who act most justly are those who imitate in some way the justice of God. For when we have done good through love of God or our neighbor, we take pleasure in our action itself (such is the nature of love), and we need no further spur or command of a superior. It is of such a person that it is said ‘the law is not made for the just.’33 It is indeed against reason to argue that law or constraint alone creates the just man. However, we must concede that those who have not reached this point of perfection are only made subject to obligation through hope and fear. It is above all in the expectation of divine punishment that we find a full and complete necessity, which has power to compel all men to follow the rules of justice and equity.”

Dissertation on This Question: “Can Natural Law Bring Society to Perfection Without the Assistance of Political Laws?”

Translated by T. J. Hochstrasser

I. This question, proposed in 1742 by the Academy of Dijon, struck me as chosen with real wisdom; for any reliable and principled handling of this topic requires reflection on the foundation of the nature and goal of politics. Men are not often given the chance to undertake such researches.

II. So as to advance this interesting subject in a clear and precise manner, and to determine the issue unambiguously, it is necessary above all to define the meaning of terms precisely, and to make clear and distinct the concepts that match them. That is the key point in matters of moral theory, and once it is resolved, the solution follows naturally and presents itself. Let us see therefore what are the perfection of society, natural law, and political laws.

III. The perfection of a thing consists generally in the harmony or agreement of everything within it in the direction of a common goal; so we need to see what is the goal of society if we want to get to know exactly what constitutes its perfection.

IV. Man naturally desires perfection and happiness, and he enjoys gifts of intelligence and free will to attain them. But he cannot work toward that goal without a peaceful life, and the resources to provide for his security and all his needs. There is no one who can obtain these advantages without the help of others. This is what induced men to create a society in which they promised such reciprocity. The perfection of this society therefore consists in the provision of arrangements such that not only do all members enjoy personal security, but also their labor yields the necessities and even the comforts of life; as a result there are no obstacles to each pursuing his own perfection, in accordance with the views of God.

V. So that a society can be well founded, so that everything is in order, and each individual can pursue his own business in peace, there must be rules of conduct based on wise reasoning and to which all the members submit. These rules are laws. We recognize two forms of them: natural and civil law.

VI.Natural law comprises rules of conduct based on the nature of things, and in particular on the nature of man. We get to know it through reason. This faculty of the soul reveals to us the agreement or disagreement which exists between free actions and the nature of things and man in particular. Moreover, it demonstrates that if we want to act as rational beings, we must scrutinize carefully these different relationships that actions have with the nature of things, and above all with the nature of man—relations between good and evil, and the good and the bad. Reason teaches us that we are under obligation to practice the former and avoid the latter. Finally, we cannot doubt that in so acting we are fulfilling the will of the Creator, who has imposed the rule of law on us by the same means that he has established the world as it is.

VII. The ancient philosophers had the same idea of the law of nature as we do. Here is the definition that they gave of it: Law is the height of reason innate in nature, which commands those actions which must be undertaken and forbids the contrary.1 Cicero adds in the same place: The same reason, when it finds confirmation and completion in the mind of man, is law. And the same philosopher, in the company of the wisest men of the ancient world, relates the whole of natural law to this general rule that man must live in a way that conforms to his nature, living in harmony with nature. Indeed, from the nature of man can be deduced all the duties and commands of natural law, in the same way that mathematicians deduce all the laws of movement from this single proposition based on the nature of bodies: “Every body remains in its state of rest or movement so long as no external force compels it to leave that condition.”

VIII. From there it follows that natural law is universal. Since it requires us to do all that is most suited to our nature, there is no situation in which it can let us down; for in every situation in which there is a better option to take, we are ordered to take it; and if it were possible to find a case of perfect indifference, no law would be of any use in resolving the matter.

IX. Lastly, let us also note that if natural law is essential to man, based on his nature and the nature of things, it is eternal, immutable, and prescribed by God. This was the view of the Roman jurists. Indeed, said the emperor Justinian, natural laws, which are observed for the most part the world over, remain established and unchanging, established by a divine Providence.2 From which it follows self-evidently that no law can be contrary to the law of nature.

X. This is a very important feature to note of political or civil laws, which are rules of conduct, established by a public authority for the good of society, and furnished with a positive obligation, by virtue of the penalties linked to their neglect. As they cannot be contrary to natural law in any way (para. IX), and have universal application (para. VIII), political laws correspond at bottom with natural laws. What separates them is, first, that they are written or pronounced formally and that they reduce natural law to general rules to cover every instance of the same kind; and, secondly, that they are provided with civil power, and accompanied with the positive obligation that the threat of punishment adds to natural obligation.

XI. It is not possible to deduce natural law in the form of general rules directed to the good of society and adapted to circumstances, without causing it to undergo some slight alterations, or some deviation in particular instances, and this has given rise to this definition of civil law which is found in law six of the Digest: On justice and law: civil law neither departs wholly from the law of nature or nations, nor is it a slave to it in every particular. Therefore when we add or subtract something from common law, we create particular or civil law.

XII. According to the idea that we have furnished of the law of nature, it is clear that this law is sufficient in itself to bring society to perfection; and if that were all that were required, I reckon that the issue would be settled. A law founded on the nature of things, especially on the nature of man, and which is, in consequence, wisdom and justice itself; a law, which applies in all instances; a law, in a word, which provides wisely for everything, is, without doubt, appropriate to regulate society perfectly. It would invariably produce this outcome if men were as they should be; if they tried to live in conformity with their nature, while never abusing their freedom. Given the parallel between the laws of nature and the laws of motion according to the axiom or proposition cited earlier (para. VII), if men took care to follow all the precepts that flow from it, just as bodies follow the laws given to them, then the moral world in human society would bear witness to the same order and harmony that we look on with wonder in the material world.

XIII. When I say, “If men were as they ought to be,” I do not at all ask that they exceed their humanity, but only that they make full use of their faculties. Let us imagine one thousand people of both sexes, chosen from the most rational and virtuous in Europe, and that together they form a kind of small republic. Who can doubt that this society would not be better regulated by natural law alone, than has been any other state with the support of political laws? These one thousand people will be enlightened enough to get to know natural law, and to be convinced that their best interest requires that they conform to it exactly. As a result, their society will be as perfect a human society as any such can. They will have a body of law, just, wise, and complete, which is known to all the members and accompanied by sufficient incentives to shape their will. Without the need for subordination to the authority of a government, they will acknowledge themselves under the obligation of this law that they derive from nature to provide for the common good. They will focus their talents and labor on this goal; everyone will compete to preserve order and peace. If differences arise, they will choose arbitrators to resolve them. And if it should happen that one individual, possessed by the force of a violent passion, departs from his duty, then the others, whose reason would not be obscured by the same clouds, would they not readily and with one will restrain him without provoking the least social dislocation? Some might vainly object that regulations would be required for trade, for example, or for crucial periods of war and epidemic disease, and a sovereign authority to ensure that they are observed. But reason will promote wise measures in these instances to the people as we have imagined them, and natural law will oblige them to preserve those rules devotedly, as they will tend to social benefit.

XIV. But men are very different both from what they ought to be and from these one thousand people of whom we have just spoken. Two considerations make natural law useless in respect of them: first, the majority do not know in all instances what it determines, either because they lack the necessary insight or because their passions and prejudices throw up an illusion and cast them into error, by representing to them as legitimate or neutral conduct that is in fact criminal. There are even subtle circumstances in which the slightest prejudice can prevent an honest man from seeing the truth that otherwise he would discern. Secondly, men are not always sufficiently enlightened as to their true interests to be aware of the incentives with which natural law is accompanied, and often in the midst of passion these motivations do not present themselves to their minds, or do not strike them with sufficient force. Two considerations bring the man of reason to adherence to this law: first, the obedience which he owes to his Creator; and secondly, the advantages which flow naturally from this adherence. Virtue adorns the soul and ennobles it through its beauty, and in its results and consequences it is always more reliably useful than vice: The good hate to sin through love of virtue. But experience shows only too well how few of these motives hold sway over the generality of men. Most scarcely think of God in the fever of their passions, or if they think of him in more collected moments, his goodness conveys to them an illusion, and they imagine that after having satisfied their desires, they will easily win pardon. Are they truly so blind as to underestimate their Creator? As for the second motivation, how small is the number of those who know and are aware of it! It would be a pleasant means of preventing a criminal by making him aware that through his crimes he dishonors the dignity of his being, and that poverty, accompanied by virtue, is of more lasting worth than a criminal wealth. A reason which is fine and persuasive in the mind of a wise man would become absurd in the eyes of a wretch degraded by vice.

XV. It has therefore been necessary, for the good of society, to repair these defects and to supply what is missing in natural law—not in itself—but with regard to the corruption of men. So that this law, perfect in itself, may become sufficient to regulate a society of men, such as they are, these steps need to be taken: first, that it may be known to everyone and have a determinate meaning, which is the same for everyone. This is the way to head off disputes and the swarm of other difficulties that might emerge from the ignorance, passions, and prejudices which produce such a bewildering diversity of human opinions. It would be too dangerous, in a myriad of examples, to assign to each person the task of determining in their own fashion what the natural law decides in one case or another. For example, this law states that a man whose reason is not yet mature, and who does not have the good sense required to handle business, is not in a condition to make contracts, and that if someone had abused his lack of knowledge to make him take on burdensome obligations, then the contract would be void. There is nothing more just than this rule, but also nothing better calculated to produce a multitude of quarrels and injustices among men who are ignorant, prejudiced, and self-interested. Individuals would be perpetually at odds, so as to know whether or not a youth is really in a fit state to handle his affairs, and the judges would frequently be perplexed in deciding the issue. The honorable magistrate could easily fall into error, and the wicked one would have his hands free to practice his iniquity. Civil laws have prevented this abuse, by setting an age below which a man is a juvenile; i.e., that he is judged incapable of forming a contract; and the laws have fixed the period of his majority at the time when experience has shown that subjects of the State commonly have the degree of reason sufficient to regulate their own affairs. So it is for the benefit and peace of society that general laws have had to be derived from natural law, which can be acknowledged by everyone, where the meaning is fixed and the application clear. Secondly, a source of authority is needed to compel a respect for the laws on the part of those who are not amenable to the voices of reason, and which adds to natural obligation, which is too weak for the majority of men, a new positive obligation through the means of penalties attached to disobedience. It is the only motive that can influence the will of the wicked. The evil hate to sin through fear of punishment.

XVI. But if by setting up a public authority natural law experiences the two changes or additions that we have just touched on, then it becomes public law. For the political or civil laws, to be precise, differ from natural law only in these two respects (para. X).

XVII. Thus, given the depravity of mankind, the good regulation of society has been seen to depend on two steps: first, extending the knowledge of natural law by making its application easy, and as a result reducing it to clearly publicized general rules; secondly, establishing a public authority, and adding a positive obligation to natural obligation, through the means of punishments (para. XV). To do that is nothing other than to establish civil or political laws (para. XVI); and thus it is demonstrated that in the current condition of the human race, natural law cannot bring society to perfection without the assistance of political laws.

XVIII. We have already remarked that those laws must never be contrary to the law of nature. It is only in examples where there is a necessary deviation that they can be separated; for it would be impossible to do otherwise without giving up all the benefits that these laws produce for society: natural law itself states that one must always choose the lesser of two evils. For example, Louis XIV [of France] wisely established under his ordinance of April 1667 that every transaction that exceeds the sum or value of one hundred livres, even a voluntary trust, must be signed off in front of lawyers or under formal signature; and that witnesses will not be recognized outside the content of those documents. It is certain that, according to natural law, a man who has acknowledged a debt, whether major or minor, or who has received money on trust, and who has promised verbally to pay back or return it, is no less obligated than if he had made undertakings in writing. However, French law wisely determines that he cannot be compelled because it is more useful to head off a host of lawsuits than harmful for one man to be deprived of the sum of money he is owed. Besides, it is up to the creditor to know the law and take precautions, and if he neglects them then he has no right to complain.

XIX. If the help of state laws is necessary to provide natural law with its full force, we must not imagine that that is sufficient and that we can neglect the study of the latter. On the contrary, the two categories of law must always be kept together, and lend each other mutual support. The legislator who wishes to provide a State with good laws, must know natural law to perfection, and be governed by its always infallible rulings. It is indeed the true source of law, as the ancients rightly remarked: may I reach back to the source of law through nature, says Cicero.3 When political or civil laws are established, those to whom their execution is entrusted must exercise fairness in interpretation, and apply the study of natural law. Knowledge of it is even necessary for members of the public. Cases repeatedly present themselves which the legislator has not foreseen, and in which we have no other guide than nature.

XX. A good philosophy is the only means of reaching to a precise and reliable knowledge of the law of nature—a knowledge that is essential to anyone who wishes to be well trained in the law. This is why Cicero said that jurisprudence must not be drawn from anything in the Praetorian Edict or the Twelve Tables, but from the heart of the deepest philosophy: the science of law is to be derived not from the praetorian edict, as several writers now suggest, nor from the Twelve Tables, as earlier authorities argued, but deep from within the resources of philosophy.4 Also, the wisest of the ancient philosophers, convinced that there is no more useful social science than morality, devoted their chief reflections to this part of philosophy. Is there, indeed, a science worthier of human attention than the one that teaches them the ways of being wise and happy? This is, says Pliny, the most beautiful part of philosophy—to discover and practice jurisprudence.5 He speaks of a jurisprudence founded on morality or on natural law. However, this very part of philosophy is today the most neglected. Most modern philosophers only study physics or mathematics. And among the awards that the famous Academies offer to the learned to stimulate their researches, there is not one devoted to moral theory. Is there none of these Royal Societies that wishes to merit the eulogy Cicero offered of Socrates? Socrates was the first, however, who summoned philosophy from heaven, relocated it in cities and introduced it into homes, and compelled consideration of the meaning of life, customs, good, and evil.6

DIALOGUE Between the Prince of ****and His Confidant, on Certain Essential Elements of Public Administration

Translated by Kenneth Goodwin

It was the day of the crowning of the Prince of ****, who had been named as Successor to the Throne. The Count of ****, the Prince’s Confidant, entered the bedroom early in the morning. He found that the Prince had risen, and seeing that he appeared to be very busy, remained a little distance away. When the Prince looked up, the Count began to address him thus:

the count.

This is the loveliest day of my life and a very happy one for the **** [people of this country]. You, my Prince, are going to reign over them.

the prince.

Ah! My dear Count, thank Heaven that today will be really happy for the ****! It will nevertheless be dreadful for me.

the count.

How so? You seem to fear something that most men regard as the greatest good fortune, being in a position almost above humanity [la Condition humaine].

the prince.

The crown is scarcely a benefit destined for the particular advantage of its possessor. I consider it a burden, as difficult an office as it is important.

the count.

Ah, my dear Prince! (Allow me to use this expression; nothing is more fitting.) Since you have such an idea of Royalty, I am certain that you will fulfill its functions perfectly.

the prince.

If the task was less daunting, I would risk promising myself that. But who could cope in dealing with so many important matters that are so varied and so complicated? I believe, however, that I can categorize them under two general headings, the Glory of the Supreme Being and the Happiness of the Nation. There you have the twin objects of my actions and my cares. They are the great ends for every just government.

the count.

You could make this fine aim a great deal simpler since both goals are intertwined and are dependent upon each other. In all your steps in the short term, choose the one that pleases you more. Be constant to it and, being an enlightened Prince, you will achieve your other goal.

the prince.

What you’ve just said, my dear Count, is all very well, and at first sight seems very reasonable. However, I still have something of a problem. I have been told so often that we must sacrifice everything to the Glory of God, that the goods of this world are not those recommended to us by our Religion.

the count.

The desire to please God must without any doubt be the great motivation which animates every intelligent Being, and this motivation should be reflected in our deeds. This is what I call “glorifying God.” But this Supreme Being has no need of men. He demands nothing from us for himself, and if he gives us our Laws, it is as an infinitely good and wise Father and for our own good. It would be very easy to demonstrate that for every thinking Being without exception, the paths of sound Religion [saine Religion] and those of real happiness are one and the same. Practicing Virtue is the art of making oneself happy. But now, let us speak about the State, of the Nation as a whole. You understand that Religion can flourish, spread, and be fully effective among men only in the kindly shade of peace, safety, and good order, which in turn can be derived only from the establishment of a well-governed Civil Society.

the prince.

All this is certain. If men used to live without Laws, or without any form of Government, each living in his own small world, reason and experience show us equally that Religion was not able to make itself heard, be studied, enjoyed, or practiced, in the midst of such awful confusion.

the count.

You see then that Religion is very much interested in the prosperity of the State and that you will serve it extremely well by working to encourage this prosperity. Can you conceive of anything more agreeable to the Common Father of all men than to procure the happiness of an infinite number of His Creatures, by maintaining and securing an Establishment under whose shade men can cultivate their Souls, improve their Morals, enlighten themselves, understand their Maker, and serve him by helping their brothers. Allow me in this regard to quote the words of a Pagan Philosopher: Nihil est enim illi principi Deo, qui omnem hunc mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat, acceptus, quim concilia catusque hominum jure sociati, qui Civitates appellantur.1 CICERO spoke thus in this fine piece called Scipio’s Dream.

the prince.

What an admirable Pagan! It is quite shameful that several of our Doctors, with so much help that CICERO did not enjoy, should appear so inferior to him in their reasoning about Morality.

the count.

These wise Romans had an excellent maxim. One never saw them separate the interests of Religion from the true welfare of the State. On the contrary, they used to apply themselves constantly to maintain these two great designs in perfect harmony.

the prince.

Their Religion was false, however. And we, who have happily discovered the true faith, will struggle to reconcile it with the welfare of the State. We shall see it often put into direct opposition to the happiness of the Nation!

the count.

In the Roman Republic, the same men presided over Religious Ceremonies and the Affairs of State. They did not recognize the distinction between the Clergy and the Laity. Senators were High Priests, Augurs, performed Altar Rituals, ensured Justice, and commanded Armies. As these were only different Ministries of the Republic, they were often carried out by the same persons.

the prince.

Should not all citizens, however, irrespective of their social rank, work toward the same goal? Do they not have a common interest, the prosperity of the State?

the count.

You should appreciate, Prince, that men carry their passions and their individual interests even into the most sacred matters.

the prince.

Alas! I know this only too well nowadays. I know too that such men are more false, more difficult to unmask, when they are members of a state which makes them wear a brave face in everyday affairs. How can I identify those who merit my confidence?

the count.

In my view, here are the means. When you find a wise Pastor—moderate, charitable, motivated by a true zeal for the good of the Kingdom—listen to him, my Prince, and follow his advice in all matters pertaining to Religion.

the prince.

But there are others who only speak to me about the sacrifices that are owed to God. They say that everything should give way before the greater interest of the Faith.

the count.

Do not listen to such imposing talk. It is all too often used by the fanatic or the hypocrite. True Piety, enlightened Piety, will not hold you to vague and obscure ramblings. It will constantly reveal its Doctrine to you, in happy harmony with the practice of reasonable Morality and sound Politics. Have you not agreed just now that true Religion can never be opposed to the welfare of the State? It is, on the contrary, its most firm support. The God who approves of and protects Civil Societies, would he allow into the Religion he has imparted to mankind, any Dogma, any Practice or any Maxim contrary to the well-being of such necessary institutions? When you see a dogmatic Doctor holding forth in an incomprehensible manner, or who crosses the threshold into vulgarity, and is quite useless in his profession, always refusing to compromise, and pursuing anyone who does not think like him, can you doubt that pride and a domineering nature are his motivating impulses, rather than zeal for a Religion which teaches only sweetness and charity? You will be doing him a kindness if you accuse him of fanaticism. Reject zeal of this kind and guard against such counsels when these people call upon you to use your power to persecute their adversaries.

the prince.

But ought I not protect our Religion and fight its enemies?

the count.

Of course you must, my Prince. The means, however, must be well chosen. It is an error and bad faith to support Religion by violence and force. Content to force everyone to bend their heads beneath the yoke, false Religion is never impeded by the fear of making hypocrites. But true Religion desires only the happiness of mankind. It scorns enforced submission and lays claim to reign only in our hearts. The Truth alone persuades, it does not enter into souls by violence. And by the same token, when a Pastor does not act in good faith, if he is wise and prudent he would refrain from advising or ever soliciting persecution. The blood of Martyrs from every Sect, every Religion, whether true or false, pours oil upon the flames, a sprinkling which produces in its turn thousands of followers of these Sects. Add to this consideration the frightful evils arising in a State which result from persecution, and I am certain that you will reject all advice from Persecutors with revulsion and deal with them severely.

the prince.

Praise be to God for helping me to understand so clearly that true Religion does not ever demand anything which is detrimental to the public good. In working for His Creatures, I will no longer be afraid of failing the Supreme Being. The happiness of my People will be my guiding rule. I believe it better for Religion to be in the hands of a Prince, and far safer than leaving it to the wiles of Theologians. If Religion, however, does not entail anything contrary to the well-being of the State, would it be equally true to say that nothing can be of value to the Kingdom unless at the same time it is given the approbation of Religion, or at least tolerated by it? Some would raise many questions with me over this.

the count.

I would be very happy if I could alleviate any doubts for you. Whereas in ordinary Morals, SOCRATES and CICERO roundly condemned those who distinguished between the useful and the honest,2 I would want in any ordered State [Etat police] for everyone to indignantly reject this idea, along with those who wish to set Religion against the good of the State, and he who dares boast that what damages Religion is beneficial to Society. The first among these people is the wrong-headed, ignorant, and fanatic Theologian; the second is the false and superficial Politician.

the prince.

I relish your maxims, my dear Count, and it appears to me that this is how things should be. Help me, though, to resolve some difficulties that occur to me. Take Luxury, for example. People vaunt its utility in a large Kingdom, but without giving in to too much austerity, it would seem that Religion does not approve of it.

the count.

Yet, Prince, Luxury is as unsuitable to the good of the State as it is to the purity of Religion.

the prince.

One reads about it in pompous eulogies and one hears these matters being discussed in daily conversation. They say that in a large State, Luxury is the lifeblood of commerce, industry, and labor. It is a source of riches, through the high regard that foreigners have for elegance and arts of every kind, of which Luxury is the source. You cannot deny that there is something of the truth in all of this.

the count.

Before proceeding further, we must first agree on what we define as Luxury. I understand by this term, excessive expenditure that goes beyond normal amounts. I am not talking about the necessary and the useful alone, or yet the convenient or even the agreeable and what decency demands from its depiction according to rank and station. I say also that in the usual course of affairs, this spending exceeds the capacities of anyone who indulges in it and it always carries with it some element of frivolity.

the prince.

Well! Luxury, as you have just defined it, provides employment for a huge number of workers, enables them to gain their livelihood, makes them richer, and through the prestige that it gives to our tastes and Manufactures, every year brings considerable revenue into the Country.

the count.

I can tell you another singular fact. We do not have close at hand, the wherewithal required by Luxury. We lack gold and silver mines and those for precious stones. The delicious wines of our Kingdom are hardly the only things needed for our delicate and sumptuous tables. Hungary, Spain, and the Islands furnish them at great expense, and our much-vaunted fabrics do not stop us from seeking out foreign alternatives. While I would agree that Luxury brings more money into the Country than goes out, more money goes out than is useful.

the prince.

Nevertheless, riches are very necessary for the defense of the Realm. They supply a large part of our armed forces.

the count.

I scarcely know anyone today who doubts it. The Duc de SULLY3 will teach you to put this precept into a proper perspective. When the Kingdom provides you, at much less cost, with larger, more dependable, braver, and more frugal Armed Forces, would you be any less powerful with reduced revenue? But I don’t want to give up easily. Let us consider the Luxury that increases the wealth of the Kingdom and thus furnishes the means to extend its power. The case for that has not yet been made.

the prince.

I think I understand your line of argument, but do continue.

the count.

Firstly, here’s a fine and delicate question to consider: to know if our well-kept and well-cultivated agricultural lands would not provide us with exports as large and with a surer return than all the Manufactures sustained by Luxury. Furthermore, it is clear that Luxury has caused the neglect of the purely useful or necessary arts like the cultivation of the Land and the work of artisans. It depopulates the Countryside, everybody heads for the Towns, where the means are to be found of getting rich quickly and with less of a struggle. The Laboring class, that unique pool of good Soldiers, is thereby diminished. Yet, after all of these facts, I am told that Luxury increases the force of the State!

the prince.

Oh, my dear Count! You are beginning to alarm me, and I see that those who praise this public menace are shallow Politicians. They have put before me only their most positive contentions.

the count.

That is not the half of it. Let us now see this menace in its other guises. Can it be denied that Luxury sustains and strengthens the spirit of softness and frivolity which characterizes this Century? And what damage has it not caused to your Army? How would they under similar circumstances sustain the glory of our forefathers who were hardened to toil, indefatigable on the field of honor, and when peace obliged them to lay down their arms, sought their amusement only in games and exercises where they recaptured the memory of their battles?

the prince.

Honor, so natural to my Nobility, will sustain our courage. My Nobles will fly from their ablutions straight to the battlefield, and one could hardly accuse them of being driven mad by Luxury.

the count.

I do know that, Prince, and have seen it myself. And please Heaven that this bright flame will always burn despite the universal depravity of morals! Though by unique fortune effeminate leanings ought never diminish the courage of our young Warriors, Valor is not the only quality necessary for Soldiers. Wise heads are required to direct all those arms. Certainly too, I do not see how a young Lord can do this, while occupied with his pleasures, his appearance, his accoutrements, jewelry, and baubles. Neither do I see, I can say, how he would be able to acquire the prudence and wisdom so necessary in a General; nor by what happy chance resolve and greatness of spirit would find a place within him in the midst of so many trifles.

the prince.

History confirms only too well the truth you have uttered. After the Romans had given in to the excesses of Luxury, they fell into soft ways and their warrior virtues did not hold out for long. CAESAR understood only too well the effect of these effeminate morals. At the battle of Pharsala,4 he ordered his Soldiers to strike the enemy in the face. What was in his mind regarding the youth of the city, who were fighting under POMPEY’s orders? Soft living had not yet been able to extinguish the courage of these young Romans. It had sufficient influence on them, though, to make them fear being disfigured even more than death itself.

the count.

I too have often seen in our Armies that discomfort, tiredness, and inclement weather spread an almost general despondency and discouragement among the men that the sight of the greater dangers had not been able to undermine. Our Warriors scorn death in battle and on the march, but cannot bear the loss of their equipment.

the prince.

Ah! I see the reason for that. Honor places upon them the obligation to face danger bravely, and unfortunately it cannot shame them for any effeminate posturing as unworthy of a Warrior, worse even than cowardice. Oh, Count! How impatient I am to eradicate the harmful causes of such a shameful weakness! If I could only bring back the times of manly and virtuous simplicity!

the count.

You would certainly make the Nation more powerful, more respectable to its neighbors, more redoubtable to its enemies. What is more, you would even make our citizens happier. All these refinements of Luxury become essential for someone immersed in his own pleasure. Their loss would torment him, but their enjoyment does not make him happy. Consider these things, the air of laziness, of boredom and disgust, that nearly always can be discerned in the so-called fortunates of the century.

the prince.

What am I waiting for to take action? I want to begin my Reign with such a salutary reform.

the count.

This enthusiasm is all to the good and is worthy of admiration and of praise! I have no fear of a little vivacity even when engaged in an undertaking where one has to proceed with measured tread. I understand your prudence.

the prince.

Quite right, Count. I sense that this work will take time, prudence, and appropriate and well-managed measures. Help me to carry it through. You have excited me against luxury. I am asking for your advice in the war that I am going to declare upon it.

the count.

You have convinced me, my Prince, that you want to attack this enemy with all the application humanity demands. You intend to put down its tyranny without upsetting its unfortunate victims, without reducing to penury those who perpetuate its existence. When Luxury has put down so many deep roots in a Kingdom, it becomes a deepseated illness that must be given proper treatment. Too strong a medicine will send the ailing body into dangerous convulsions. We are talking about an illness that has several causes and several symptoms, each one of which has to be treated with the appropriate remedy.

the prince.

I can, for example, forbid a particular product, anything that Luxury draws from abroad. Nothing prevents me from disallowing its use.

the count.

I see no objections to such a wise move. In that way, you could save for the Kingdom all the money that those foreign goods lose us. There is another area of Luxury that you could remove without difficulty, and by a single authoritative act that would be remarkably easy to enforce. I am speaking about the inordinate number of useless servants whom people employ merely for show. Nothing prevents your delivering us from this vain and ruinous extravagance. Fix the number of lackeys or other domestic servants people are allowed to employ, in accordance with their rank, and you will stop them from drawing on ploughboys or men from the army. Those of your subjects who are the most healthy and robust will no longer be enticed into lives of idleness and corruption through service in the houses of the rich and powerful.

the prince.

Would it not be easy to destroy luxury in all its manifestations! But I would be somewhat uneasy about laying down a limit on everybody’s expenditure for the table, furniture, or clothes.

the count.

Nothing could be truer, Prince, and you would have to determine how far to go in this regard. I can hardly advise you how to proceed with such Orders in Council. Sumptuary Laws are convenient, essential in a small State and especially in a Republic. In a large Kingdom, however, or in the situation where we find ourselves, you will cause a sort of revolution by fiercely attacking all these trifles to which men are so attached. There are more subtle, indirect ways more suited to circumstances and that I believe are more effective in their results. I place your own example at the top of the list. If a populace has, over a long period of time, been accustomed to follow the example of their Masters, to flatter them and imitate them, should you not wait until the Nation’s eyes and hearts are turned toward you? “Our Kings,” Montaigne wrote, “can do what they please in such external reformations; their own inclination stands in this case for a law. Quidquid Principes faciunt, praecipere videntur.5Whatever is done at court, passes for a rule throughout the rest of France.”6 If your Courtiers see for themselves that the excesses of Luxury and frivolity displease you, one will no longer see them ruin themselves through trivialities. Unconsciously, they will bring themselves back within the bounds of reason and decency. They will set the tone for the Nobility, and the leading citizens and all the nation will soon follow their lead.

the prince.

It was excellent in the olden days when the Nobility and the most eminent in the kingdom alone held positions where people took notice of them. Today, the country is full of these new men who, while not being admitted to Court, spread a contagious luxury in the cities, mainly in the capital.

the count.

It is a good thing that you know about such abuses and that you are aware of their consequences.

the prince.

Of course I know about them, Count, and I know the remedy. I will cut off the source of these quick-made fortunes, and I will deliver my people from these men who together become their tyrants and corruptors.

the count.

Oh, Prince, how you have filled one faithful Subject with joy. In one single stroke, through such a necessary reform in the administration of your finances, you will be giving a new face to this fine Kingdom. We shall no longer see useless limbs bloated with blood and foulness whilst the rest of the body perishes from exhaustion. Wealth will circulate afar in a wider and more sustained manner. Honest abundance will be come from the fruits of our labors, and it will circulate with an equality that conforms to the good of the State, just as it does to justice and common humanity.

the prince.

I can appreciate what the followers concerned with the favorites of PLUTUS7 tell me, that opulent financiers are an ever-present resource to meet the pressing needs of the State. A vain attraction, capable of dazzling only the poorest eyesight! Is not money distributed more equally always in the hands of the citizens themselves? I would no longer need large amounts. It will flow into my Coffers in abundance when the needs of State demand it. I am confident of being able to provide all I need even during the most trying times when I govern a rich and happy People with wisdom.

the count.

I do not doubt it, Prince. You will win the confidence and the hearts of your Subjects. They will happily give you all you demand of them for their defense, and you are going to put them into a position where they can satisfy your needs.

the prince.

Of course, I want to provide them with all the necessities of life. I sense that in order to secure a comfortable state for them they must refrain from delivering themselves up to ruinous fantasies and from seeking out trivialities that nowise bring them happiness. Here is a very important point for the success of my undertaking. We must mark out the real limits of Luxury and clearly indicate the expenditure that is to be permitted and what we will agree not to forbid. I would not want to reduce my Subjects to petty meanness, force the rich to live as if they were poor, and snuff out the arts and industry.

the count.

I had not counted on pushing the reform that far. A great and rich Kingdom should not present itself as a poor State. Such austerity would perhaps not be entirely fitting and might prove to be a dangerous introduction into a state. Praiseworthy magnificence is acceptable when it does not exceed the means of those who indulge in it. The tastes of rich people for truly beautiful things, for the best of the arts, can only be beneficial to the Kingdom. They galvanize industry, and excite genius and talent. Far from your opposing these tastes, expand them yourself, by protecting the Fine Arts so that they serve to heighten the luster of your grandeur. Ensure that they convey a lofty impression of us to the whole world. The magnificence of our public buildings, for example, sits well upon a powerful Nation. They will imbue the State with esteem, gain the respect of foreigners, and contribute to the majesty of the State. The Great will imitate you according to their means, and all the Citizens will follow suit in proportion to their rank. Take care that when men’s inclinations turn them toward praiseworthy undertakings, they are not acting out of fear. The form and effects of their tastes will continue to be characterized by wisdom and solidity.

the prince.

It has to be done if I am to achieve fully and without opposition my goal of drawing men away from frivolity, and inspiring them to seek wise and wholesome pursuits.

the count.

You have reached the second matter I wanted to put to you, Prince, and which together should serve as a means of destroying Luxury and set a limit on the kinds of magnificence that can be admitted. Regulate the tastes of your subjects and everything will follow. To regulate their tastes, give them a fine education. This is the soundest basis of all good order in a State, the fecund source of its advantages, which lead in turn to its success. Just as a poor education is the polluted source from which all public misfortunes flow. I tremble when thinking about the effect that the present system has upon young people of quality today. What can you expect from a young man who has been fed on and molded by frivolity, who has sought after pleasures, is taken with elegant dress, and concerned with how he looks and with cultivating effeminate manners. Far from becoming embarrassed, he derives all his glory from these miserable things. He calls it “good manners,” and he looks down on anyone who is not able to be, or who does not want to be, as frivolous as he is. It gives me no joy to say this, and I do not make any exaggeration in stating that these “good manners” will lead a powerful state to its ruin. “These are superficial errors,” said MONTAIGNE,8 and warned us “but they are of ill augury, and enough to inform us that the whole fabric is crazy and tottering, when we see the roughcast of our walls to cleave and split.”

the prince.

I promise you, my dear Count, that I will begin by banning these so-called “good manners” at my Court. The breath of contempt will soon make these puerilities vanish into thin air. And as a result, the ambition of the Fathers will answer me through the education that they provide for their children. I will let it be known far and wide that throughout the course of my reign, no one will be able to aspire to any position unless he has made himself capable of filling it.

the count.

May you enjoy a long reign over a nation that you will make glorious! You will make it happy, and you will not fail to be happy yourself.

the prince.

You are my lucky augur, my dear Count. The first words I have heard since ascending the Throne are those from a faithful Servant. May Heaven grant that I never listen to any others.

Biographical Sketches of Authors Referred to by Vattel

Ammianus Marcellinus (ad 330–95): A Greek from Antioch, Ammianus served as a soldier in the Roman army. He later wrote a history of Rome and on “civilitas,” the moral and institutional restraints that an emperor ought to observe. His work Res gestae libri was published in thirty-one volumes, of which only the last eighteen survive.

Anson, George (1697–1762): First Baron Anson, admiral and naval reformer, appointed First Lord of the Admiralty in 1757. He is notable for his work A Voyage Round the World (1748), in which he recounted his experiences circumnavigating the globe.

Appian (or Appianus) (ad ca. 95–ca. 165): Known as Appian of Alexandria, he earned recognition for his rhetorical skills in pleading cases in Rome and was appointed Procurator Augusti of Egypt in 147. He wrote Roman History in twenty-four books, of which thirteen survive. His work gives accounts of various peoples and countries up to their incorporation into the Roman Empire.

Aristotle (384–322 bc): Greek philosopher, polymath, and student of Plato, he wrote on everything from anatomy to rhetoric. His major works—Physics, Metaphysics, On the Soul, Politics, Nicomachean Ethics, Rhetoric, and On the Heavens—have had a long-lasting influence on the development of every aspect of Western philosophical thought.

Arrian (L. Flavius Arrianus) (ad ca. 92–ca. 175): Of Greek origin, born in Nicomedia (now Izmit, west Turkey), he was important in the Roman administration and became proconsul of Baetica. He is best known for his work as a historian; of his many books, his Anabasis Alexandri is the oldest-surviving complete account of the campaigns of Alexander the Great.

Augier de Marigny, François (1690–1762): French writer known for the Histoire des Arabes (1750), which covers 636 years of the Islamic world, from the first successors of Mohammed in the seventh century to 1258 when the last caliph was toppled from power by the Tartars. His work was based on the writings of the Coptic bishop Severus.

Aulus Gellius (ad ca. 125–ca. 180): Studied grammar and rhetoric in Rome and philosophy in Athens, eventually holding judicial office in Rome. His work Noctes Atticae, comprising twenty books, was in the form of a “commonplace” book, in which he noted things of interest, including notes on grammar, geometry, philosophy, and conversations.

Bacallar y Sanna, Vicente (Marquis de San Felipe) (1669–1728): Spanish nobleman and author. His works included Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire d’Espagne sous le règne de Philippe V (1756) and Monarchia Hebrea (1745).

Bellay, Martin Du (1495–1559): Born in Langey, France. Bellay’s work Les mémoires de Mess. M. Du Bellay was originally started by his older brother Guillaume, who was a successful general and diplomat for Francis I. After Guillaume’s death, Bellay incorporated his brother’s writing into his own to form a single work.

Bernard, Jacques (1658–1718): Born in Nions, Dauphiné, Bernard was a French theologian trained at Geneva. After preaching reformed doctrines in France, he left for Gouda in the 1680s, where he became pensionary minister. His Abrégé de l’histoire de l’Europe appeared monthly between 1686 and 1688; it was followed by Lettres historiques (1692–98) and his continuation of Bayle’s Nouvelles de la république des lettres (1699–1710, 1716–18). From 1705 he was minister of the Walloon Church at Leiden.

Bilain, Antoine (d. 1672): French jurist who wrote on French foreign policy. His books presented legal arguments in support of Louis XIV’s claims against neighboring powers.

Bodin, Jean (1530–96): Born in Angers, France. Bodin was a jurist, natural law philosopher, and advocate of free trade. Part of the circle of the Duc d’Alençon, he also served as a delegate in the Third Estate of the Estates-General, working with D’Hôpital advocating religious tolerance between extremist Protestants and Catholics. He wrote La démonomanie des sorciers (1580), but it is his book of political theory, Six livres de la République (1576), on the nature of sovereignty, that established his reputation.

Boizard, Jean: Early eighteenth-century writer about whom little is known, except that he was the royal treasurer for a time in France. His book Traité des monnoyes (1714) explains monetary systems, financial terms, the variety of forms of money, and how money is made.

Bontekoe, Willem (1587–1657): Born in Hoorn, Holland, Bontekoe was a boat captain in the Dutch East India Company who compiled a journal of his eventful journey to Sumatra. His story, Voyages of the Dutch to the East-Indies (1646), recounted shipwrecks and adventure on the high seas and became a best-seller, going through many editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Bougeant, Guillaume Hyacinthe (1690–1743): Born in Quimper, Brittany, he became a Jesuit priest and taught classics at the Colleges of Caen and Nevers. His work Amusement philosophique sur le langage des bêtes (1737) caused his exile from Paris. However, his historical works on the Thirty Years’ War and on the Treaty of Westphalia reestablished his reputation. His three comedies in which he satirized Jansenists were widely translated.

Bourbon Condé, Anne Geneviève de (1619–79): The only daughter of Henry II, prince of Condé, she moved in court circles and was involved in the factional religious politics of the day. She instigated the first and second Frondes and was a lifelong enemy of Mazarin. An avowed Jansenist, she gave up court life in 1653 and retired to a convent in Port Royal. She wrote Abrégé du memoire de Madame la Duchesse de Longueville.

Buddeus [Budaeus], Johann Franz (1667–1729): Born in Anklam, Pomerania. German Lutheran theologian, professor of Greek and Latin at Coburg (1692), professor of moral philosophy at Halle (1693), and professor of theology at Jena (1705). His writings most commented-upon across Europe were Historia juris naturae et synopsis juris naturae et gentium iuxta disciplinam Hebraeorum (1695) and Elementa philosophiae practicae (1697).

Bullinger, Heinrich (1504–75): One of the key figures of the Reformation in Zurich and a close ally of Zwingli, whom he succeeded in 1531 as head of the Zurich congregation. Bullinger published widely, including histories of the Reform (1564), the Swiss Confederation (1568), and Zurich (1573–74).

Bynkershoek, Cornelius van (1673–1743): Born in Holland. Writer on international maritime law, publishing De dominio maris in 1702. He also wrote on and specialized in diplomatic rights and public law and proposed the “three-mile limit rule,” which stated that a nation may claim sovereignty over a territorial distance of three miles from shore, roughly the distance a cannon could then shoot.

Caesar (Gaius Julius Caesar) (100–44 bc): Roman political and military leader who played a key role in changing the Roman Republic into an empire, an act which famously precipitated his murder. He wrote several memoirs of his different successful military campaigns, including De bello Africo, De bello Alexandrino, and De bello Gallico.

Callières, François de (1645–1717): Born in Thorigny, France, Callières was sieur de Rochelay et de Gigny and private secretary to Louis XIV, as well as a diplomat and man of letters. A member of the Académie Française, he published eight books, including De la manière de négocier avec les souverains (1716), which was considered a preeminent guide to diplomacy.

Camden, William (1551–1623): English antiquarian, archaeologist, and headmaster of Westminster School. He wrote Britannia, the first comprehensive, county-by-county topographical survey of Great Britain, and Annales rerum gestarum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum regnante Elizabetha (1615), a detailed historical account of the reign of Elizabeth I.

Campanella, Tommaso (1568–1639): Born in Calabria in southern Italy, Campanella became a Dominican monk in 1583. He was well known for his heterodox theological beliefs and radical political views. His opposition to Spanish rule in Italy led to a life of intermittent imprisonment. His most famous work, La città del sole, written during imprisonment, was published in Italian in 1602 and in Latin as Civitas solis in 1623.

Champier, Symphorien (1471–1538): Born in Lyons, France. Doctor of medicine and cofounder of the College of the Doctors of Lyon with François Rabelais. Categorie medicinales, on the logic of medical analysis and argumentation, is the best known of his many works.

Charlevoix, Pierre François Xavier (1682–1761): Born in St. Quentin, France, Charlevoix was a Jesuit teacher and explorer who wrote chronicles of his traveling adventures. His work Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France was among the earliest written descriptions of North America.

Chauvelin, Henri-Philippe (Abbé) (1716–70): Little is known of Chauvelin except that he was canon of Our Lady of Paris and adviser to the Parlement of Paris. The lengthy title of his work translates as “Tradition of the facts which express the system of independence that the Bishops opposed, in the various centuries, with the invariable principles of the sovereign justice of the king on all his subjects indistinctly; and need for letting act the secular judges against their companies, to maintain the observation of the law, and the public tranquillity.”

Chevalier, Nicolas (1650–1720): Little is known about him other than that he wrote Histoire de Guillaume III, roi de la Grande Bretagne, a biography of King William III of England.

Choisy, François Timoléon de (1644–1724): Born in Paris. An extravagant cross-dresser and flamboyant character in Louis XIV’s court who later underwent a religious conversion, he was ordained and became the abbé of Choisy. He was author of six historical and religious works, but it was his Mémoires (1737), a salacious account of his years at court, that proved his most popular publication.

Cicero (Marcus Tullius Cicero) (106–43 bc): Born in Arpinium, Italy. An orator, statesman, political theorist, and philosopher of ancient Rome. He was famous for his skillful prosecutions in court, for his views on the rhetorical arts, and for defining philosophy as an education in citizenship.

Commines, Philippe de (1447–1511): Flemish diplomat and writer who served in the courts of Burgundy and France. In his Mémoires de Messire Philippe Commines (1552), he analyzed the contemporary political scene with the aim of instructing the reader in statecraft. He was an advocate of political machination over military action.

Crevier, Jean Baptiste Louis (1693–1765): Born in Paris. Professor of rhetoric at the College of Beauvais for twenty years. He produced major works on Roman history, two editions of Livy, and Rhétorique français (1767).

Curtius Rufus, Quintus: First-century ad historian and the author of Historiae Alexandri Magni, a biography of Alexander the Great in ten books that focused on character rather than events.

Daniel, Gabriel (1649–1728): Born in Rouen, France. A Jesuit, Daniel was appointed historiographer of France by Louis XIV. Among philosophical, theological, and historical treatises, he wrote the epic Histoire de France (1713) in seventeen volumes, which was quickly translated into four languages.

de la Vega, Garcilaso (1539–1616): Born in Cuzco, Peru. Although he left Peru for Spain and was conscripted into military service at a young age, his writings on Inca life, history, and subsequent Spanish conquest earned him the sobriquet “El Inca.” He was the first Spanish writer to sympathize with the Inca plight.

Demosthenes (384–322 bc): Athenian orator and statesman. He was instrumental in his city’s uprising against Alexander the Great. Defeat forced him into exile, where he took his own life. The corpus of his work that survives amounts to sixty-three texts, including many of his political and judicial orations.

Diodorus Siculus (ca. 80–20 bc): Greek historian from Agyrium in Sicily (hence “Siculus”) whose forty books, of which only fifteen survive, provide a history of the world from mythical times to 60 bc

Duport du Tertre, François-Joachim (1716–59): Born in St. Malo, France, he was a Jesuit priest and historical writer. He left the priesthood to become an independent author and wrote the Abrégé de l’histoire d’Angleterre (1751) and Project utile pour le progrès de la littérature (1756).

Etterlin, Peterman (d. 1509): Swiss chronicler and historian of Lucerne. Served as a captain in the wars against Charles of Burgundy (1474–77).

Eutropius (ad ca. 320–ca. 390): A Roman, Eutropius held the office of secretary in Constantinople at the height of the Byzantine era, working under both Emperors Julian and Valens. His book Eurtopii breviarium ab urbe condita is a ten-book compendium of the history of Rome.

Frederick II of Prussia (Frederick the Great) (1712–86): An “enlightened despot” from the Hohenzollern dynasty, he was responsible for transforming Prussia from a small kingdom into a European power through a series of military conquests. He wrote several works, including Anti-Machiavel (1739) and Instructions militaires du roi de Prusse pour ses généraux (1762).

Gramond, Gabriel-Barthélemy de (1590–1654): Born in Toulouse, France. Little is known of this author except that he was a nobleman and adviser to the president of the Parlement of Toulouse.

Grotius, Hugo (1583–1645): Born in Delft. A jurist in the Dutch republic, a great and prolific humanist scholar, an European diplomat, and an ecumenical theologian. His works include De iure praedae (1605) and De jure belli ac pacis (1625), by which he was seen to have laid the foundations of international law, and De veritate religionis Christianae (1627).

Guicciardini, Francesco (1483–1540): Born in Florence, Italy. A statesman and a political and historical writer, he worked for the Medici popes and was appointed governor of Modena, Reggio, and Parma. Among his many histories and political discourses, the History of Italy (Storia d’Italia) (1537–40) established his reputation.

Heiss von Kogenheim, Johann: Of German origin. Although precise details of his life are unknown, in the late seventeenth century he was the resident historian at the court of Louis XIV.

Herodotus (fifth century bc): Born in Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor. Called the “Father of History” for his detailed account of the Greco-Persian wars from 500 to 479 bc

Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679): English philosopher and author of many works concerning ethics, politics, history, and human nature, such as De cive (1642), De corpore (1655), De homine (1658) and Questions Concerning Liberty, Necessity, and Chance (1656). Leviathan (1651), his major work, cemented his reputation, which has endured.

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) (65–8 bc): Born in Venusia, Italy. Leading Roman lyric poet and satirist in the time of Augustus. The themes of his odes and epistles were love, friendship, and the pleasures of life. His works included Satires (35–30 bc) Epodes (30 bc) and three books of Odes (23 bc).

Joinville, Jean de (ca. 1224/5–1317): French nobleman from Champagne, medieval historian, crusader, friend and servant of Louis IX, the French king canonized in 1297. Joinville’s history of this king was completed in 1309 at the request of the then queen, Jean of Navarre.

Justinian I (Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus) (ad 483–565): Known as the last Roman Emperor, he was ruler of the Eastern Empire and is notable for his conquests and for re-taking Rome and the Western Empire from the Ostrogoths. His lasting legacy was the great codification of Roman law.

Lacombe, Jacques (1724–1811): French lawyer and author. His writings included histories of northern Europe and of Queen Christina.

Lancelotti, Giovanni Paolo (1522–90): Italian jurist and historian.

La Pimpie Solignac, Pierre Joseph de (1687–1773): Little is known of this French author except that he served on the staff of King Stanislas of Poland. He wrote Les amours d’Horace (1728), which was an attempt to recreate the life and times of Horace, and L’histoire générale de Pologne (1752).

Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646–1716): German philosopher and polymath who served the house of Hanover as court counselor, diplomat, librarian, and much else. Of his prodigious writings on virtually all areas of philosophy, science, mathematics, technology, law, and history, only a few were published in his lifetime, most importantly Essais de théodicée (1710).

Le Vassor, Michel (1646–1718): French Protestant, historian, and critic of Louis XIV. Through his various writings and membership in the circle of Pierre Jurieu, he underscored the instability in the European state system caused by aspirations to universal monarchy.

Livy (Titus Livius) 59 bc–ad 17): Born in Patavium, Italy. Historian and historical interpreter on a grand scale, rejecting the contemporary method of yearly chronological history. He focused instead on themes, such as public morality, and on periods of thought, exemplified by his epic work of Roman history, comprising one hundred forty-three books.

Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Carus) (ca. 94–ca. 49 bc): Roman poet, philosopher, and Epicurean. His poem De rerum natura was accredited with influencing Virgil and naturalizing Greek philosophical ideas and discourse in the Latin language.

Machiavelli, Nicolò (1469–1527): Florentine political philosopher, musician, poet, and playwright. Famous for such works as The Prince (1505) and Discourses on Livy (1519). Accused of justifying reason-of-state in politics, he sought to show how republics could maintain themselves in early modern Europe.

Mariana, Juan de (1536–1624): Born in Talavera, Spain. A Jesuit and a Spanish historian whose work was noted for its accuracy and style. His major work, Historiae de rebus Hispaniae (1592–1605), consisted of thirty books; his other important work, De rege et regis institutione (1598), debated whether it was lawful to overthrow a tyrant. He concluded that it was, which led to his imprisonment by the Inquisition.

Matthieu, Pierre (1563–1621): French historian and poet, popularizer of Charron and Montaigne and chronicler of the history of the French court and kingly life.

Mézeray, François Eudes de (1610–83): Official historiographer of France and in 1649 admitted to the Académie Française. He wrote summaries of French and Latin chronicles in his three-volume Abrégé chronologique (1667).

Molesworth, Robert (First Viscount Molesworth) (1656–1725): Supporter of William of Orange and a prominent member of the Irish Privy Council, he was very much involved in the European political scene, which he commented upon in his various writings.

Montaigne, Michel de (1533–92): Born near Bordeaux. French Renaissance scholar and statesman during the Wars of Religion. The first edition of his famous Essays was published in 1580 and a later edition in 1588.

Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de La Brède et de (1689–1755): Born near Bordeaux. French nobleman, magistrate, and prolific author. His Lettres persanes (1721) brought him to prominence in European literary circles. His magisterial reflection on the nature of law and the likely future of France, De l’esprit des lois (The Spirit of the Laws) (1748), became one of the most influential works of the century.

Montgon, Charles Alexander de (1690–1770): The Abbé de Montgon was a French diplomat and the secret agent of King Philippe V of Spain. His Mémoires de M. l’Abbé de Montgon (1748–49) in ten volumes reveal his machinations regarding the succession to the thrones of Spain and France and his negotiations with Portugal. His duplicity was discovered and he was condemned to exile. His memoirs proved a significant source in European diplomatic history.

Monthenault D’Egly, Charles Philippe de (1696–1749): Wrote Histoire des rois des deux Siciles (1741).

Nevers, Louis de Gonzage, Duc de (1539–95): Leading French Catholic soldier in the Wars of Religion, whose memoirs related his experiences in battle.

Noel, Alexandre (also Natalis Alexander) (1630–1724): Born in Rouen, France. Dominican priest and professor of theology, he lectured on theology, philosophy, and ecclesiastical law at the Sorbonne before becoming archbishop of Rouen. He was a Thomist and his writings, Selecta historiae ecclesiasticae capita (1676–86) in twenty-six volumes and Selecta historiae veteris testamenti (1689), comprised a pioneering study of comparative religion.

Ockley, Simon (1678–1720): Born in Exeter, England. Ockley was a British Orientalist and fellow of Jesus College Cambridge, where he lectured on Arabic history. He translated many Arabic texts into English. His central work was the two-volume Conquest of Syria, Persia, and Egypt by the Saracens (1708–18).

Ossat, Arnauld d’ (1536–1604): Born in Gascony, France. Bishop of Bayeux and a French diplomat, he played a major role in negotiating the reconciliation of Henry IV in 1595 with the Holy See. He was named Conseiller d’Etat in 1587 and served Henry IV in Italy.

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) (43 bc–ad 17): Born in Sulmonia, Italy. Roman poet who wrote about love and mythology. His themes and style were influential in art and literature throughout the Renaissance. Much of his work has survived, such as Amores (10 bc) in five volumes and Heroides (5 bc), consisting of twenty-one letters. Metamorphoses (ad 8), describing the creation and history of the world, remains his most famous work.

Papon, Jean (1507–90): Lieutenant general of Ballifs de Forez.

Pas, Antoine de (Marquis de Feuquieres) (1648–1711): An important figure in the French military. His Mémoires sur la guerre (1730) recounted his battle experiences serving Louis XIV.

Pecquet, Antoine (1704–62): Held the position “premier commis” in the French ministry of Foreign Affairs during the reign of King Louis XV. He wrote Discours sur l’art de négocier (1737), later published as De l’art de négocier avec les souverains, par M. Pecquet (1738).

Pineau-Duclos, Charles (1704–72): French biographer and novelist. He was secretary of the Académie Français and succeeded Voltaire as the official historiographer of France.

Pliny the Younger (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) (ad ca. 63–ca. 113): Born in Comum, Italy. Roman magistrate serving as senator, quaestor, tribune, praetor, consul, augur, and ambassador between ad 81 and ad 110. His numerous letters (Epistulae) described Roman life in the first century.

Plumard de Danguel, Louis-Joseph (John Nickolls, pseud.) (1722–77): Born in Mans, France, de Danguel was a political economist whose essay Remarques sur les avantages et les désavantages de la France et de la Gr. Bretagne (1754) was a comparative study of the condition of workers, agriculture, taxation, and the fishing industry.

Plutarch (Mestrius Plutarchus) (ad 40–ca. 120): Born in Chaeronea, Greece. Biographer and essay writer as well as an ambassador for Chaeronea at Rome. In total he wrote forty-four biographies and seventy-eight works on moral, political, philosophical, and scientific topics in essay or dialogue form.

Polybius (ca. 200–118 bc): Born in Megalopolis. An officer of the Achaean League, he is considered reliable as a historian because of his presence at the destruction of both Carthage and Corinth. In Rome at the end of the Punic Wars, he wrote the Histories, comprising forty books, in which he attempted to trace the causes of the rise of Rome and the Mediterranean world from 220 to 146 bc

Prévost, Antoine François (Abbe Prévost) (1697–1763): Born in Hesdin, Artois. Prévost served as Jesuit priest for many years before leaving the church and fleeing to London and Utrecht. These experiences formed the basis of his Mémoires et aventures d’un homme de qualité (1728) and Le philosophe Anglais (1731), the seventh volume of which became the novel Manon Lescault (1731), which was forbidden in France as a scandalous work.

Pufendorf, Samuel (1632–94): Born in Chemnitz, Saxony. A German jurist and historian, he was seen, along with Grotius, as one of the major voices in defining natural law and jurisprudence in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While a professor at Heidelberg, he introduced natural and civil law into the curriculum. He also served Charles XI of Sweden and the elector of Brandenburg.

Quintilian (Marcus Fabius Quintilianus) (ad ca. 40–ca. 96): Born in Calahorra, Spain. The first professor of any subject to hold an official appointment in Rome. In his Institutio oratoria he described how to train men for leadership and what qualities they should possess, advocating the importance of rhetoric and education.

Rebmann, Hans (or Johann) Rudolf (1566–1605): Born in Bern, Switzerland. Rebmann was a poet noted for writing in the German vernacular.

Rohan, Henri, Duc de (1579–1638): Born in Blain, Brittany. A favorite of Henry IV, he made his name as a soldier and leader of the Huguenot forces and died after being wounded in battle. He wrote Le parfait capitaine (1631) and Traité du gouvernement des treize cantons (1630s) in which he applied the lessons of Caesar’s military tactics to contemporary warfare.

Schodeler, Wernher (1490–1541): Born in Bremgarten (Bern), Switzerland. Little is known about him except that he was a town clerk who spent much of his time writing the Eidgennössische Chronik, an illuminated chronicle of Switzerland. It was published ca. 1535, six years before he died of the plague.

Selden, John (1584–1654): Born in West Tarring, Sussex. Scholar, jurist, and legal antiquary who studied law and became keeper of records at the Inner Temple and a member of Parliament. His various works included Titles of Honour (1614), De diis Syris (1617), History of Tithes (1618), Mare clausum (1618)—a rejection of Grotius’s Mare Liberum concerning sovereignty of the sea—and De jure naturali et gentium juxta disciplinam Ebraerorum (1640).

Seneca (Lucius Annaeus Seneca) (ca. 4 bc–ad 65): Born in Cordova, Spain. Undogmatic Stoic and polymath, politician and courtier, eventually tutor of Nero. He was forced to commit suicide at the age of seventy after falling from Nero’s favor. His extensive oeuvre comprises essays on ethics and natural phenomena, as well as nine tragedies.

Sextus Aurelius Victor (ad ca. 320–90): Little is known about his life except that he was prefect of the Roman province of Pannonia Secunda, present-day Serbia, Bosnia, and Croatia. Four works that have been published together as Historia Romana have been ascribed to him, although his authorship remains contested.

Sharaf Ad-Din ˛Ali Yazdi (d. 1454): A Persian historian from Yazd, in Samarkand. He was well known to Shāh Rokh Mirza, who was the fourth son of Tamerlane and the ruler of Central Asia. His main work was The History of Timur-Bec, Known by the Name of Tamerlain the Great (London, 1723).

Simler, Josias (1530–76): Born in Kappel, Switzerland. A Swiss theologian and classicist, Simler was professor of theology in Zürich and penned the first known study of the Alps in De Alpibus commentarius (ca. 1574). His De Helvetorium republica (1576) focused on Swiss constitutional issues.

Socrates (ca. 470–399 bc): Athenian philosopher and teacher. Socrates served as a soldier in the Peloponnesian War and was later appointed to the Athenian Assembly. His life and writings are known through the works of Plato, Aristotle, and Xenophon, among others.

Solís y Rivadeneira, Antonio de (1610–86): Born in Alcala de Henares, Spain. Dramatist, poet, and historian of the conquest of Mexico. His Historia de la conquista de México (1686) covered the initial journey of Juan de Grijalva in 1518 to Cortes’s defeat of Montezuma in 1520. His work celebrated the achievements of the conquistadors.

Stettler, Michael (1580–1642): Citizen of Bern and one of the most influential historians in seventeenth-century Switzerland. His works included the famous Chronikon oder Grundliche Beschreibung der fürnembsten Geschichte und Thaten.

Stumpf, Johannes (1500–78): Originally from Bruchsal, in Germany, he studied at Heidelberg. Stumpf converted to Protestantism during the early 1520s and became an ally and close friend of Zwingli.

Sully, Maximilien de Béthune, Duc de (1560–1641): Born in Rosny. French Protestant and nobleman who fought in the Wars of Religion before serving Henry IV in numerous offices, becoming well known for fostering agriculture and commerce. His famous Mémoires were published in 1638, with additional volumes appearing posthumously in 1662.

Tacitus (Publius Cornelius Tacitus) (ca. ad 55–117): Roman orator and historian of imperial Rome, he became prefect consul under Nerva in 97. His Annals and Histories examined the reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero.

Tertullian (Florens Quintus Septimius Tertullianus) (ad ca. 155–230): Born in Carthage. He was the first notable Latin theological thinker of early Christianity and a church leader, whose work later influenced St. Thomas Aquinas. Known as the “Father of the Latin Church,” he introduced the term “Trinity” into Christian eschatology. His many works included De testimonio animae, De monogamia, De patientia, and De spectaculis, which were polemical, moral, and ascetic treatises.

Thou, Jacques Auguste de (1553–1617): French historian who moved in the court circles of Henry III. He was appointed “président à mortier” in 1596 and was instrumental in negotiating the Edict of Nantes with the Protestants. He later replaced Sully in the Conseil des Finances. His Historia sui temporis (1620), in eighteen books, focused on the history of his own time, especially the Wars of Religion.

Thucydides (ca. 454–399 bc): Born in Athens. His unfinished History of the Peloponnesian War, comprising eight books, became famous as the earliest surviving work of contemporary history that was factual and avowedly devoid of mythical and religious inspiration.

Tribbechov, Adam (1641–87): Born in Lübeck, Germany. German theologian. Professor of moral philosophy, then of history, at the new University of Kiel, later church administrator in Gotha. His writings included De philosophia morum inter barbaros praecipue orientales (1666) and De doctoribus scholasticis et corrupta per eos divinarum humanarumque rerum scientia (1665).

Tschudi, Aegidius (also Giles) (1505–72): Born in Glarus, Switzerland. He devoted himself to the Counter-Reformation, using his authority as chief magistrate. He is better known as a historian of the Swiss Confederation, although his work was published posthumously. Beschreibung Galliae Comatae (1758) was a topographical, historical, and antiquarian description of ancient Helvetia; his major work, Chronicon helveticorum (1734–36), related Swiss history from 1001 to 1470.

Turretini [Turretin] [Turretinus], François (1623–87): Born in Geneva of Italian descent. Pastor of the Italian church at Geneva, where he used his position to redefine Calvinist orthodoxy. He was appointed professor of theology in 1653, and his polemic Institutio theologiae elencticae in three parts (1679–85) was used as a standard text in Reformed circles.

Valerius Maximus: Early-first-century Roman author. Little is known about him except that he was a professional rhetorician. His book Factorum et dictorum memorabilium, dedicated to Tiberius, was a collection of anecdotes and miscellany about Roman history for the use of orators.

Varro, Marcus Terentius (116–27 bc): Born in Rieti, Italy. A Roman scholar, writer, and supporter of Pompey in the civil wars of the Triumvirate, reaching the offices of tribune and then praetor. After Pompey’s defeat he was granted a pardon by Caesar and in 47 bc was appointed to run the public library planned by Caesar. He wrote hundreds of works, of which only two survive, De Lingua Latina in twenty-five books and Rerum rusticarum libri III, on agricultural topics.

Velly, Paul François (Abbé) (1709–59): Prolific French historian and theological author.

Vertot, René-Aubert de (1655–1735): Born in Benetot, Normandy. A Capuchin abbé and prolific historian with histories of, among other matters, the Knights of Malta and the revolutions in Sweden and Portugal.

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) (70–19 bc): Born in Mantua, Italy. The most famous of his works is the Aeneid, an epic poem on the history of Rome comprising six books. Other works included the Eclogues and Georgics.

Vogel, Franz Adam (d. 1749): Born in Colmar. Lawyer and grand-juge of the Swiss Guard stationed in France. Author of Code criminal de l’empereur Charles V (1735).

Vopiscus, Flavius: In 59 bc he was tribune to the plebs and involved with the factions against Cataline, becoming praetor in 54 bc

Wattenwyl (French spelling is Watteville), Alexander Ludwig von (1714–81): Born in Berne, Switzerland, of a patrician family, Wattenwyl became a magistrate and historian and was one of the first to attempt a modern history of the Swiss Confederation based on original source material. Between 1763 and 1766 Wattenwyl participated in the reform-oriented Helvetic Society, where he defended anti-Rousseauian positions. Wattenwyl’s views on Bernese constitutional history were summarized in his posthumously published Über die Staatsverfassung der Stadt und Republik Bern (Schweizerisches Museum, 1783). He was also the author of Histoire de la Confédération helvétique (1754).

Wicquefort, Abraham de (1598–1682): Born in Amsterdam. A Dutch diplomat to France, in 1675 Wicquefort was accused of high treason after selling secret dispatches to the English ambassador. He escaped the death penalty; however, all his goods were confiscated, and he was imprisoned in Lowenstein, where he wrote The Embassador and His Functions (1716) about his experiences.

Witt, Johan de (1625–72): Born in Dordrecht. In 1650 he became leader of the deputation of Dordrecht to the States of Holland. He later ruled the Republic of United Provinces and was assassinated by his enemies in the Orange party, whom he had opposed throughout his political career. He wrote a book on mathematics, Elementa curvarum linearum (1659) and Waardije van lyf-renten naer proportie van los-renten (1671), on political economy.

Wolff, Christian (1679–1754): Born in Breslau, Silesia. A German philosopher and polymath, he composed a vast philosophical system comprehending all sciences, first in German, then in Latin, and dominated philosophy in Germany and beyond for decades in the middle of the eighteenth century.

Xenophon (ca. 428–353 bc): Born in Ephesus. Soldier, mercenary, and historian. His history Hellenica focused on events of 411 to 362 bcAnabasis (The Inland Expedition [of Cyrus]) is a record of his travels in the expedition against the Persians and was used as a field guide by Alexander the Great.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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[1. ] Emer de Vattel, Essay on the Foundation of Natural Law and on the First Principle of the Obligation Men Find Themselves Under to Observe Laws (Essai sur le fondement du droit naturel, et sur le premier principe de l’obligation où se trouvent tous les hommes, d’en observer les lois), translated by T. J. Hochstrasser.

[2. ]Dissertation on This Question: “Can Natural Law Bring Society to Perfection Without the Assistance of Political Laws?” (Dissertation sur cette question: “Si la loi naturelle peut porter la société à sa perfection, sans le secours des loix politiques?”), translated by T. J. Hochstrasser.

[3. ] Emer de Vattel, Dialogue Between the Prince of **** & his Confidant, on certain Essential Elements of Public Administration (Dialogue entre le prince de **** & son confident, sur quelques parties essentielles de l’administration publique), translated by K. Goodwin.

[* ] Memoirs of the abbé Du Montgon, vol. i.

[* ] Wicquefort’s Embassad. book i. §28, towards the end.

[* ] Wicquefort, book i. §27.

[† ] It is his duty to watch over their conduct, and to exert his authority in order to prevent them from transgressing the bounds of their station, and committing actions which may give just offence to the sovereign at whose court he resides,—an event which may sometimes be productive of very serious and disagreeable consequences. The French court having sent the count De Harcourt to England to mediate an accommodation between Charles I. and his parliament, several gentlemen of that minister’s suite repaired to the royal army, and fought against the parliamentarians: on which account the parliament immediately declined all further negotiation with the count De Harcourt. Du Port’s Hist. of Conspir. vol. iv. p. 261. [[Note added in 1773/1797 editions.

[* ] Sully’s Memoirs, vol. vi. chap. i.

[* ] “It was, at that time,” says Joinville, “an established custom, as well in pagan as in christian countries, that, when two princes were at war, if one of them happened to die, the embassadors whom they had mutually sent to each other, remained prisoners and slaves.” p. 72. [[Note added in 1773/1797 editions.

[1. ] [[For persons and books referred to in these essays, see the biographical sketches and the bibliography of works cited by Vattel. Droit has been translated as “right” or “law,” according to context. Utile/utilité has been translated as “self-interest,” “expediency,” or “interest,” according to context. Honnêteté and its cognates have been translated as “integrity.”

[2. ] See Wolff, Phil. Pract. Univ., part I, §cxxxvii.

[3. ] A thing is morally necessary when it cannot fail to happen, given the nature of the intelligent being which produces it; just as it is said that a thing is physically necessary when it cannot fail to happen, given the nature of the physical agent that creates it.

[4. ] See Wolff, Phil. Pract. Univ., part I, §cxviii.

[5. ]Idem, §cxix.

[6. ]Droit de la nature et des gens, book 1, ch. i, §xxi.

[7. ]De Jure Belli ac Pacis, l. I, c. 1, §x.

[8. ] In Latin rectae. The correctness of an action, rectitudo, means what is understood by the words right, just, good, praiseworthy, etc.

[9. ] The difference which exists between free actions, in respect to this correctness, is what is called the morality of actions.

[10. ] Wolff, Theol. nat., part I, §dccccl.

[11. ] Book I, ch. vi, §v, note 4.

[12. ]Nouvelles de la République des Lettres, April 1700, p. 408. [[In 1699 the French Reformed theologian Jacques Bernard began a continuation of Pierre Bayle’s Nouvelles de la République des Lettres (1684–87), which appeared until 1710.

[13. ] At the time of writing Mr. Barbeyrac was still alive.

[14. ] “Thus will may stand in the place of reason.” Wolff, Phil. Prac. Univ., part 1, §cxxxii, in note.

[15. ] Translation of On the Law of War and Peace, of Grotius, book I, ch. I, §x, no. 2, note 4.

[16. ] [[The great German natural jurist Samuel Pufendorf published an abridgment of his De jure naturae et gentium (On the Law of Nature and Nations, 1672) as De officio hominis et civis juxta legem naturalem (On the Duty of Man and Citizen According to Natural Law) in 1673. The latter work was translated into French as Les devoirs de l’homme et du citoien in 1707 by the Swiss Huguenot Jean Barbeyrac and became famous throughout Europe. Barbeyrac’s successive editions were increasingly heavily annotated, and his fourth edition of 1718 included a French translation, with Barbeyrac’s response, of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz’s critique of Pufendorf’s De Officio in a Latin letter composed in 1701. Barbeyrac gave Leibniz’s letter the title “Jugement d’un anonyme sur l’original de cet abrégé.” The letter had been printed in 1709 as the Epistola Viri Excellentissimi ad Amicum, quâ monita quaedam ad principia Pufendorfiani operis, De Officio hominis et civis, continentur, but had circulated in manuscript since its composition. Barbeyrac’s response has been published for the first time in English from the Latin original in Samuel Pufendorf, The Whole Duty of Man, According to the Law of Nature, ed. I. Hunter and D. Saunders (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2003). Vattel is here concerned, as he notes, with Barbeyrac’s fourth edition of Les devoirs of 1718.

[17. ] Translation of On the Law of Nature and Nations of Pufendorf, book II, ch. III, §x, note 6.

[18. ]De officiis, book II, ch. iii.

[19. ]Ibid., book III, ch. iii. [[Translations taken from Loeb edition edited by Walter Miller (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1913).

[20. ]Satires 3, book 1.

[21. ] Mr. Leibniz.

[22. ] P. 444. I use the 4th edition published in Amsterdam in 1718. [[See note 16.

[23. ] P. 442.

[24. ] P. 441.

[25. ] P. 445.

[26. ] From the cited [[1718 fourth French edition of On the Duties of Man and the Citizen, in which the “Judgment of an Anonymous Author” (Mr. Leibniz) has been interpolated with the reflections of the editor.

[27. ] P. 470.

[28. ] P. 470.

[29. ] P. 471.

[30. ] P. 471 & 472.

[31. ] P. 472.

[32. ] §xvi, p. 476.

[33. ] Timothy I, 9.

[1. ] Cicero, de Legib. I. 1.

[2. ]Instit. Book I, title II, para. II, De jure nat. gent. et civ.

[3. ] Cicero, as above. [[De legibus.

[4. ]De Leg. I. 5 [[The Praetorian Edict was a guide to Roman legal procedure which each praetor (magistrate) issued before it was standardized under Emperor Hadrian (ad 117–38). The Twelve Tables were the earliest code of Roman law, established by ten consuls between 455 and 450 bc

[5. ]Ep. L. I. 10. [[Pliny the Younger, Epistulae (Letters).

[6. ]Tuscul. 1. V [[Cicero, Tusculan Disputations.

[1. ] “For to the Supreme God who governs this whole universe nothing is more pleasing than those companies and unions of men that are called cities.” [[Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis (Scipio’s Dream) formed a digression within the sixth book of his De republica (On the Republic), in which the consul who commanded at the destruction of Carthage in 146 bc, Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (185–129 bc), meets the adopted grandfather who had defeated Hannibal in the Second Punic War, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus (236–184 bc).

[2. ] Cicero, de Offic. lib. II. cap. 3. & lib. III. cap. 3.

[3. ] See his Memoires. [[Vattel was most likely using the Mémoires de Maximilien de Béthune Duc de Sully, principal ministre de Henry le Grand (London [Paris], 1752).

[4. ] [[Julius Caesar defeated General Gnaeus Pompey, his fellow member of the Triumvirate and the Roman consul, in 48 bc at Pharsala, the ancient city of Thessaly in northeastern Greece.

[5. ] [[“What princes themselves do, they seem to prescribe.” Quintilian, Declamationes, 3.

[6. ]Essays, Book I, Chap. XLIII. [[Vattel was using Les essais de Michel de Montaigne, nouvelle edition, London, 1724, 3 vols. Montaigne’s essay “Des lois somptuaires” (“Of Sumptuary Laws”) contained a critique of the dangerous influence of the frivolous manners of the French court (Montaigne’s Essays in Three Books, trans. Charles Cotton, London, 1743, 325–28).

[7. ] [[God of wealth and money in Greek mythology.

[8. ]Ibid. See at the end. [[Montaigne’s “Des lois somptuaires” (“Of Sumptuary Laws”), Montaigne’s Essays, trans. Charles Cotton (London, 1743), 327.

[† ]Contaminatio?Edit.