The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Preface
• List of Abbreviations
• Sources and Bibliography
• Laws and Contracts
• I: The Earliest Babylonian Laws
• II: The Code of Ammurabi
• III: Later Babylonian Law
• IV: The Social Organization of the Ancient Babylonian State
• V: Judges, Law-courts, and Legal Processes
• VI: Legal Decisions
• VII: Public Rights
• VIII: Criminal Law
• IX: The Family Organization
• X: Courtship and Marriage
• XI: Divorce and Desertion
• XII: Rights of Widows
• XIII: Obligations and Rights of Children
• XIV: The Education and Early Life of Children
• XV: Adoption
• XVI: Rights of Inheritance
• XVII: Slavery
• XVIII: Land Tenure In Babylonia
• XIX: The Army, CorvÉe, and Other Claims For Personal Service
• XX: The Functions and Organization of the Temple
• XXI: Donations and Bequests
• XXII: Sales
• XXIII: Loans and Deposits
• XXIV: Pledges and Guarantees
• XXV: Wages of Hired Laborers
• XXVI: Lease of Property
• XXVII: The Laws of Trade
• XXVIII: Partnership and Power of Attorney
• XXIX: Accounts and Business Documents
• Babylonian and Assyrian Letters
• I: Letters and Letter-writing Among the Babylonians and Assyrians
• II: The Letters of Ammurabi
• III: The Letters of Samsu-iluna and His Immediate Successors
• IV: Private Letters of the First Dynasty of Babylon
• V: Sennacherib’s Letters to His Father, Sargon
• VI: Letters From the Last Year of Shamash-shum-ukÎn
• VII: Letters Regarding Affairs In Southern Babylonia
• VIII: Letters About Elam and Southern Babylonia
• IX: Miscellaneous Assyrian Letters
• X: Letters of the Second Babylonian Empire
• Appendix
• I: The Prologue and Epilogue to the Code of Ammurabi
• Prologue to the Code of Ammurabi
• The Epilogue
• II: Chronology
• III: Weights and Measures
• I.: Weights
• II.: Measures of Capacity
• III.: Measures of Length
• IV.: Measures of Surface
• V.: Measures of Time
• IV: Bibliography of the Later Periods
• The New Babylonian Empire
• Persian Period
• Macedonian Period
• Arsacide Period

APPENDIX

I

THE PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE TO THE CODE OF AMMURABI

The prologue and epilogue of the Code are very difficult to translate. Often the phrases are simply stock expressions which occur in most of the royal inscriptions. The meanings of many of these have degenerated to mere titles of courtesy and their original significance is obscure. But early translators found no difficulty in guessing the most complimentary things to say, and more recent scholars in their efforts to be exact become grotesque. When an ancient king called himself a “rabid buffalo” it doubtless gave him satisfaction, but it would be very rude for us to do so. On the other hand, it is very tiresome to an English reader to read a sentence of three hundred lines in length before coming to a principal verb. Such a sentence, a string of epithets and participles, is here broken up into short clauses and the participles turned into finite verbs. This is done, not because the translator is entirely ignorant of grammar, but in pity for the reader. This further necessitates turning the third person singular, in which the king speaks of himself, like a modern acceptance of an invitation to dinner, into the more simple direct narration in the first person. Anyone who wishes to compare this translation with the original will please recall that this is done for ease in understanding, not because the original was misunderstood.

A more serious difficulty is, that, as it was customary to apply the same honorific titles to both a god and the king, it is often uncertain to which the original meant to apply them. This may have been left intentionally vague. Some translators have taken on themselves to settle to which they will refer the epithet, to the god or to the king. Such translations are only interesting as a record of private opinions. They settle nothing, do not even give a presumption in favor of anything. It is more honest to leave the translation as vague as the original, when this can be done. This part of the stele is full of rare words, or what is just as bad, words which invariably occur in the same context. If a king calls himself by some strange honorific title, it is no assistance to understanding the meaning of it that a score of successors should do the same. Of many words, all we can conjecture is that the king was honored by them. There is nothing to indicate what they really meant. In some cases “mighty” is as likely to be correct as “wise.” There is no reason why we should prefer either rendering. Both can hardly be right, neither may really be. Some king may once have prided himself on being an expert potter, as a modern monarch might on being a photographer. If he called himself on a monument a “superb potter,” all his successors would keep the title, though they never made a pot in their lives. We have only to peruse the titles of modern monarchs to be sure of the fact. It is, therefore, to be hoped that no one will build any far-reaching theories upon logical deductions from the translations given here or elsewhere of such honorific titles.

PROLOGUE TO THE CODE OF AMMURABI

When the most high God (Anu), king of the spirits of heaven (Anunnaki),(and)Bêl, lord of heaven and earth, who settles the fates of all, allotted to Marduk, the first-born of Ea, the lord God of right, a rule over men and extolled him among the spirits of earth (Igigi), then they nominated for Babylon a name above all, they made it renowned in all quarters, and in the midst of it they founded an everlasting sovereignty, whose seat is established like heaven and earth; then did God (Anu) and Bêl call me by name, ammurabi, the high prince, god-fearing, to exemplify justice in the land, to banish the proud and oppressor, that the great should not despoil the weak, to rise like the sun over the black-headed race (mankind) and illumine the land, to give health to all flesh. ammurabi the (good) shepherd, the choice of Bêl, am I, the completer of plenty and abundance, the fulfiller of every purpose. For Nippur, and Dûrili (epithet of Nippur or part of it?), I highly adorned ê-kur (the temple of Bêl there). In powerful sovereignty I restored Eridu and cleansed ê-zu-ab (temple of Ea there). By onslaughts on every side (the four quarters) I magnified the name of Babylon and rejoiced the heart of Marduk my lord. Every day I stood in ê-sag-gil (the temple of Marduk at Babylon). Descendant of kings whom Sin had begotten, I enriched the city of Ur, and humbly adoring, was a source of abundance to ê-ner-nu-gal (the temple of Sin at Ur). A king of knowledge, instructed by Shamash the judge, I strongly established Sippara, reclothed the rear of the shrine of Aya (the consort of Shamash), and planned out ê-bab-bar (temple of Shamash at Sippara) like a dwelling in heaven. In arms I avenged Larsa (held by the Elamite, Rim-Sin), and restored ê-bab-bar (temple of Shamash at Larsa) for Shamash my helper. As overlord I gave fresh life to Erech, furnishing abundance of water to its people, and completed the spire of ê-an-na (temple of Nanâ at Erech). I completed the glory of Anu and Ninni. As a protector of my land, I reassembled the scattered people of Nisin (recently reconquered from the Elamites) and replenished the treasury of ê-gal-ma (temple of Nisin). As the royal potentate of the city and own brother of its god Zamama, I enlarged the palace at Kish and surrounded with splendor ê-me-te-ur-sag (the temple at Kish). I made secure the great shrine of Ninni. I ordered the temple of arsagkalama ê-ki-sal-nakiri, by whose assistance I attained my desire. I restored Kutha and increased everything at ê-sid-lam (the temple there). Like a charging bull, I bore down my enemies. Beloved of tu-tu (a name of Marduk) in my love for Borsippa, of high purpose untiring, I cared for ê-zi-da (temple of Nabû there). As a god, king of the city, knowing and farseeing, I looked to the plantations of Dilbat and constructed its granaries for ib (the god of Dilbat) the powerful, the lord of the insignia, the sceptre and crown, with which he invested me. As the beloved of ma-ma (consort of ib), I set fast the bas-reliefs at Kish and renewed the holy meals for Erishtu (goddess of Kish). With foresight and power I ordered the pasturages and watering-places for Sirpurla and Girsu and arranged the extensive offerings in ê-50 (the temple of “the fifty” at Sirpurla). I scattered my enemies. As the favorite of Telitim (a god), I fulfilled the oracles of allab and rejoiced the heart of gis-dar (its goddess). Grand prince, whose prayers Adad knows well, I soothed the heart of Adad, the warrior in Bît Karkara. I fastened the ornaments in ê-ud-gal-gal (temple there). As a king who gave life to Adab, I repaired ê-ma (temple at Adab). As hero and king of the city, unrivalled combatant, I gave life to Mashkan-Shabri and poured forth abundance on sit-lam (temple of Nêrgal there). The wise, the restorer, who had conquered the whole of the rebellious, I rescued the people of Malkâ in trouble. I strengthened their abodes with every comfort. For Ea and dam-gal-nun-na I increased their rule and in perpetuity appointed the lustrous offerings. As a leader and king of the city, I made the settlements on the Euphrates to be populous. As client of Dagan, who begat me, I avenged the people of Mera and Tutul. As high prince, I made the face of Ninni to shine, making the lustrous meals of nin-a-zu secure. I reunited my people in famine by assuring their allowances within Babylon in peace and security. As the shepherd of my people, a servant whose deeds were acceptable to gis-dar in e-ul-mash (temple of Anunit) in the midst of Agade, noted for its wide squares, I settled the rules and set straight the Tigris. I brought back to Asshur the gracious colossus and settled the altar (?). As king of Nineveh I made the waters of Ninni to shine in ê-dup-dup. High of purpose and wise in achievement for the great gods, descendant of Sumu-lâil, eldest son of Sin-muballiṭ, long descended scion of royalty, great king, a very Shamash (or sun) of Babylon, I caused light to arise upon Sumer and Akkad. A king who commanded obedience in all the four quarters, beloved of Ninni am I. When Marduk brought me to direct all people and commissioned me to give judgment, I laid down justice and right in the provinces, I made all flesh to prosper. Then—(the words of the Code are the completion of the sentence. The king implies that its regulations were the outcome of this legislative decision).

THE EPILOGUE

The judgments of righteousness which ammurabi, the powerful king, settled, and caused the land to receive a sure polity and a gracious rule.

I am ammurabi, the superb king. Marduk gave me to shepherd the black-headed race, whom Bêl had assigned me. I did not forget, I did not neglect, I found for them safe pastures, I opened the way through sharp rocks, and gave them guidance. With the powerful weapon that Zamama and Ishtar granted me, by the foresight with which Ea endowed me, with the power that Marduk gave me, I cut off the enemy above and below, I lorded it over the conquered. The flesh of the land I made to rejoice. I extended the dwellings of the people in security. I left them no cause to fear. The great gods chose me and I am the shepherd that gives peace, whose club is straight; of evil and good in my city I was the director. I carried all the people of Sumer and Akkad in my bosom. By my protection, I guided in peace its brothers. By my wisdom, I provided for them. That the great should not oppress the weak, to counsel the widow and orphan, in Babylon, the city of Anu and Bêl, I raised up its head (the stele’s) in ê-sag-gil (temple of Marduk there), the temple whose foundation is firm as the heaven and earth. To judge the judgment of the land, to decide the decisions of the land, to succor the injured, I wrote on my stele the precious words and placed them before my likeness, that of a righteous king. The king that is gentle, king of the city, exalted am I. My words are precious, my power has no rival. By the order of Shamash, the judge supreme, of heaven and earth, that judgment may shine in the land; by the permission of Marduk, my lord, I set up a bas-relief, to preserve my likeness in ê-sag-gil that I love, to commemorate my name forever in gratitude. The oppressed who has a suit to prosecute may come before my image, that of a righteous king, and read my inscription and understand my precious words and may my stele elucidate his case. Let him see the law he seeks and may he draw in his breath and say: “This ammurabi was a ruler who was to his people like the father that begot them. He obeyed the order of Marduk his lord, he followed the commands of Marduk above and below. He delighted the heart of Marduk his lord, and granted happy life to his people forever. He guided the land.” Let him recite the document. Before Marduk, my lord, and Ṣarpanitum, my lady, with full heart let him draw near. The colossus and the gods that live in ê-sag-gil, or the courts of ê-sag-gil, let him bless every day before Marduk, my lord, and Ṣarpanitum, my lady.

In the future, in days to come, at any time, let the king who is in the land, guard the words of righteousness which I have written on my stele. Let him not alter the judgment of the land which I judged nor the decisions I decided. Let him not destroy my basrelief. If that man has wisdom and is capable of directing his land, let him attend to the words which I have written upon my stele, let him apprehend the path, the rule, the law of the land which I judged, and the decision I decided for the land, and so let him guide forward the black-headed race; let him judge their judgment and decide their decision, let him cut off from his land the proud and violent, let him rejoice the flesh of his people. ammurabi, the king of righteousness, to whom Shamash has granted rights, am I. My words are precious, my deeds have no rival. Above and below I am the whirlwind that scours the deep and the height. If that man has hearkened to my words which I have written on my stele and has not frustrated justice, has not altered my words, has not injured my bas-reliefs, may Shamash make lasting his sceptre; like me, as a king of righteousness, let him guide his people in justice.

But if that man does not hearken to my words which I wrote on my stele, forgets my curses, fears not the malediction of God, sets aside the judgment which I judged, alters my words and destroys my bas-reliefs, effaces my inscribed name and writes in his own name; or, for fear of these curses has charged another to do so; that man, be he king, lord, patêsi, or noble, whose name is ever so renowned, may the great god (Anu), the father of gods, who named my reign, turn him back, shatter his sceptre in pieces, curse his fortunes; may Bêl the lord who fixes the fates, whose command is not set aside, who extended my sovereignty, cause for him an endless revolt, an impulse to fly from his home, and set for his fortune a reign of sighs, short days, years of want, darkness that has no ray of light and a death in the sight of all men. May he decree with his heavy curse the ruin of his city, the scattering of his people, the removal of his sovereignty, the disappearance of his name and his race from the land. May Beltu, the great mother, whose command is weighty in ê-kur, the lady who made my plans prosperous, make his words in the matter of justice and law to be hateful before Bêl. May she bring about the downfall of his country, the loss of his people, the efflux of his life like water, by the order of the Bêl, the king. May Ea, the grand prince, whose destiny takes premier rank, the messenger of the gods, who knows all, who has prolonged my life, distort his understanding and intellect, curse him with forgetfulness, dam up his rivers at their source. In his land may Ashnan (the deity of wheat), the life of the people, not grow. May Shamash, great judge of heaven and earth, who governs the creatures of life, the lord of help, cut off his sovereignty; judge not his judgment; carry away his path; annihilate the march of his armies; cast an evil look upon him to uproot his rule, and fix for him the loss of his land. May the evil sentence of Shamash quickly overwhelm him; deprive him of life among the living above; and below in the earth, deprive his ghost of water. May Sin, the lord of the sky, the god who creates, whose ray is splendid among the gods, deprive him of crown and throne of kinship; surround him with a great shirt of pain, a heavy penalty, that will not leave his body, and make him finish his days, month by month, through the years of his reign, in tears and sighs. May he multiply for him the burden of royalty. May he grant him as his lot a life that can only be likened to death. May Adad, lord of abundance, great bull of the sky, and the earth, my helper, withdraw the rain from the heavens, the floods from the springs; destroy his land with hunger and want; thunder in wrath over his city, and turn his land to deluge mounds. May Zamama, great warrior, first born of ê-kur, who goes at my right hand on the battlefield, shatter his weapon and turn for him day into night. May he place his enemy over him. May Ishtar, the lady of conflict and battle, who prospered my arms, my gracious protector, who loved my reign, in her heart of rage, her boundless fury, curse his sovereignty; turn all his mercies to curses, shatter his weapon in conflict and battle, appoint him trouble and sedition, strike down his heroes, and make the earth drink of their blood, scatter the plain with heaps of the carcasses of his troops, grant them no burial; deliver himself into the hands of his enemy, cause him to be carried in chains to the enemy’s land. May Nêrgal, the powerful one of the gods, who meets with no rival, who caused me to obtain my triumphs, burn up his people with a fever like a great fire among the reeds. With his powerful weapon may he drink him up, with his fevers crush him like a statue of clay. May Erishtu, the exalted lady of all lands, the creator-mother, carry off his son and leave him no name. May he not beget a seed of posterity among his people. May Nin-karrak, the daughter of Anu, the completer of my mercies in ê-kur, award him a severe malady, a grievous illness, a painful wound, which cannot be healed, of which the physician knows not the origin, which cannot be soothed by the bandage; and rack him with palsy, until she has mastered his life; may she weaken his strength. May the great gods of heaven and earth, the Anunnaki, in their assembly, who look after the halls and the courts of this Ê-bar-ra (temple of Shamash at Sippara, where the stele was clearly set up), curse with a bitter curse his dynasty, his land, his soldiers, his people, and his subjects. May the judgments of Bêl, which in his mouth are irrevocable, curse him and quickly overcome him.

II

CHRONOLOGY

The following tables make no pretence to finality. In Babylonian history no date before bc 747 can be considered absolutely fixed. In Assyrian history the Eponym Canon certainly goes back to about bc 893. Then scattered notices in later writers enable us to approximate to earlier dates and the varied synchronisms between Assyrian and Babylonian kings render the dates probable, as far back as the First Dynasty of Babylon. There is only one fixed date before that, the period of Sargon I., which depends on a statement of Nabonidus.

The sequence of monarchs is, however, very probably correct. As knowledge increases, more names will be added to fill up the gaps, and dated documents will give the lengths of the reigns. A discussion of the grounds for the dates cannot be given here. The reader may refer to Dr. P. Rost, in the Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1897, No. 2, and Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, 1900, pp. 143, 175, 212. Radau’s Early Babylonian History may be consulted for the earliest dates.

In the early periods, a vertical line between two names denotes that the second was son of the former. This is often all we know, but it is useful to mark the fact, as we cannot then insert other rulers between them. Names printed in capitals are either Sumerian or their true pronunciation is unknown. When these capitals are in Roman type, we know that they were kings or Patesis; when they are printed in italic, we only know that they were the parents of those whose names follow. We do not then know whether they reigned or not.

For Assyrian chronology, see Annals of the Kings of Assyria, by Budge and King, 1902.

ASSYRIA

EARLY PATESIS, DATES CONJECTURAL, ORDER UNCERTAIN

III

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

I.

WEIGHTS

The weight of the mina may be reckoned in round numbers as 500 grams.

II.

MEASURES OF CAPACITY

III.

MEASURES OF LENGTH

On other measures see , ii., pp. 197-218. The ell is about half a metre.

IV.

MEASURES OF SURFACE

The area of the SAR was one GAR square, or 6 metres square. Areas were also measured by the amount of corn required to sow them, or their average yield, that is by the GUR and ḲA.

V.

MEASURES OF TIME

Further details may be obtained from Zimmern’s Das Princip unserer Zeit-und Raumteilung, in the Berichten d. philolog. histor. Classe d. Königl. Sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. November 14, 1901.

IV

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE LATER PERIODS

The New Babylonian Empire

Nabopolassar.—Strassmaier published nineteen texts in , iv., pp. 141-45, of which three are transcribed and translated in , iv., pp. 177-81. Dr. Pinches gave another, , iv., p. 14, and another in Peek-Pinches, p. 3. Dr. Moldenke gave nine other texts in his Cuneiform Texts from the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Nebuchadrezzar II.— Strassmaier published 460 texts in Hefts V.-VI., of the Babylonische Texte, of which thirty-one are transcribed and translated in , iv., pp. 180-201, and forty are discussed in Kohler-Peiser’s Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben. Two texts are published by Pinches, , iv., p. 38, two more in Peiser’s Babylonische Verträge, six texts from the Liverpool Museum were published by Strassmaier in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883. Some of the above texts belong, however, to the reign of Nebuchadrezzar III.

Evil-Merodach.— Evetts published twenty-four texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft VI., , of which , iv., pp. 200-3, gives transcriptions and translations of two. Kohler-Peiser discuss eight in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben and add one more. Strassmaier published two from the Liverpool Museum in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883.

Neriglissar.— Evetts published seventy-two texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft VI., , pp. 25-82. Of these four are transcribed and translated in , iv., pp. 202-7 and Kohler-Peiser discussed fourteen in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben. In Babylonische Verträge, Peiser published another; and Strassmaier published three from the Liverpool Museum in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883.

Laborosoarchod.— Evetts published six texts, Babylonische Texte, Heft VI., , pp. 85-90. Of these, one is transcribed and translated in , iv., pp. 206-7. Strassmaier published four in the Actes du VIII. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889.

Nabonidus.— Strassmaier published 1134 texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft I.-IV. Of these, , iv., pp. 206-59, gives transcriptions and translations of fifty-six, and three fresh texts from copies by Peiser, Pinches, and Revillout. Kohler-Peiser discuss sixty-five of them in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben and add one more. Pinches published two, , iv., pp. 30-41, and four in Peek-Pinches. Dr. Peiser gave another in Keilschriftliche Acten-Stücke, No. 3, two from the British Museum. Strassmaier published six from the Liverpool Museum in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883. Dr. Moldenke gave forty-two texts in his Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Persian Period

Cyrus.— Strassmaier published 384 texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft VII., of which , iv., pp. 253-85 gives transcriptions and translations of twenty-four, and Kohler-Peiser discussed thirty-four in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben, adding four new texts. In Keilschriftliche Acten-Stücke, Peiser gave two more; in Babylonische Verträge, fourteen more. Strassmaier gave two from the Liverpool Museum, in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883. Pinches published another in Peek-Pinches, Dr. Budge another in , vii., p. 219.

Cambyses.— Strassmaier gave 441 texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft VIII.-IX., but in these no distinction is made between the reigns of Cambyses and Cyrus, Cambyses alone, Cyrus alone. , iv., pp. 260-63 gives transcription and translation of four, followed by twenty-five of Cambyses alone and fourteen of Cyrus alone. Kohler-Peiser discussed twenty-one in Aus Babylonische Rechtsleben. Peiser gave seventeen more in Babylonische Verträge from the Berlin Museum and one from the British Museum. Strassmaier gave three from the Liverpool Museum, and one in possession of Golenischeff in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes. Pinches published one in , iv., one in Peek-Pinches. Dr. G. A. Barton published two in the American Journal of Semitic Languages, January, 1900.

Barzia.— Strassmaier published nine texts, , iv., pp. 147 ff., of which four are transcribed and translated, , iv., pp. 294-98. Peiser gave three more in Babylonische Verträge. Strassmaier published one from the Liverpool Museum in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883.

Nebuchadrezzar III.— In , iv., pp. 298-303, three are transcribed and translated from those published above and ascribed to Nebuchadrezzar II.

Darius.— Strassmaier has published 579 texts in Babylonische Texte, Heft X.-XII., of which , iv., pp. 302-11 gives transcription and translation of nine. Kohler-Peiser discuss ninety-six in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben and add seven more. Pinches published six in , ii., p. 2; iv., pp. 21, 32, 41, 43, 44; and twelve in Peek-Pinches. Peiser gave fifteen in Keilschriftliche Acten-Stücke, and fifty-five in Babylonische Verträge from the Berlin Museum, twenty-four from the British Museum. Dr. G. A. Barton gave twenty-seven in American Journal of Semitic Languages, January, 1900. Strassmaier gave six from the Liverpool Museum in the Actes du VI. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1883. Dr. Budge published three in , iii., pp. 216 ff.

Shamash-erba.— Strassmaier published one text of this period in , iii., p. 157 f.

Xerxes.— Evetts published four texts, Babylonische Texte, Heft VI., , pp. 91-94; of these , iv., pp. 310-11 gives transcription and translation of one. Pinches published one, , iv., p. 34, Dr. G. A. Barton gave one in American Journal of Semitic Languages, January, 1900. Strassmaier published seven in the Actes du VIII. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889.

Artaxerxes.— Professor Hilprecht and Dr. Clay have published 119 texts with transcriptions and translations of twelve, in the ninth volume of the series of Cuneiform Texts of the collections of the University of Philadelphia. Kotalla has given transcriptions and translations of others in , iv. Dr. Peiser gave a transcription and translation of one from his own copy, , iv., pp. 312-13. Kohler-Peiser give two more in Aus Babylonischen Rechtsleben. Dr. G. A. Barton gave four in American Journal of Semitic Languages, January, 1900. Strassmaier published nine in the Actes du VIII. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889, and one in , iii., p. 158.

Macedonian Period

Alexander IV.— Strassmaier, , iii., p. 150, transcribed and translated one, also , iv., pp. 312-13. Pinches gave one, , iv., p. 39.

Seleucus II.— Oppert, Doc. Jur., pp. 301 ff., gave two, one given again, , iv., pp. 312-17. Pinches gave another, , iv., p. 29. Strassmaier published one in Actes du VIII. Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889; and one, , iii., p. 152f.

Demetrius.— Strassmaier published two, , iii., pp. 148-50.

Antiochus III.— Strassmaier published one, , iii., p. 150f., transcribed and translated also, , iv., pp. 316-17.

Arsacide Period

Strassmaier published sixteen texts, , iii., pp. 143 ff., one is given in transcription and translation, , iv., pp. 318-19.