The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Introduction
• A Thinker For Our Times: Madame De Staël, Her Life and Works
• Life of Madame De Staël
• Works of Madame De Staël
• Madame De Staël and Napoléon
• The Ideas of Considerations
• The Reception of Considerations
• Madame De Staël and America
• Note On the Present Edition
• Considerations On the Principal Events of the French Revolution
• Notice By the Editors 1
• Advertisement of the Author
• Part I
• Chapter I: General Reflections.
• Chapter II: Considerations On the History of France.
• Chapter III: On the State of Public Opinion In France At the Accession of Louis XVI.
• Chapter IV: Of the Character of M. Necker As a Public Man.
• Chapter V: M. Necker’s Plans of Finance.
• Chapter VI: M. Necker’s Plans of Administration.
• Chapter VII: Of the American War.
• Chapter VIII: M. Necker’s Retirement From Office In 1781.
• Chapter IX: The Circumstances That Led to the Assembling of the Estates General.—ministry of M. De Calonne.
• Chapter X: Sequel of the Preceding.—ministry of the Archbishop of Toulouse.
• Chapter XI: Did France Possess a Constitution Before the Revolution? 1
• Chapter XII: On the Recall of M. Necker In 1788.
• Chapter XIII: Conduct of the Last Estates General, Held At Paris In 1614.
• Chapter XIV: The Division of the Estates General Into Orders.
• Chapter XV: What Was the Public Feeling of Europe At the Time of Convening the Estates General?
• Chapter XVI: Opening of the Estates General On the 5th of May, 1789.
• Chapter XVII: Of the Resistance of the Privileged Orders to the Demands of the Third Estate In 1789.
• Chapter XVIII: Conduct of the Third Estate During the First Two Months of the Session of the Estates General.
• Chapter XIX: Means Possessed By the Crown In 1789 of Opposing the Revolution.
• Chapter XX: The Royal Session of 23d June, 1789.
• Chapter XXI: Events Caused By the Royal Session of 23d June, 1789.
• Chapter XXII: Revolution of the 14th of July (1789).
• Chapter XXIII: Return of M. Necker.
• Part Ii
• Chapter I: Mirabeau.
• Chapter II: Of the Constituent Assembly After the 14th of July.
• Chapter III: General La Fayette.
• Chapter IV: Of the Good Effected By the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter V: Liberty of the Press, and State of the Police, During the Time of the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter VI: Of the Different Parties Conspicuous In the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter VII: Of the Errors of the Constituent Assembly In Matters of Administration.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Errors of the National Assembly In Regard to the Constitution.
• Chapter IX: Efforts Made By M. Necker With the Popular Party In the Constituent Assembly to Induce It to Establish the English Constitution In France.
• Chapter X: Did the English Government Give Money to Foment Troubles In France?
• Chapter XI: Events of the 5th and 6th of October, 1789.
• Chapter XII: The Constituent Assembly At Paris.
• Chapter XIII: Of the Decrees of the Constituent Assembly In Regard to the Clergy.
• Chapter XIV: Of the Suppression of Titles of Nobility.
• Chapter XV: Of the Royal Authority As It Was Established By the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter XVI: Federation of 14th July, 1790.
• Chapter XVII: Of the State of Society In Paris During the Time of the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter XVIII: The Introduction of Assignats, and Retirement of M. Necker.
• Chapter XIX: State of Affairs and of Political Parties In the Winter of 1790–91.
• Chapter XX: Death of Mirabeau.
• Chapter XXI: Departure of the King On the 21st of June, 1791.
• Chapter XXII: Revision of the Constitution.
• Chapter XXIII: Acceptance of the Constitution, Called the Constitution of 1791.
• Part Iii
• Chapter I: On the Emigration.
• Chapter II: Prediction of M. Necker On the Fate of the Constitution of 1791.
• Chapter III: Of the Different Parties Which Composed the Legislative Assembly.
• Chapter IV: Spirit of the Decrees of the Legislative Assembly.
• Chapter V: Of the First War Between France and Europe.
• Chapter VI: Of the Means Employed In 1792 to Establish the Republic.
• Chapter VII: Anniversary of 14th July Celebrated In 1792.
• Chapter VIII: Manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick.
• Chapter IX: Revolution of the 10th of August, 1792—overthrow of the Monarchy.
• Chapter X: Private Anecdotes.
• Chapter XI: The Foreign Troops Driven From France In 1792.
• Chapter XII: Trial of Louis XVI.
• Chapter XIII: Charles I and Louis XVI.
• Chapter XIV: War Between France and England. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox.
• Chapter XV: Of Political Fanaticism.
• Chapter XVI: Of the Government Called the Reign of Terror.
• Chapter XVII: The French Army During the Reign of Terror; the Federalists and La Vendée.
• Chapter XVIII: Of the Situation of the Friends of Liberty Out of France During the Reign of Terror.
• Chapter XIX: Fall of Robespierre, and Change of System In the Government.
• Chapter XX: Of the State of Minds At the Moment When the Directorial Republic Was Established In France.
• Chapter XXI: Of the Twenty Months During Which the Republic Existed In France, From November 1795 to the 18th of Fructidor (4th of September) 1797.
• Chapter XXII: Two Singular Predictions Drawn From the History of the Revolution, By M. Necker.
• Chapter XXIII: Of the Army of Italy.
• Chapter XXIV: Of the Introduction of Military Government Into France By the Occurrences of the 18th of Fructidor.
• Chapter XXV: Private Anecdotes.
• Chapter XXVI: Treaty of Campo Formio In 1797. Arrival of General Bonaparte At Paris.
• Chapter XXVII: Preparations of General Bonaparte For Proceeding to Egypt. His Opinion On the Invasion of Switzerland.
• Chapter XXVIII: The Invasion of Switzerland.
• Chapter XXIX: Of the Termination of the Directory.
• Part Iv
• Chapter I: News From Egypt: Return of Bonaparte.
• Chapter II: Revolution of the 18th of Brumaire.
• Chapter III: Of the Establishment of the Consular Constitution.
• Chapter IV: Progress of Bonaparte to Absolute Power.
• Chapter V: Should England Have Made Peace With Bonaparte At His Accession to the Consulate?
• Chapter VI: Of the Solemn Celebration of the Concordat At Nôtre-dame.
• Chapter VII: M. Necker’s Last Work Under the Consulship of Bonaparte.
• Chapter VIII: Of Exile.
• Chapter IX: Of the Last Days of M. Necker.
• Chapter X: Abstract of M. Necker’s Principles On Government.
• Chapter XI: Bonaparte Emperor. the Counter-revolution Effected By Him.
• Chapter XII: Of the Conduct of Napoléon Toward the Continent of Europe.
• Chapter XIII: Of the Means Employed By Bonaparte to Attack England.
• Chapter XIV: On the Spirit of the French Army.
• Chapter XV: Of the Legislation and Administration Under Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVI: Of Literature Under Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVII: A Saying of Bonaparte Printed In the Moniteur.
• Chapter XVIII: On the Political Doctrine of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XIX: Intoxication of Power; Reverses and Abdication of Bonaparte.
• Part V *
• Chapter I: Of What Constitutes Legitimate Royalty.
• Chapter II: Of the Political Doctrine of Some French Emigrants and Their Adherents.
• Chapter III: Of the Circumstances That Render the Representative Government At This Time More Necessary In France Than In Any Other Country.
• Chapter IV: Of the Entry of the Allies Into Paris, and the Different Parties Which Then Existed In France.
• Chapter V: Of the Circumstances Which Accompanied the First Return of the House of Bourbon In 1814.
• Chapter VI: Of the Aspect of France and of Paris During Its First Occupation By the Allies.
• Chapter VII: Of the Constitutional Charter Granted By the King In 1814.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Conduct of the Ministry During the First Year of the Restoration.
• Chapter IX: Of the Obstacles Which Government Encountered During the First Year of the Restoration.
• Chapter X: Of the Influence of Society On Political Affairs In France.
• Chapter XI: Of the System Which Ought to Have Been Followed In 1814, to Maintain the House of Bourbon On the Throne of France.
• Chapter XII: What Should Have Been the Conduct of the Friends of Liberty In 1814?
• Chapter XIII: Return of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XIV: Of the Conduct of Bonaparte On His Return.
• Chapter XV: Of the Fall of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVI: Of the Declaration of Rights Proclaimed By the Chamber of Representatives, 5th of July, 1815.
• Part Vi
• Chapter I: Are Frenchmen Made to Be Free?
• Chapter II: Cursory View of the History of England.
• Chapter III: Of the Prosperity of England, and the Causes By Which It Has Been Hitherto Promoted.
• Chapter IV: Of Liberty and Public Spirit Among the English.
• Chapter V: Of Knowledge, Religion, and Morals Among the English.
• Chapter VI: Of Society In England, and of Its Connection With Social Order.
• Chapter VII: Of the Conduct of the English Government Outside of England.
• Chapter VIII: Will Not the English Hereafter Lose Their Liberty?
• Chapter IX: Can a Limited Monarchy Have Other Foundations Than That of the English Constitution?
• Chapter X: Of the Influence of Arbitrary Power On the Spirit and Character of a Nation.
• Chapter XI: Of the Mixture of Religion With Politics.
• Chapter XII: Of the Love of Liberty.

CHAPTER V

Of the First War Between France and Europe.

We need not be surprised that kings and princes never liked the principles of the French Revolution. “To be a royalist is my business,” said Joseph II. But as the opinion of the people always makes its way into the cabinet of kings, no sovereign in Europe thought of making war on France to oppose the Revolution at its outset, when the object was only to establish a limited monarchy. The progress of knowledge was such in every part of the civilized world that, at that time, as at present, a representative government more or less similar to that of England appeared suitable and just, and that system met with no formidable opponents among either the English or Germans. Burke, from the year 1791, expressed his indignation at the crimes already committed in France, and at the false systems of policy adopted there;1 but those of the aristocratic party on the Continent, who now quote Burke as the enemy of the Revolution, are perhaps not aware that in every page he reproaches the French with not having conformed to the principles of the English constitution.

“I recommend to the French,” he says, “our constitution; all our happiness arises from it.” “Absolute democracy,” he adds in another place,* “is no more a legitimate government than absolute monarchy. There is but one opinion in France against absolute monarchy;† it was at its close, it was expiring without agony, and without convulsions; all the dissensions arose from the quarrel between a despotic democracy, and a government with a balance of power.”

If the majority of Europe in 1789 approved the establishment of a limited monarchy in France, how then, it may be asked, does it happen that, from the year 1791, all provocations arose from foreign powers? For although France made a hasty declaration of war against Austria in 1792, the foreign powers were, in fact, the first to assume a hostile attitude toward the French, by the convention of Pilnitz and the assemblies at Coblentz.2 The reciprocal recriminations go back to that period. Yet the public opinion of Europe and the prudence of Austria would have prevented war, had the Legislative Assembly been moderate. The greatest precision in the knowledge of dates is necessary to judge with impartiality which of the two, France or Europe, was the aggressor. A lapse of six months makes that proper in politics which was not so six months before, and people often confound ideas because they confound dates.

The foreign powers did wrong in 1791, in allowing themselves to be drawn into the imprudent measures urged by the emigrants. But after the 10th of August, 1792, when the throne was overturned, the state of things in France became wholly incompatible with social order. Yet, would not this throne have stood, had not Europe threatened France with interfering by force of arms in her domestic concerns, and revolted the pride of an independent nation by imposing laws on it? Fate alone possesses the secret of such suppositions: one thing is indisputable; it is that the convention of Pilnitz was the beginning of the long war of Europe. The Jacobins3 were as desirous of this war as the emigrants: for both believed that a crisis of some kind or other could alone produce the chances necessary to enable them to triumph.4

In the beginning of 1792, before the declaration of war, Leopold, Emperor of Germany, one of the most enlightened princes of which the eighteenth century can boast,5 wrote to the Legislative Assembly a letter, which might be almost called familiar and confidential. Some deputies of the Constituent Assembly, as Barnave and Duport, had composed it, and the draft was sent by the Queen to Brussels, to the Count de Mercy-Argenteau, who had long been Austrian Ambassador at Paris. In this letter6 Leopold attacked the Jacobin party by name and offered his aid to the constitutionalists. His observations were, no doubt, extremely wise; but it was not thought becoming on the part of an emperor of Germany to enter with so much detail into the affairs of France; and the minds of the deputies revolted against the advice given them by a foreign monarch. Leopold had governed Tuscany with perfect moderation, and it is but justice to add that he always showed respect to public opinion, and to the advanced knowledge of the age. He was thus a sincere believer in the good that his advice might produce. But in political discussions where the mass of a nation takes a part, it is only the voice of events that is listened to; arguments but excite the wish of answering them.

The Legislative Assembly, which foresaw a rupture ready to break out, felt also that the King could hardly take an interest in the success of Frenchmen fighting in the cause of the Revolution. The Assembly was distrustful of ministers, under the persuasion that they did not in their hearts wish to repel those enemies whose assistance they secretly invoked. The war department was entrusted in the end of 1791 to M. de Narbonne,7 who afterward lost his life at the siege of Torgau. He employed himself with unfeigned zeal in all the preparations necessary for the defense of the kingdom. Possessing rank and talents, the manners of a courtier, and the views of a philosopher, that which was predominant in his soul was military honor and French valor. To oppose the interference of foreigners under whatever circumstances always seemed to him the duty of a citizen and a gentleman. His colleagues combined against him and succeeded in obtaining his removal. They seized the moment when his popularity in the Assembly was lessened to get rid of a man who was then performing his functions of minister of war as conscientiously as he would have done under any other circumstances.

One evening, M. de Narbonne, in giving the Assembly an account of certain matters in his department, made use of this expression: “I appeal to the most distinguished members of this Assembly.” At that moment the whole party of the Mountain rose up in a fury, and Merlin, Bazire, and Chabot declared that “all the deputies were equally distinguished.” Aristocracy of talent was as repugnant to their feelings as aristocracy of birth.

The day after this setback, the other ministers, no longer afraid of the ascendancy of M. de Narbonne with the popular party, prevailed on the King to remove him. This ill-judged triumph was of short duration. The republicans forced the King to take ministers devoted to them, and these ministers obliged him to make use of the initiative given him by the constitution, by going in person to the Assembly to recommend war with Austria. I was present at the meeting in which Louis XVI was forced to a measure which was necessarily painful to him in so many ways. His features were not expressive of his thoughts, but it was not from dissimulation that he concealed them; a mixture of resignation and dignity repressed in him every outward sign of his sentiments. On entering the Assembly he looked to the right and the left, with that kind of vague curiosity which is usual to persons who are so short-sighted that their eyes seem to be of no use to them. He proposed war in the same tone of voice as he might have used in requiring the most indifferent decree possible. The president replied to him with the laconic arrogance adopted in this Assembly, as if the dignity of a free people consisted in insulting the King whom it had chosen for its constitutional chief.

When Louis XVI and his ministers had left the hall, the Assembly voted war by acclamation. Some members took no share in the deliberations; but the galleries applauded with transport: the deputies threw their hats in the air, and that day, the first of the bloody struggle which has torn Europe during twenty-three years, that day did not, in most minds, produce the slightest disquietude. Yet, of the deputies who voted for this war, many fell by a violent death, and those who rejoiced at it the most were unconsciously pronouncing their own death sentence.

[1. ] For Burke’s writings on the French Revolution after 1790, see his Further Reflections on the Revolution in France.

[* ] Burke’s Works, vol. iii. p. 179.

[† ] Ibid., p. 183.

[2. ] The Declaration of Pilnitz (August 27, 1791) was signed by Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II and King Frederick William II of Prussia, who expressed their intention to help the king of France in case of need. The assemblies at Koblenz were organized by the émigrés.

[3. ] A notable exception in this regard was Robespierre.

[4. ] Austria, England, and Prussia followed closely the political developments in France and in 1791 began contemplating the possibility of intervening to support Louis XVI and restore order. The actual war began in April 1792, when France declared war on Austria; Prussia joined the Austrian side a few weeks later and invaded France in July. The battle of Valmy (September 20, 1792) stopped the march of the Prussian armies, which subsequently retreated from France. In November, the French occupied Belgium.

[5. ] Leopold II (1747–92), Duke of Tuscany (1765–90), the penultimate Holy Roman Emperor (1790–92), and son of Empress Maria Theresa, personified the image of the enlightened monarch. As Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold endorsed a progressive constitution that, had it been ratified, would have been the first free, written liberal constitution of Europe. In the end, Emperor Joseph II opposed its ratification.

[6. ] On December 21, 1791.

[7. ] Louis de Narbonne-Lara (1755–1813) was nominated minister of war on December 6, 1791, and retained his position until March 9, 1792 (he emigrated soon after that). Many believed Narbonne to be the illegitimate son of Louis XV. He was one of Madame de Staël’s lovers and arguably the father of her first two children. For a selection of their correspondence, see Madame de Staël, ses amis, ses correspondants. Choix de lettres (1778–1817), 71–79, 81–83, 94–100, 107–8, 113–15.