The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Introduction
• A Thinker For Our Times: Madame De Staël, Her Life and Works
• Life of Madame De Staël
• Works of Madame De Staël
• Madame De Staël and Napoléon
• The Ideas of Considerations
• The Reception of Considerations
• Madame De Staël and America
• Note On the Present Edition
• Considerations On the Principal Events of the French Revolution
• Notice By the Editors 1
• Advertisement of the Author
• Part I
• Chapter I: General Reflections.
• Chapter II: Considerations On the History of France.
• Chapter III: On the State of Public Opinion In France At the Accession of Louis XVI.
• Chapter IV: Of the Character of M. Necker As a Public Man.
• Chapter V: M. Necker’s Plans of Finance.
• Chapter VI: M. Necker’s Plans of Administration.
• Chapter VII: Of the American War.
• Chapter VIII: M. Necker’s Retirement From Office In 1781.
• Chapter IX: The Circumstances That Led to the Assembling of the Estates General.—ministry of M. De Calonne.
• Chapter X: Sequel of the Preceding.—ministry of the Archbishop of Toulouse.
• Chapter XI: Did France Possess a Constitution Before the Revolution? 1
• Chapter XII: On the Recall of M. Necker In 1788.
• Chapter XIII: Conduct of the Last Estates General, Held At Paris In 1614.
• Chapter XIV: The Division of the Estates General Into Orders.
• Chapter XV: What Was the Public Feeling of Europe At the Time of Convening the Estates General?
• Chapter XVI: Opening of the Estates General On the 5th of May, 1789.
• Chapter XVII: Of the Resistance of the Privileged Orders to the Demands of the Third Estate In 1789.
• Chapter XVIII: Conduct of the Third Estate During the First Two Months of the Session of the Estates General.
• Chapter XIX: Means Possessed By the Crown In 1789 of Opposing the Revolution.
• Chapter XX: The Royal Session of 23d June, 1789.
• Chapter XXI: Events Caused By the Royal Session of 23d June, 1789.
• Chapter XXII: Revolution of the 14th of July (1789).
• Chapter XXIII: Return of M. Necker.
• Part Ii
• Chapter I: Mirabeau.
• Chapter II: Of the Constituent Assembly After the 14th of July.
• Chapter III: General La Fayette.
• Chapter IV: Of the Good Effected By the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter V: Liberty of the Press, and State of the Police, During the Time of the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter VI: Of the Different Parties Conspicuous In the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter VII: Of the Errors of the Constituent Assembly In Matters of Administration.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Errors of the National Assembly In Regard to the Constitution.
• Chapter IX: Efforts Made By M. Necker With the Popular Party In the Constituent Assembly to Induce It to Establish the English Constitution In France.
• Chapter X: Did the English Government Give Money to Foment Troubles In France?
• Chapter XI: Events of the 5th and 6th of October, 1789.
• Chapter XII: The Constituent Assembly At Paris.
• Chapter XIII: Of the Decrees of the Constituent Assembly In Regard to the Clergy.
• Chapter XIV: Of the Suppression of Titles of Nobility.
• Chapter XV: Of the Royal Authority As It Was Established By the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter XVI: Federation of 14th July, 1790.
• Chapter XVII: Of the State of Society In Paris During the Time of the Constituent Assembly.
• Chapter XVIII: The Introduction of Assignats, and Retirement of M. Necker.
• Chapter XIX: State of Affairs and of Political Parties In the Winter of 1790–91.
• Chapter XX: Death of Mirabeau.
• Chapter XXI: Departure of the King On the 21st of June, 1791.
• Chapter XXII: Revision of the Constitution.
• Chapter XXIII: Acceptance of the Constitution, Called the Constitution of 1791.
• Part Iii
• Chapter I: On the Emigration.
• Chapter II: Prediction of M. Necker On the Fate of the Constitution of 1791.
• Chapter III: Of the Different Parties Which Composed the Legislative Assembly.
• Chapter IV: Spirit of the Decrees of the Legislative Assembly.
• Chapter V: Of the First War Between France and Europe.
• Chapter VI: Of the Means Employed In 1792 to Establish the Republic.
• Chapter VII: Anniversary of 14th July Celebrated In 1792.
• Chapter VIII: Manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick.
• Chapter IX: Revolution of the 10th of August, 1792—overthrow of the Monarchy.
• Chapter X: Private Anecdotes.
• Chapter XI: The Foreign Troops Driven From France In 1792.
• Chapter XII: Trial of Louis XVI.
• Chapter XIII: Charles I and Louis XVI.
• Chapter XIV: War Between France and England. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox.
• Chapter XV: Of Political Fanaticism.
• Chapter XVI: Of the Government Called the Reign of Terror.
• Chapter XVII: The French Army During the Reign of Terror; the Federalists and La Vendée.
• Chapter XVIII: Of the Situation of the Friends of Liberty Out of France During the Reign of Terror.
• Chapter XIX: Fall of Robespierre, and Change of System In the Government.
• Chapter XX: Of the State of Minds At the Moment When the Directorial Republic Was Established In France.
• Chapter XXI: Of the Twenty Months During Which the Republic Existed In France, From November 1795 to the 18th of Fructidor (4th of September) 1797.
• Chapter XXII: Two Singular Predictions Drawn From the History of the Revolution, By M. Necker.
• Chapter XXIII: Of the Army of Italy.
• Chapter XXIV: Of the Introduction of Military Government Into France By the Occurrences of the 18th of Fructidor.
• Chapter XXV: Private Anecdotes.
• Chapter XXVI: Treaty of Campo Formio In 1797. Arrival of General Bonaparte At Paris.
• Chapter XXVII: Preparations of General Bonaparte For Proceeding to Egypt. His Opinion On the Invasion of Switzerland.
• Chapter XXVIII: The Invasion of Switzerland.
• Chapter XXIX: Of the Termination of the Directory.
• Part Iv
• Chapter I: News From Egypt: Return of Bonaparte.
• Chapter II: Revolution of the 18th of Brumaire.
• Chapter III: Of the Establishment of the Consular Constitution.
• Chapter IV: Progress of Bonaparte to Absolute Power.
• Chapter V: Should England Have Made Peace With Bonaparte At His Accession to the Consulate?
• Chapter VI: Of the Solemn Celebration of the Concordat At Nôtre-dame.
• Chapter VII: M. Necker’s Last Work Under the Consulship of Bonaparte.
• Chapter VIII: Of Exile.
• Chapter IX: Of the Last Days of M. Necker.
• Chapter X: Abstract of M. Necker’s Principles On Government.
• Chapter XI: Bonaparte Emperor. the Counter-revolution Effected By Him.
• Chapter XII: Of the Conduct of Napoléon Toward the Continent of Europe.
• Chapter XIII: Of the Means Employed By Bonaparte to Attack England.
• Chapter XIV: On the Spirit of the French Army.
• Chapter XV: Of the Legislation and Administration Under Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVI: Of Literature Under Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVII: A Saying of Bonaparte Printed In the Moniteur.
• Chapter XVIII: On the Political Doctrine of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XIX: Intoxication of Power; Reverses and Abdication of Bonaparte.
• Part V *
• Chapter I: Of What Constitutes Legitimate Royalty.
• Chapter II: Of the Political Doctrine of Some French Emigrants and Their Adherents.
• Chapter III: Of the Circumstances That Render the Representative Government At This Time More Necessary In France Than In Any Other Country.
• Chapter IV: Of the Entry of the Allies Into Paris, and the Different Parties Which Then Existed In France.
• Chapter V: Of the Circumstances Which Accompanied the First Return of the House of Bourbon In 1814.
• Chapter VI: Of the Aspect of France and of Paris During Its First Occupation By the Allies.
• Chapter VII: Of the Constitutional Charter Granted By the King In 1814.
• Chapter VIII: Of the Conduct of the Ministry During the First Year of the Restoration.
• Chapter IX: Of the Obstacles Which Government Encountered During the First Year of the Restoration.
• Chapter X: Of the Influence of Society On Political Affairs In France.
• Chapter XI: Of the System Which Ought to Have Been Followed In 1814, to Maintain the House of Bourbon On the Throne of France.
• Chapter XII: What Should Have Been the Conduct of the Friends of Liberty In 1814?
• Chapter XIII: Return of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XIV: Of the Conduct of Bonaparte On His Return.
• Chapter XV: Of the Fall of Bonaparte.
• Chapter XVI: Of the Declaration of Rights Proclaimed By the Chamber of Representatives, 5th of July, 1815.
• Part Vi
• Chapter I: Are Frenchmen Made to Be Free?
• Chapter II: Cursory View of the History of England.
• Chapter III: Of the Prosperity of England, and the Causes By Which It Has Been Hitherto Promoted.
• Chapter IV: Of Liberty and Public Spirit Among the English.
• Chapter V: Of Knowledge, Religion, and Morals Among the English.
• Chapter VI: Of Society In England, and of Its Connection With Social Order.
• Chapter VII: Of the Conduct of the English Government Outside of England.
• Chapter VIII: Will Not the English Hereafter Lose Their Liberty?
• Chapter IX: Can a Limited Monarchy Have Other Foundations Than That of the English Constitution?
• Chapter X: Of the Influence of Arbitrary Power On the Spirit and Character of a Nation.
• Chapter XI: Of the Mixture of Religion With Politics.
• Chapter XII: Of the Love of Liberty.

CHAPTER XXI

Departure of the King on the 21st of June, 1791.

Louis XVI would have cordially accepted the English constitution had it been presented to him with candor and with the respect due to the head of a government; but the Assembly wounded all his affections, particularly by three decrees, which were rather hurtful than useful to the cause of the nation. They abolished the power of granting pardons,1 that power which ought to exist in every civilized society, and which, in a monarchy, can belong only to the Crown: they required from the priests an oath of adherence to the civil constitution of the clergy, on pain of the loss of their appointments; and they wished to deprive the Queen of the power of being Regent.2

The greatest error, perhaps, of the Constituent Assembly, as we have already said, was to aim at creating a clerical body dependent on it, in the same way as has been done by a number of absolute sovereigns. It deviated, for this purpose, from that system of perfect equity in which it ought to have sought support. It stimulated to resistance the conscience and the honor of the clerical body. The friends of liberty wander from the true path whenever it is practicable to oppose to them generous sentiments; for true liberty can have opponents only among those who are ready to act a usurping or servile part; and the priest who refused a theological oath exacted by threats acted more the part of a free man than those who endeavored to make him give the lie to his opinion.

Lastly, the third decree, the one relative to the Regency, being intended to keep power out of the hands of the Queen, who was suspected by the popular party, could not fail to be personally offensive on several grounds to Louis XVI. That decree declared him the first public functionary,3 a title wholly unsuited to a king, since every functionary must be responsible; and it is indispensable to introduce into hereditary monarchy a sentiment of respect naturally connected with the inviolability of the sovereign. This respect does not exclude the mutual compact between the King and the nation, a compact existing at all times either in a tacit or in an avowed shape; but reason and delicacy may always be made compatible when people are sincerely disposed to it.

The second article of the regency decree was to be condemned on grounds similar to those that we have already mentioned; it declared the King deprived of the throne if he went out of France.4 This was pronouncing on what ought not to have been anticipated, the case in which a king was to be stripped of his dignity. Republican virtues and institutions elevate very greatly the people whose situation allows them to enjoy them; but in monarchical countries, the people become perverted if they are not accustomed to respect the authority which they have acknowledged. A penal code against a king is an idea without application, whether that king be strong or weak. In the latter case, the power that overturns him does not confine itself to law, in whatever manner that law may have been conceived.

It is therefore only under a prudential point of view that we are to form an opinion of the step taken by the King in escaping from the Tuileries on the 21st of June, 1791. He had certainly met by that time with as much bad treatment as gave him a right to quit France; and he perhaps rendered a great service even to the friends of liberty by putting an end to a hypocritical situation; for their cause was injured by the vain efforts that they made to persuade the nation that the political acts of the King, from the time of his arrival at Paris, were acts of free will, when it was perfectly evident that they were not.

Mr. Fox5 told me in England, in 1793, that at the time of the King’s departure to Varennes, he should have wished that he had been allowed to quit the kingdom in peace and that the Constituent Assembly had proclaimed a republic. France would at least not have sullied herself with the crimes afterward committed against the royal family; and whether a republican form can or cannot succeed in a great country, it is always best that the trial should be made by upright men. But that which was most to be dreaded took place—the arrest of the King and his family.

A journey requiring so much management and rapidity was prepared almost as in ordinary times: etiquette is of such moment at a court that it could not be dispensed with even on this most perilous occasion; the consequence was the failure of the attempt.6

When the Constituent Assembly learned of the King’s departure, its behavior was perfectly firm and becoming; what it had wanted till that day was a counterpoise to its unlimited power. Unfortunately, the French arrive at reason in political matters only by compulsion. A vague idea of danger hovered over the Assembly; it was possible that the King might go, as he intended, to Montmédy, and that he might receive aid from foreign troops; it was possible that a great party might declare for him in the interior. In short, disquietude put an end to extremes; and among the deputies of the popular party, those who had clamored on pretext of tyranny when the English constitution was proposed to them would now have willingly subscribed to it.

Never will it be possible to find grounds of consolation for the arrest of the King at Varennes: irreparable faults, crimes which must long be the cause of shame, have impaired the feeling of liberty in the minds best fitted to receive it. Had the King left the country, perhaps an equitable constitution might have arisen out of the struggle between the two parties.7 But civil war, it will be exclaimed, was to be avoided above all things. Not above all things! There are other calamities still more to be dreaded. Generous virtues are displayed by those who fight for their opinion; and it is more natural to shed one’s blood in defense of it than for one of the thousand political interests which form the habitual causes of war. Doubtless it is cruel to fight against one’s fellow-citizens, but it is still more horrible to be oppressed by them; and that which of all things ought to be avoided in France is the absolute triumph of a party. For a long habit of liberty is necessary to prevent the feeling of justice from being perverted by the pride of power.

The King, on setting out, left a manifesto containing the motives for his departure; he recapitulated the treatment which he had been obliged to undergo, and declared that his authority was reduced to such a degree that he had no longer the power of governing. Amidst complaints so well founded, it was improper to insert observations of too minute a cast on the bad condition of the palace of the Tuileries. It is very difficult for hereditary sovereigns to prevent themselves from being governed by habit in the smallest as in the greatest events of life; but it is perhaps on that very account that they are better adapted than elected chiefs to a government of law and peace. The manifesto of Louis XVI closed with the memorable assurance “that on recovering his independence, he was ready to devote it to erecting the liberty of the French people on an imperishable foundation.” Such was at that time the current of public feeling that no one, not even the King himself, considered practicable the re-establishment of an unlimited monarchy.8

The Assembly, as soon as it was informed of the arrest of the royal family at Varennes, sent thither commissaries, among whom were Péthion and Barnave: Péthion, a man without information or elevation of soul, saw the misfortune of the most affecting victims without being moved by it. Barnave felt a respectful pity, particularly for the Queen; and from that time forward, he, Duport, Lameth, Regnault de St. Jean d’Angely, Chapelier, Thouret, and others united all their influence to that of M. de la Fayette to the restoration of royalty.9

The King and his family, on returning from Varennes, made a mournful entry into Paris; the clothes of the King and Queen were covered with dust; the two children of the royal family looked with surprise on the mass of people who came forth with an air of command into the presence of its fallen masters. Madame Elizabeth10 appeared, in the midst of this illustrious family, like a being already sanctified and which has no longer anything in common with the world. Three of the bodyguards, placed on the outside seat of the carriage, were exposed every moment to the danger of being massacred, and deputies of the Constituent Assembly placed themselves repeatedly between them and the enraged part of the populace who wanted to kill them. It was thus that the King returned to the palace of his ancestors. Alas! what a sad presage! And how truly was it fulfilled!

[1. ] According to the Legal Code passed in October 1791.

[2. ] According to chapter II, section 2, of the Constitution of 1791, “Women are excluded from the regency” and the “custody of the minor King shall be entrusted to his mother” (Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 242, 243).

[3. ] According to chapter IV of the Constitution of 1791, “the King is the supreme head of the general administration of the kingdom” (Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 251). The Constitution also stipulated (chap. II, sec. 1) that “there is no authority in France superior to that of the law; the King reigns only thereby, and only in the name of the law may he exact obedience.” (Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 241)

[4. ] According to the Constitution of 1791, chapter II, section 1, 7, “If the King, having left the kingdom, does not return after invitation has been made by the legislative body, and within the period established by proclamation, which may not be less than two months, he shall be deemed to have abdicated the throne.” (Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 240)

[5. ] Charles James Fox (1749–1806), leader of the Whigs who favored the principles of the French Revolution and opposed the war with France.

[6. ] On the King’s flight to Varennes, see Mona Ozouf’s entry in A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 155–64. The escape of the royal family failed because it was poorly planned. The schedule was not meticulously prepared, and the departure was imprudently delayed; as a result, the carriage left the Tuileries Palace at two in the morning rather than at midnight. Moreover, Choiseul, who was supposed to command the first support detachment en route, defected. The implications of the Varennes episode were very important for the course of the Revolution. As Ozouf pointed out, it led to the appearance of a major schism in the country, which ultimately strengthened the power of the Jacobins.

[7. ] Louis XVI intended to return to France supported by foreign troops.

[8. ] It has been argued that, by signing this manifesto, Louis XVI proclaimed his allegiance to the older principles of his declaration of June 23, 1789, principles which were not at all compatible with those of constitutional monarchy.

[9. ] Adrien Duport (1759–98) was a prominent French magistrate and a leading constitutional monarchist during the early stages of the French Revolution of 1789. Charles Malo François Lameth (1757–1832) was a prominent French politician and member of the Feuillants. He served in the American War of Independence and was a deputy to the Estates General in 1789. Regnault de Saint-Jean d’Angely (1761–1819) was the editor of L’ami de patriots, 1791–92. Thouret (1746–94) was one of the main authors of the Constitution of 1791, and Le Chapelier (1754–94) was the author of a famous law on associations (1791) that bore his name. The speeches of Duport, Thouret, and la Chapelier can be found in Furet and Halévi, Orateurs de la Révolution française, vol. 1.

[10. ] Louis XVI’s sister, who was executed in May 1794.