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Front Page Titles (by Subject) JOHN WEICHER, Mr. Facey's Article: A Comment - New Individualist Review
JOHN WEICHER, Mr. Facey’s Article: A Comment - Ralph Raico, New Individualist Review [1961]Edition used:New Individualist Review, editor-in-chief Ralph Raico, introduction by Milton Friedman (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981).
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- Publisher’s Note
- Introduction
- Volume 1, Number 1, April 1961
- An Editorial …
- Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom
- John P. Mccarthy, Politics and the Moral Order
- John Weicher, Individualism and Politics: the Next Four Years: an Appraisal
- Ralph Raico, Great Individualists of the Past: Wilhelm Von Humboldt
- Robert Schuettinger, Modern Education Vs. Democracy
- Ronald Hamowy: Hayek’s Concept of Freedom: a Critique
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 1, Number 2, Summer 1961
- Murray N. Rothbard, the Fallacy of the “ Public Sector ”
- John Weicher, Individualism and Politics: the Question of Federal Aid to Education
- Robert Schuettinger, Great Individualists of the Past: Tocqueville and the Bland Leviathan
- Tocqueville On Socialism
- Edward C. Facey, Conservatives Or Individualists: Which Are We?
- John Weicher, Mr. Facey’s Article: a Comment
- F. A. Hayek, Communication: Freedom and Coercion: Some Comments and Mr. Hamowy’s Criticism
- John Weicher, Book Review: the Moulding of Communists, By Frank S. Meyer
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 1, Number 3, November 1961
- Ronald Hamowy and William F. Buckley, Jr., “ National Review ”: Criticism and Reply
- Russell Kirk, Ritualistic Liberalism
- Bruce Goldberg: Ayn Rand’s “ For the New Intellectual ”
- Leonard Liggio, Herbert Butterfield: Christian Historian As Creative Critic
- Roger Claus, an Approach For Conservatives
- John P. Mccarthy, John Courtney Murray and the American Proposition
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 1, Number 4, Winter 1962
- Robert M. Hurt, Antitrust and Competition *
- Ralph Raico, Reflections In Berlin
- Eugene Miller, David Hume: Whig Or Tory?
- Martin Glasser, the Judicial Philosophy of Felix Frankfurter
- Wilhelm Roepke, Communication: the Intellectual Collapse of European Socialism
- Murray N. Rothbard, On Freedom and the Law
- J. Edwin Malone, Fertig’s “ Prosperity Through Freedom ”
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 2, Number 1, Spring 1962
- Harry Elmer Barnes, A. J. P. Taylor and the Causes of World War Ii
- James M. O’connell, the New Conservativism
- G. C. Wiegand, Individual Freedom and Economic Security
- Robert M. Hurt, Sin and the Criminal Law
- John P. Mccarthy, the Shortcomings of Right-wing Foreign Policy
- Robert M. Schuchman, J. B. Conant’s “ Slums and Suburbs ”
- Robert Schuettinger, F. J. Johnson’s “ No Substitute For Victory ”
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 2, Number 2, Summer 1962
- Milton Friedman, Is a Free Society Stable?
- Howard Buffett, an Opportunity For the Republican Party
- Murray N. Rothbard, H. L. Mencken: the Joyous Libertarian
- Richard W. Duesenberg, Individualism and Corporations
- John Weicher, Conservatives, Cities, and Mrs. Jacobs
- Sam Peltzman, Housing In Latin America, Public and Private
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 2, Number 3, Autumn 1962
- George J. Stigler, the Intellectual and the Market Place
- Robert M. Hurt, Observations On the Soviet “ Lost Generation ”
- John Van Sickle, Economic Growth Vs. “ Growth ” Economics
- Robert Schuchman, Civil Liberties In the Welfare State
- Benjamin A. Rogge, New Conservatives and Old Liberals
- When America Spoke With One Voice
- Ludwig Von Mises, a New Treatise On Economics (rothbard)
- John Weicher, a “ Fusionist ” Approach to Freedom 1
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 2, Number 4, Spring 1963
- The Regulatory Bureaus:
- Christopher D. Stone, ICC: Some Reminiscences On the Future of American Transportation
- Sam Peltzman, Cab: Freedom From Competition
- Robert M. Hurt, Fcc: Free Speech, “ Public Needs, ” and Mr. Minow
- Otto Von Habsburg, Czecho-slovakia and the Ussr
- Robert Cunningham, the Case Against Coercion
- John P. Mccarthy , Ireland, Victim of Its Own Politicians
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 3, Number 1, Summer 1963
- Robert L. Cunningham, Education: Free and Public?
- Bruno Leoni, “ Consumer Sovereignty ” and the Law
- Israel M. Kirzner, On the Premises of Growth Economics
- Murray N. Rothbard, the Negro Revolution
- Robert Schuettinger, Foreign Aid In Latin America
- Sam Peltzman, “ Economics of the Free Society ”
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 3, Number 2, Winter 1964
- F. A. Hayek, Kinds of Order In Society
- B. R. Shenoy, the Results of Planning In India
- Michael F. Zaremski, Red China’s Great Leap Backward
- Bruce Goldberg, Skinner’s Behaviorist Utopia
- Ralph Raico , Great Individualists of the Past: Benjamin Constant
- New Books and Articles
- Newe Bokes & Articulles
- Volume 3, Number 3, Autumn 1964
- The Conservatism of Richard M. Weaver *
- James Powell, the Foundations of Weaver’s Traditionalism
- Weaver On Society, Past and Present:
- I.: The Southern Tradition
- 2.: The Humanities In a Century of the Common Man
- George J. Stigler, Reflections On the Loss of Liberty
- Ralph Raico, the Fusionists On Liberalism and Tradition
- William H. Nolte, H. L. Mencken and the American Hydra
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 3, Number 4, Spring 1965
- Yale Brozen, the Revival of Traditional Liberalism
- Gordon Tullock, Constitutional Mythology
- Denis V. Cowen, Prospects For South Africa
- Benjamin A. Rogge, Communication: Note On the Election
- William S. Stokes, Economic Liberalism In Post-war Germany
- Robert M. Schuchman, Property Law and Racial Discrimination
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 4, Number 1, Summer 1965
- Benjamin A. Rogge, Financing Higher Education In the United States
- Philip B. Kurland, Trends In the U. S. Supreme Court
- G. Warren Nutter, How Soviet Planning Works
- Edwin Harwood, Collectivism In Social Theory
- Robert L. Cunningham, Justice, “ Needs, ” and Charity
- Communication: the 1964 Election
- William A. Rusher, Rusher On Goldwater:
- Benjamin A. Rogge, Reply to Mr. Rusher:
- Stephen J. Tonsor, the View From London Bridge
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 4, Number 2, Winter 1966
- Murray N. Rothbard, Herbert Clark Hoover: a Reconsideration
- W. H. Hutt, Twelve Thoughts On Inflation
- M. Stanton Evans, Raico On Liberalism and Religion
- Ralph Raico, Reply to Mr. Evans
- Francis Lieber, Anglican and Gallican Liberty
- E. G. West, the Uneasy Case For State Education
- Thomas Molnar, Communication: South Africa Reconsidered
- Stanley G. Long, Review: Alchian and Allen’s “ University Economics ”
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 4, Number 3, Spring 1966
- Karl Brunner, the Triple Revolution: a New Metaphysics
- Henry Hazlitt, Agnosticism and Morality
- Yale Brozen, Wage Rates, Minimum Wage Laws, and Unemployment
- Reed J. Irvine, Economic Development and Free Markets
- Sudha R. Shenoy, the Sources of Monopoly
- Hirschel Kasper, What’s Wrong With Right-to-work Laws
- W. H. Hutt, Communication: “fragile” Constitutions
- Sam Peltzman, Books: Kefauver and Populist Economics
- Sam Peltzman, Books: Freedom Under Lincoln By Dean Sprague
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 4, Number 4, Spring 1967
- Milton Friedman, Why Not a Volunteer Army?
- Richard Flacks, Conscription In a Democratic Society
- Walter Y. Oi , the Real Costs of a Volunteer Military
- Bruce K. Chapman, the Politics of Conscription
- Joe Michael Cobb, Emigration As an Alternative to the Draft
- James Powell, Anti-militarism and Laissez Faire
- The Anti-militarist Tradition: Robert A. Taft, 1940
- The Anti-militarist Tradition: Oswald Garrison Villard, 1916
- The Anti-militarist Tradition: Daniel Webster, 1814
- New Books and Articles
- Volume 5, Number 1, Winter 1968
- W. H. Hutt, the Rhodesian Calumny
- Svetozar Pejovich, Community, Leadership and Progress
- Jay A. Sigler, the Political Thought of Michael Oakeshott
- Ljubo Sirc, Two Decades of Economic Planning In Yugoslavia
- David Levy, Marxism and Alienation
- Armen A. Alchian, the Economic and Social Impact of Free Tuition
- Books
- New Books and Articles
Mr. Facey’s Article: A Comment
MR. FACEY raises issues which have often divided those who consider themselves individualists. To some degree, I can sympathize with his fears in regard to the conservative position. There is no question that, historically, conservatives have tended to be paternalistic and nationalistic; nor have they shied away from power. While admitting this, we must take into consideration the objectives conservatives have had in view in seeking political power. If they have been interested in defending and extending the liberties of their fellow-citizens, they were right. It is clear that most American conservatives (including the members of Young Americans for Freedom) of the present day fall into this category, most certainly on the domestic issues where Mr. Facey attacks them.
Therefore, in the interests of a clearer terminology, I would suggest that Mr. Facey call himself an anarchist (as he is) or a Constitutional libertarian (a position he holds as a temporary expedient); I think it is unfair of him to try to pre-empt the word “individualist,” because, as noted above, most American conservatives are primarily devoted to conserving personal liberty and limiting the power of the state. They thus consider themselves individualists, and rightly so. Conservatives and most libertarians agree that some government is necessary to maximize freedom; they believe that the police, the courts, and the armed services all restrict the freedom of various people at various times, but that the net effect is to increase freedom. The reasoning behind this position is well-known; John Locke is perhaps its most famous exponent.
Mr. Facey devotes most of his space to warning conservatives to beware of giving too much power to the federal government, on the excuse that a huge defense establishment is needed to fight the Communist menace. I think that most conservatives, including the military, would agree that the power of the military must always be restricted. But beyond the problem of growing military power, Mr. Facey is worried because many conservatives are interested in defending not only the United States but “what they call Western civilization.”
This charge is true; conservatives are too well aware of the intensely difficult struggle through the last 2500 years to achieve and preserve our civilization to be willing to let it die undefended. One of its major traditions is individual liberty; in this, Western civilization is unique. It is within Western civilization that the liberty Mr. Facey wishes to extend has been developed. The only alternative that is currently available—Communism—will eliminate liberty, most particularly the economic liberty so important to both Mr. Facey and myself. The abolition or reduction of our military power now would be as disastrous to liberty as it would have been for the Athenians to abolish their own army and navy in the face of Darius and Xerxes.
ACCORDINGLY, the Conservatives prefer a strong military to Communist domination, even at an annual cost of $40 billion. They would indeed use the state to defeat Communism, but they would hardly term this “extensive statism,” or “Empire.” Many conservatives would join Mr. Facey in a vigorous attack on our present foreign aid program, while denying the practicality of the Fortress America concept he proposes instead—and wondering how he can suggest spending some of the foreign-aid billions on national defense and say that the defense budget is too high, in the same paragraph.
Mr. Facey and I both attended the Sharon conference; and while I must confess that I think he is manifestly unfair to Young Americans for Freedom, I, too, would like to see that organization devote more attention to domestic economic issues. But I would remind him first, that eight of the twelve principles of the Sharon Statement deal specifically with individual and economic liberty; and second, that Young Americans for Freedom is a political organization. While philosophically the hydra must be attacked in toto, politically it is necessary to cut off its heads, beginning with the most dangerous. To the conservative, the most dangerous is Communism.
To meet this threat, which has taken forms not previously seen in our history, the conservative supports the proposed Freedom Academy and the Un-American Activities Committee, though recognizing that the latter, like the courts, can restrict the freedom of some individuals. I do not suppose that Mr. Facey and I could agree on the value of laws proposed by this committee, or by anyone else, to prevent and punish sedition and subversion, but I believe he is radically misreading the hearings before that committee when he terms those it calls “peaceful.” As to domestic politics, conservatives (including Young Americans for Freedom) do oppose federal aid to education, but they hold that if this aid is given as a defense measure—over their objections—it should at least be given to those who will defend the government which aids them. Moreover, on domestic issues conservatives and libertarians in Congress have some power to block the Administration’s programs; they have much less in foreign policy and consequently much greater public pressure is necessary as a tactical matter to prevent the Administration from making mistakes which conservatives would consider disastrous to freedom.
In short, then, conservatives invite Mr. Facey to join them in fighting the great external threat to all our liberties, as they will join him in fighting the great internal threat.
JOHN WEICHER
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