397.: trower to ricardo4[Reply to 391.—Answered by 403] - David Ricardo, The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo, Vol. 8 Letters 1819-June 1821 [1819]
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The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo, ed. Piero Sraffa with the Collaboration of M.H. Dobb (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005). Vol. 8 Letters 1819-1821.
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First published by Cambridge University Press in 1951. Copyright 1951, 1952, 1955, 1973 by the Royal Economic Society. This edition of The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., under license from the Royal Economic Society.
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397.
trower to ricardo
[Reply to 391.—Answered by 403]
Unsted Wood—Nov. 12. 1820
My Dear Ricardo
I perceive by the date of your last kind letter, that I have suffered too long a time to elapse without answering it. But, I have been absent from home, and the hour glass has run out much faster than I was aware of.—It has been an eventful period, and one, which will never be forgotten in the history of this Country! Thank God the Bill is abandoned by Ministers. If the investigation had been taken up in your House, when would it have ended; how would it have been conducted! However, I confess, I am not one of those, who consider the Queens innocence established. To my mind there was abundance of evidence to establish her guilt. But, under all the circumstances of the case, the unconstitutional nature of the measure, the rank of the party, the bad character of many of the witnesses, the incompetency of the tribunal before which she was tried, (as far as judicial proceedings are concerned) and the extreme unpopularity of the measure, with the whole mass of the people out of doors, all these considerations rendered it altogether inexpedient to legislate upon the subject. But, what now is to be done? I should be glad to see proposed, on the part of some of the most independent Members of the House, a resolution declaratory of the sense of the House with respect to the impropriety of the Queens conduct; something of the nature hinted at by Lord Elenborough, which, whilst it expressed in strong terms how shamfully she has disgraced the rank and dignity of her station, should, at the same time, assert, that the charges were not without foundation. If you consider her innocent, of course you would not approve of such a measure; but, if you deem her guilty, though not to the extent charged, you must think, that that guilt should not be passed by unnoticed. Perhaps, it may be said, that the carrying of the Bill to the third reading affords a sufficient evidence of the opinions entertained by a majority of the House. And if it had been so carried by a large and decisive majority, that evidence would have been sufficient; but there are many, who voted against the Bill, as unconstitutional and inexpedient, who are, nevertheless, persuaded of the Queens guilt, and there are still others, who, though not persuaded of the legal proof of her guilt, have no moral doubt upon the subject. A resolution, therefore, to the effect I have mentioned, might command the support of a large majority of the House, and would, I think have a wholesome effect out of doors. Surely this woman must not remain here; mischievously disposed, as she has shewn herself, in her scandalous answers to the addresses, as a rallying point for the disaffected, and as a fruitful subject of excitement to the people.
I am in daily expectation of hearing, that Ministers have resigned; for, I think they can scarcely keep their places after the loss of character and confidence, which must attend the defeat they have sustained. But the cry is, who is to succeed them? No doubt, that is a difficult question; and I agree in an opinion expressed by Brougham, not long ago, that the Country will not be satisfied with an Administration taken exclusively from either side of the House. I confess I am anxious to see a Ministry, who will sweep away many of our Commercial restraints; who will purge and purify our criminal law; who will remove all disabilities from the Roman Catholicks; who will retrench our expences; and who will place our finances on a firm footing. These are the cardinal points to be attended to in the system of our domestic policy, and, if our statesmen do not avail themselves of the breathing time, which peace affords, to accomplish those great objects; in the name of common sense, in what condition will this Country find itself, when forced again to draw its sword from the scabbard. I have suffered this subject of politicks to occupy so large a portion of my letter, that I have not space left to reply to your remarks on my last politico economical arguments. I shall take another opportunity of touching upon them; only observing, for the present, that I am happy to find that, in point of fact, there is little or no difference between us: and that a fuller explanation of my view of the subject will, I hope, satisfy you, that I am not an advocate for the doctrine, which contends in favor of a general glut of commodities. My mind has been drawn off from these subjects for some time, and I find it requires no little consideration to bring it back to that familiarity with it, which is necessary to enter into its discussion, so I forbear for the present.
Have you seen Godwins Answer to Malthus Essay on Population? Is it worth reading?—Dont forget to let me have the article with which you are to furnish one of the Cyclopedias. Do you hear whether anybody proposes answering Malthus’ Principle of P. E.
Pray tell me whether you have reduced the wages of labor in your neighbourhood. In this they have been reduced from 12/ to 10/ a week in consequence of the fall in Corn and Provisions.
Mrs. Trower begs to join with me in kind remembrances to Mrs. Ricardo and your family, and believe me
My Dear Ricardo Yrs very truly
Hutches Trower
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