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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO THOMAS WELSH. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO THOMAS WELSH.

New York, 13 September, 1790.

My dear Dr. Welsh,—

I received your letter before my departure for Philadelphia, but had not time to answer it. It is not probable that any special agents will be employed in the business you had in contemplation. The board consists of men who will study economy in that as well as in all other affairs committed to their charge, and therefore the loan officers or collectors, or some other known character, will have this additional duty annexed to him without any other reward than the honor of it, as I suppose. I have much satisfaction in finding my son in your family. What the conjunctions and oppositions of two such political planets may produce, I know not. Politics are bred in the bones of both of you; but your good example will teach him, I hope, to take politics by way of amusement or spectacle, without ever suffering their interference with your professions. I recollect the painful years I suffered from 1758, when I was sworn at Boston, to the year 1761, too perfectly not to sympathize with John. Do not let him flatter himself with hopes of a run of business, which is neither to be expected, nor would be beneficial. His business is to study and be constant to his office, and in court. Causes and clients will come soon enough for his benefit, if he does that. “My knowledge of the law cost me seven years’ hard study in that great chair,” said John Read, who had as great a genius and became as eminent as any man. “Attend to the study of the law rather than the gain of it,” said my master Gridley to me; and I recollect the precept with sufficient pleasure to recommend it to any of my sons. I can ill afford to maintain my sons at their studies, but I had rather do that than have them overwhelmed with a run of business, at first, which must put an end to their studies. If a father’s partiality has not deceived me very much, John is as great a scholar as this country has produced at his age, and I know he possesses a spirit that will not stoop to dishonorable practice or conduct. I am therefore perfectly at ease in my mind about his success. Whether his reputation spreads this year, or two or three years hence, is indifferent to me, provided his anxiety does not injure his health. I have seen too many flashing insects in my day glitter and glare for a moment, and then disappear, to wish that my sons may add to the number.

TO JOHN TRUMBULL.

Philadelphia, 23 January, 1791.

I have been so much of an anti-economist, as to leave your letter of June the 5th unanswered to this day. “The Defence of the American Constitutions” is not, I apprehend, a “misnomer.” Had the patriots of Amsterdam repulsed the duke of Brunswick from the Harlaem gate, a history of the action might have properly been called an “account of the defence of Amsterdam,” although the city on the side of the Leyden gate and Utrecht gate had been so ill fortified as to have been indefensible, had the Prussian attack been made on either of these quarters. My three volumes are a defence of the American Constitutions on that side on which they are attacked. Mr. Turgot attacked them for aiming at three orders and a balance. I defended them in this point only. Had he attacked them for not making their orders distinct and independent enough, or for not making their balances complete, I should have been the last man in the world to have undertaken their defence. If another edition should ever be published, I would insert in the title page: “A defence, &c., against the attack of M. Turgot.” This, I apprehend, would cure all defects in point of title. But, as you observe, the feelings of mankind are so much against any rational theory, that I find my labor has all been in vain, and it is not worth while to take any more pains upon the subject. The rivalry between the State governments and the National government, is growing daily more active and ardent. Thirteen strong men, embracing thirteen pillars at once, and bowing themselves in concert, will easily pull down a frail edifice. If the superiority of the national government is not more clearly acknowledged, we shall soon be in a confusion which we shall not get out of for twenty years. There was never more occasion for firmness in all who wish in sincerity for peace, liberty, or safety.

The Secretary of the Treasury is all that you think him. There is no office in the government better filled. It is unhappy that New York has taken away one of his supports. Your sentiments of other characters, and of measures in general, appear to me to be so just that I cannot but wish that you had more to do in public affairs. But they say that you “love wit better than your friend,” and although I do not believe this, I expect from you for this piece of information, by way of revenge, a sheet or two of their sarcasms upon me. I know that although the ridiculous can never escape your observation in a friend or an enemy, yet you love the former and have no ill will against the latter. The independence of your fame and fortune, and your happiness in private life, are more to be envied than any public office or station. For myself, I find the office I hold, though laborious, so wholly insignificant, and, from the blind policy of that part of the world from whence I came, so stupidly pinched and betrayed, that I wish myself again at the bar, old as I am. My own situation is almost the only one in the world, in which firmness and patience are useless. I have derived so much pleasure from your correspondence, that, notwithstanding the long interruption of it, I hope you will not deny it in future to your friend and humble servant.