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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

SAMUEL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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SAMUEL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Boston, 4 November, 1783.

Colonel John Trumbull, the son of the worthy Governor of Connecticut, is the bearer of this letter. I give the Governor this epithet, because I think his faithful services to our country entitle him to it. Yet even he has undergone the suspicions of some, unsupported by any solid reasons that I have heard of. We live in an age of jealousy, and it is well enough. I was led to believe in early life that jealousy is a political virtue. It has long been an aphorism with me, that it is one of the greatest securities of public liberty. Let the people keep a watchful eye over the conduct of their rulers, for we are told that great men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a wonder, if in any age or country they were always honest. There are, however, some men among us, who, under the guise of watchful patriots, are finding fault with every public measure, with a design to destroy that just confidence in government, which is necessary for the support of those liberties, which we have so dearly purchased. Many of your countrymen, besides myself, feel very grateful to you, and those of our negotiators who joined you, in preventing the tory refugees from being obtruded upon us. These would certainly have increased the number of such kind of patriots as I have mentioned, and, besides, their return would have been attended with other mischievous effects. Mutual hatred and revenge would have occasioned perpetual quarrels between them and the people, and perhaps frequent bloodshed. Some of them, by art and address, might gradually recover a character, and, in time, an influence, and so become the fittest instruments in forming factions either for one foreign nation or another. We may be in danger of such factions, and should prudently expect them. One might venture to predict that they will, sooner or later, happen. We should therefore guard against the evil effects of them. I deprecate the most favored nation predominating in the councils of America, for I do not believe there is a nation on earth that wishes we should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with their ideas of their own interest. Such a disinterested spirit is not to be found in national bodies; the world would be more happy if it prevailed more in individual persons. I will say it for my countrymen, they are, or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge our obligations to France, for the part she took in our late contest. There are a few who consider the advantage derived to her by a total separation of Britain and the colonies, which so sagacious a court doubtless foresaw and probably never lost sight of. This advantage was so glaring, in the first stages of our controversy, that those who then ran the risk of exciting even an appeal to Heaven rather than a submission to British tyranny, were well persuaded that the prospect of such a separation would induce France to interpose, and do more than she has done, if necessary. America, with the assistance of her faithful ally, has secured and established her liberty and independence. God be praised! And some would think it too bold to assert that France has thereby saved the being of her great importance. But if it be true, why may we not assert it? A punctual fulfilment of engagements solemnly entered into by treaty, is the justice, the honor, and policy of nations. If we, who have contracted debts, were influenced only by motives of sound policy, we should pay them as soon as possible, and provide sure and adequate funds for the payment of interest in the mean time. When we have done this, we shall have the sense of independence impressed on our minds, no longer feeling that state of inferiority which a wise king tells us the borrower stands in to the lender.

Your negotiation with Holland, as “my old friend” observed, is all your own. The faithful historian will do justice to your merits, perhaps not till you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this thought. While you live, you will probably be the object of envy. The leading characters in this great revolution will not be fairly marked in the present age. It will be well if the leading principles are remembered long. You, I am sure, have not the vanity which Cicero betrayed, when he even urged his friend Licinius to publish the history of the detection of Catiline in his lifetime, that he might enjoy it. I am far from thinking that part of history redounds so much to the honor of the Roman consul, as the treaty of Holland does to its American negotiator.

December 4th. I intended to have committed the care of the foregoing letter to Mr. Trumbull; but when he called on me I was confined to my chamber by severe bodily indisposition, unable to attend even to the lightest business. I am still kept at home, but hope soon to be abroad. Mr. Jonathan Jackson will deliver this to you, if he meets you in London; otherwise he will convey it by some safe hand. When I shall be certain of your being appointed for London, I will write to you as often as I can. May Heaven bless you, my friend, as I am affectionately yours,

S. Adams.

ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Annapolis, 14 January, 1784.

The definitive treaty is this day ratified by Congress, and I have but a few moments, by Colonel Harmar, who is charged with the delivery thereof, to inform you that Mr. Dana is arrived and requested to attend Congress. I have suggested to some of my friends the good policy of appointing him to a seat in Congress, and to him the advantages to be at this time expected from the measure; and I flatter myself it will be adopted.

The despatches by Mr. Thaxter have been committed, and a report is made for authorizing yourself, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Jay to negotiate treaties with every power mentioned in your letter. The general principles of the treaties are stated in the report, conformable to which you are to be authorized to enter into them, without first reporting to Congress, as was proposed by the resolution of October last, passed at Princeton. Those proceedings appeared to me calculated to defeat every treaty, and confine our commerce to France and Holland; for after you had formed the projects, as they are called, and sent them to America, projects of another nature would have been contrived here to have made alterations, which would have in effect rendered null your proceedings. I hope the report will pass as it now stands, and that you will be expeditious in the business.

I observe by your letters that, according to your orders, you have reported your conferences to the secretary of foreign affairs. Your information is useful, exceedingly so; but as the other commissioners have not adopted the same mode, I suspect they have not received similar instructions, and that the original plan on this side was to discover to the other your communications, to prevent or destroy the confidence you have there established, and to make this appear as an unfortunate accident, which nevertheless ought to be attended with your recall. Be this as it may, I think the interest of yourself and Mr. Jay is, at this time, well supported in Congress. I have not time to revise, much less to correct, and therefore must bid you adieu, after requesting my best respects to Mr. Jay, his lady, and Mr. Carmichael, if in Paris. Your family was in health by the last letters from home; but Dr. Cooper was given over by his physicians. Be assured, my dear Sir, I am on every occasion yours sincerely,

E. Gerry.

I shall propose to Congress a resolution for approving, in proper and honorable terms, the negotiations of their plenipoes who negotiated the peace, but cannot say whether the measure will be successful.