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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 29 September, 1779.

My dear Mr. Adams,—

It is with the greatest pleasure that I inform you of the late arrangement of our foreign affairs, in which you are appointed to negotiate the treaties with Great Britain, and our friend, Mr. Dana, to be your secretary. Mr. Jay is to negotiate with Spain, Mr. Carmichael to be his secretary, and Colonel John Laurens, son of the late President Laurens, to be secretary to Dr. Franklin.

I shall not be able at this time to give you a history of the proceedings of Congress relative to their foreign affairs. The embarrassments, difficulties, and delays attending this business, in consequence of the disputes between the late commissioners, have exceeded every thing of the kind which I have before met with. So far have some of their friends in Congress been influenced by attachments and prejudice, as to render it impossible to preserve their friendship and confidence, and, at the same time, to act with becoming freedom and independence.

I flatter myself that you will not hesitate a moment at accepting the highest office of honor and trust under the United States, when elected thereto by the voice of eleven States. Indeed, it may be called unanimous, as there was only a single vote for Dr. Franklin, who was not in nomination, and it is said to have been put in by Delaware, at that time represented by your old friend, Mr. D.1 Great exertions were made to send you to Spain, and Mr. Jay on the other embassy; but the opposition of your friends produced from the gentlemen in favor of Mr. Jay, a proposal of accommodation, in consequence whereof he was appointed by eight States. The appointment of Mr. Dana is, in my humble opinion, of the next importance; and should he accept it, he may stand candidate for the next vacancy in Europe.

It is almost time to acknowledge the receipt of your esteemed favor of the 27th November, 1778, and of the 10th and 11th instant. The first is of so early a date, as not to require an answer, and a prudent use shall be made of the last. Agreeably to your request in the other, I transmit by the bearer the journals of Congress to the present time, as far as they are printed. Those for 1778 are now in the press. With respect to the circumstances of your first appointment, it was in consequence of a nomination, which I intended to make after having endeavored to discover your sentiments on the subject. I remember you were more reserved than I thought you ought to have been; and two of your colleagues then in Yorktown, to whom I proposed the matter, objected to it as not being agreeable to you. When the nomination was made, if I rightly remember, the one that remained in Congress after you left it, expressed his doubts on the occasion;2 but being determined to try the experiment, I informed the House that I had communicated to you my design of nomination, and that, although you were very silent on the affair, I was fully persuaded you would not decline the duty. This fixed the matter in the minds of your friends. Mr. R. Livingston was nominated by New York, and by recurring to the printed journals you will find the voters in your favor distinguished by dots, vol. iii. p. 547.3

It is some time since this transaction happened, and I may be mistaken in some points, but I further recollect that in conferring with you, I mentioned my former intention of nominating you in the fall of the year 1776, and that Mr. R. H. Lee told me you had informed him that you would not accept the appointment, if made, which last circumstance not being remembered by you, was an additional argument in my mind for pushing your election at Yorktown.

I conceived myself bound by every principle of honor, integrity, and policy, to “vote you clear of suspicions, &c., dishonorable to the State.” When the question was proposed for inserting your name in that resolution, I opposed it as unjust, and the inclosed copy of the futile charge against you, and evidence to support it, will, I think, warrant my conduct. If unjust, then surely it was impolitic, as your future usefulness would have been destroyed, for a time at least. I conceived it so, and was therefore bound in honor not to sport with your character. I mean not, however, to throw reflection on the conduct of gentlemen of a different opinion.1 They probably had a different view of the subject, and may be highly commendable for a measure which it would have been criminal in me to have adopted.

While I am on this subject, give me leave to observe that your letter to Congress, desiring a copy of the charges against you, was yesterday read, on which I moved the House to comply with your request; but it was objected to from several quarters, as an improper measure, since the House had almost unanimously, by your late appointment, rejected the charge, and had in the first instance cleared you of the animosities subsisting among the other commissioners. It was also said, that the admission of weight in the charge was dishonorable to the House, which, in that case, would have been in duty bound to postpone your appointment until you were acquitted of the charge. The objections were agreeable to my mind, and I withdrew the motion, at the same time informing the House that I should furnish you with the papers requested.

Upon the whole, I am of opinion, that, in the esteem of Congress, your character is as high as any gentleman’s in America; that as much is obtained in the arrangement and determinations of our foreign affairs as could be expected; that if matters had been driven further, we should have been more deeply involved in animosities and dissensions, and have put a total stop to our foreign negotiations; that in consequence thereof we must, on the return of Monsieur Gerard, have sunk in the esteem of our ally, of the Court of Spain, and of all Europe; that Dr. Franklin ought to be recalled; that, however some late measures may not be equal to our wishes, it becomes our indispensable duty to support them with vigor, and to listen no more to insinuations without evidence to support them; that an able, upright, firm friend to America is greatly injured in Dr. Lee, as well by the impolicy of some of his friends,* as by the undeserved reproach of his enemies; but that, his usefulness being destroyed, had it been practicable to have continued him in office, he could not have served with satisfaction to himself or advantage to the public. I have been well informed, that hints have been thrown out here, relative to my votes for recalling Dr. Lee, which I do not relish. I have, however, suppressed my feelings, because it is extremely injurious to the public interest to have their servants involved in disputes with each other. I shall return prepared to justify my conduct in every point, and should any attempts be made to misrepresent it, I shall be under the necessity of showing that it has been ever directed in Congress by disinterested public motives; that it has been always free from views of extending my personal interest or influence, or of supporting private attachments; and I think I can answer for the policy of the measures which I have adopted.

Perhaps you may think this deviating from delicacy; but, conscious of the rectitude of my intentions, I cannot bear the breath of reflection. I voted for the recall of all the commissioners included in the resolution of the 20th of April last, as an indispensable obligation arising from the resolution itself, and also, as a preliminary measure for fully inquiring into the conduct of those gentlemen, that the character of each may be fairly known and represented to the public. The States divided on Dr. Lee, and he was continued in office, contrary, in my opinion, to every principle of government, where a majority is to rule. This happened by the mode in which the question was put, “shall he be recalled,” instead of “shall he be continued.” In the latter case, a division would have lost the question, and he would have been recalled, which the States, who were against him, being apprised of, conceived the matter, as it stood, both unreasonable and unfair. After Congress had finished their instructions relative to negotiations, a question arose, who should execute them. Reference being then made to a resolution of the 15th of April last, “that ministers plenipotentiary for these States are only necessary for the present, at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid,” a motion was made, that “a minister plenipotentiary, in lieu of a commissioner, be appointed to negotiate a treaty of alliance, and unity, and commerce, between the United States of America and his Catholic Majesty,” and the question was carried as follows: six ayes, one no, and four divided. Massachusetts was amongst the latter; Mr. Holten and myself, ayes; Mr. Lovell and Mr. Partridge, no. I thought it necessary to agree to this proposition, as it was consonant to the resolution of the 15th of April; as it would give the States a fair opportunity of electing their ministers, and thereby of correcting the error mentioned; as a decision of the question in the negative would have postponed a negotiation with Spain, and for some reasons before mentioned, and others with which I shall not trouble you. To convince you of the necessity of this last measure, I need only inform you, that, before the resolution was proposed, Congress endeavored to appoint a minister to negotiate the peace, and failed in the attempt, there being six States for yourself, five for Mr. Jay, and one divided. Those who were for Mr. Jay then declared they would never alter their votes, unless they had a fair opportunity of electing a minister for Spain, and accommodating matters to the sense of a majority of the States, which was prevented by the failure of a vote of the States when divided.

One word with respect to your instructions. Pray give me your opinion on the boundaries of the Massachusetts Bay, and if any thing is amiss, Mr. Samuel Adams, if he thinks it expedient, may inform the State thereof, that they may give directions for having it rectified in Congress.

Cannot you attend to the settlement of the Vermont affair on the 1st of February next, agreeably to certain resolutions sent to Massachusetts, which, by her delegates, has claimed a right to the jurisdiction of those lands?

I should not have troubled you with such a volume of small politics, did I not conceive it impracticable to weary the patience of a great politician. My best respects to Portia; her irony is, by sovereign power, turned into fact. I wish that our friend, General Warren, may peruse this letter, and no other person at present, as it may otherwise be the cause of my commencing disputes which I wish to avoid. Brother Dana may correct my information relative to your first election. Adieu, my dear friend, with assurance of sincerity in your very humble servant,

E. Gerry.

Is not caution necessary in sending letters or papers, which on certain occasions ought not to be communicated? It sometimes happens that one friend is nearly sacrificed to support another. I was on a committee which reported three thousand pounds sterling per year for each of the ministers, and one thousand pounds sterling per annum for each of their secretaries, the salary to begin and end as prescribed by a former resolution, relative to the commissioners; but I expect a reduction of the first sum will be made by some of our patriots. I am in favor of £2500 for the first, and of half that sum for the secretaries.

[1 ]Dickinson.

[2 ]James Lovell.

[3 ]Mr. Folsom, representing New Hampshire; Messrs. Gerry, Lovell, and Dana, for Massachusetts; Mr. Ellery, for Rhode Island; Messrs. Dyer, Law, and Williams, for Connecticut; Messrs. Morris, Roberdeau, and Clingan, for Pennsylvania; Messrs. R. H. and F. L. Lee and Harvie, three of four from Virginia. Mr. Laurens’s name is marked, but at the foot of the page is the following:

“N. B. South Carolina did not vote on the above occasion, but was represented by Mr. Laurens.”

Mr. Duane and Mr. Duer, representing New York; Messrs. Smith and Rumsey, for Maryland; Messrs. Penn and Harnett, for North Carolina; Mr. Jones, of Virginia, and Mr. Langworthy, of Georgia, appear to have voted in the minority.

[1 ]S. Adams and James Lovell voted in favor of the motion, for reasons heretofore explained. See page 482 of this volume, and the note.

[* ]I am informed, and I think from the best authority, that a resignation of Mr. Lee’s, conceived in terms that would do honor to any man on earth, has been in the hands of a friend of his in Congress, and suppressed two months, by which means he has been prevented from avoiding a supersedure. Note by Mr. Gerry.