Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO JOSEPH HAWLEY. - The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811)

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JOSEPH HAWLEY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO JOSEPH HAWLEY.

Philadelphia, 25 August, 1776.

It is so long since I had the pleasure of writing to you, or the honor of receiving a letter from you, that I have forgotten on which side the balance of the account lies, at least which wrote the last letter. But ceremonies of this kind ought not to interrupt a free communication of sentiments in times so critical and important as these.

We have been apt to flatter ourselves with gay prospects of happiness to the people, prosperity to the State, and glory to our arms, from those free kinds of governments which are to be created in America. And it is very true that no people ever had a finer opportunity to settle things upon the best foundations. But yet I fear that human nature will be found to be the same in America as it has been in Europe, and that the true principles of liberty will not be sufficiently attended to.

Knowledge is among the most essential foundations of liberty. But is there not a jealousy or an envy taking place among the multitude, of men of learning, and a wish to exclude them from the public councils and from military command? I could mention many phenomena in various parts of these States which indicate such a growing disposition. To what cause shall I attribute the surprising conduct of the Massachusetts Bay? How has it happened that such an illiterate group of general and field-officers have been thrust into public view by that commonwealth, which, as it has an indisputable superiority of power to every other in America, as well as of experience and skill in war, ought to have set an example to her sisters, by sending into the field her best men, men of the most genius, learning, reflection, and address? Instead of this, every man you send into the army, as a General or a Colonel, exhibits a character which nobody ever heard of before, as an awkward, illiterate, illbred man. Who is General Fellows? And who is General Brickett? Who is Colonel Holman, Cary, Smith? This conduct is sinking the character of the province into the lowest contempt, and is injuring the service beyond description. Able officers are the soul of an army. Good officers will make good soldiers, if you give them human nature as a material to work upon. But ignorant, unambitious, unfeeling, unprincipled officers will make bad soldiers of the best men in the world.

I am ashamed and grieved to my inmost soul for the disgrace brought upon the Massachusetts in not having half its proportions of general officers. But there is not a single man among all our Colonels that I dare to recommend for a general officer, except Knox and Porter, and these are so low down in the list, that it is dangerous promoting them over the heads of so many. If this is the effect of popular elections, it is but a poor panegyric upon such elections. I fear we shall find that popular elections are not oftener determined upon pure principles of merit, virtue, and public spirit than the nominations of a Court, if we do not take care. I fear there is an infinity of corruption in our elections already crept in. All kinds of favor, intrigue, and partiality in elections are as real corruption, in my mind, as threats and bribes. A popular government is the worst curse to which human nature can be devoted, when it is thoroughly corrupted. Despotism is better. A sober, conscientious habit of electing for the public good alone must be introduced, and every appearance of interest, favor, and partiality reprobated, or you will very soon make wise and honest men wish for monarchy again; nay, you will make them introduce it into America.

There is another particular in which it is manifest that the principles of liberty have not sufficient weight in men’s minds, or are not well understood.

Equality of representation in the legislature is a first principle of liberty, and the moment the least departure from such equality takes place, that moment an inroad is made upon liberty. Yet, this essential principle is disregarded in many places in several of these republics. Every county is to have an equal voice, although some counties are six times more numerous and twelve times more wealthy. The same iniquity will be established in Congress. Rhode Island will have an equal weight with the Massachusetts, the Delaware government with Pennsylvania, and Georgia with Virginia. Thus we are sowing the seeds of ignorance, corruption, and injustice in the fairest field of liberty that ever appeared upon earth, even in the first attempts to cultivate it. You and I have very little to hope or expect for ourselves. But it is a poor consolation, under the cares of a whole life spent in the vindication of the principles of liberty, to see them violated in the first formation of governments, erected by the people themselves on their own authority, without the poisonous interposition of kings or priests.