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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SAMUEL CHASE. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SAMUEL CHASE.

Mr. Bedford put into my hand this moment a card from you, containing a reprehension for the past, and a requisition for the time to come.1 For the past, I kiss the rod; but from complying with the requisition, at least one part of it, I must be excused. I have no objection to writing you facts, but I would not meddle with characters for the world. A burnt child dreads the fire. I have smarted too severely for a few crude expressions written in a pet to a bosom friend, to venture on such boldnesses again. Besides, if I were to tell you all that I think of all characters, I should appear so ill natured and censorious that I should detest myself. By my soul, I think very heinously, I cannot think of a better word, of some people. They think as badly of me, I suppose; and neither of us care a farthing for that. So the account is balanced, and perhaps, after all, both sides may be deceived, both may be very honest men.

But of all the animals on earth that ever fell in my way, your trimmers, your double-tongued and double-minded men, your disguised folk, I detest most. The devil, I think, has a better title to these, by half, than he has to those who err openly, and are barefaced villains.

Mr. Adams ever was and ever will be glad to see Mr. Chase; but Mr. Chase never was nor will be more welcome than if he should come next Monday or Tuesday fortnight, with the voice of Maryland in favor of independence and a foreign alliance. I have never had the honor of knowing many people from Maryland, but by what I have learnt of them and seen of their delegates, they are an open, sincere, and united people. A little obstinate, to be sure, but that is very pardonable, when accompanied with frankness. From all which I conclude that when they shall be convinced of the necessity of those measures, they will all be convinced at once, and afterwards be as active and forward as any, perhaps more so than most.

I have one bone to pick with your colony; I suspect they levelled one of their instructions at my head. This is a distinction of which you may suppose I am not very ambitious. One of your colleagues moved a resolution that no member of Congress should hold any office under any of the new governments, and produced an instruction to make him feel strong.1 I seconded the motion, with a trifling amendment, that the resolution should be, that no member of Congress should hold any office, civil or military, in the army or in the militia, under any government, old or new. This struck through the assembly like an electric shock, for every member was a governor, or general, or judge, or some mighty thing or other in the militia, or under the old government or some new one. This was so important a matter that it required consideration, and I have never heard another word about it.

The truth, as far as it respects myself, is this. The government of the Massachusetts, without my solicitation and much against my inclination, were pleased some time last summer to nominate me to an office. It was at a time when offices under new governments were not in much demand, being considered rather precarious. I did not refuse this office, although, by accepting it, I must resign another office, which I held under the old government, three times as profitable, because I was well informed, that, if I had refused it, no other man would have accepted it, and this would have greatly weakened, perhaps ruined the new constitution. This is the truth of fact. So that one of the most disinterested and intrepid actions of my whole life has been represented to the people of Maryland to my disadvantage. I told the gentlemen that I should be much obliged, if they would find me a man who would accept of my office, or by passing the resolution furnish me with a justification for refusing it. In either case, I would subscribe my renunciation of that office before I left that room. Nay, I would go further, I would vote with them that every member of this Congress should take an oath that he never would accept of any office during life, or procure any office for his father, his son, his brother, or his cousin. So much for egotism!

McKean has returned from the lower counties with full powers. Their instructions are in the same words with the new ones to the delegates of Pennsylvania. New Jersey has dethroned Franklin,1 and in a letter, which is just come to my hand from indisputable authority, I am told that the delegates from that colony “will vote plump!”2 Maryland now stands alone. I presume she will soon join company; if not, she must be left alone.

[1 ]As this note is brief, it is given entire:

“Mr. Chase will excuse the late neglect and inattention of Mr. John Adams to him, upon the express condition that in future he constantly communicate to Mr. Chase every matter relating to persons or things. Mr. Chase flatters himself with seeing Mr. Adams on Monday or Tuesday fortnight with the voice of Maryland in favor of independence and a foreign alliance, which are, in Mr. Chase’s opinion, the only and best measures to preserve the liberties of America. Direct to Annapolis.”

[1 ]See vol. iii. page 26, for the instruction, and further comments upon it. The paper is printed in full in Force’s American Archives, 4th series, vol. iv. c. 739.

[1 ]W. T. Franklin.

[2 ]See the letter of J. D. Sergeant in volume iii. p. 55, note. As it is dated at Burlington the 15th, the probability is that this letter was not finished until the 16th.