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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

SAMUEL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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SAMUEL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Although I have at present but little leisure, I cannot omit writing you a few lines by this express. I have seen certain instructions which were given by the capital of the colony of New Hampshire to its delegates in their provincial congregation, the spirit of which I am not altogether pleased with. There is one part of them, at least, which I think discovers a timidity which is unbecoming a people oppressed and insulted as they are, and who, at their own request, have been advised and authorized by Congress to set up and exercise government in such form as they should judge most conducive to their own happiness. It is easy to understand what they mean, when they speak of “perfecting a form of government stable and permanent.” They indeed explain themselves, by saying that “they should prefer the government of Congress (their provincial convention) till quieter times.” The reason they assign for it, I fear, will be considered as showing a readiness to condescend to the humors of their enemies; and their publicly, expressly, and totally disavowing independence, either on the nation, or the man who insolently and perseveringly demands the surrender of their liberties, with the bayonet pointed at their breasts, may be considered to argue a servility and baseness of soul, for which language doth not afford an epithet. It is by indiscreet resolutions and publications, that the friends of America have too often given occasion to their enemies to injure her cause. I hope, however, that the town of Portsmouth doth not, in this instance, speak the sense of that colony. I wish, if it be not too late, that you would write your sentiments of the subject to our worthy friend, Mr. L—,1 who, I suppose, is now in Portsmouth. If that colony should take a wrong step, I fear it would wholly defeat a design, which, I confess, I have much at heart.2

A motion was made in Congress the other day, to the following purpose; “That, whereas we had been charged with aiming at independency, a committee should be appointed to explain to the people at large, the principles and grounds of our opposition,” &c. The motion alarmed me. I thought Congress had already been explicit enough, and was apprehensive that we might get ourselves upon dangerous ground. Some of us prevailed so far as to have the matter postponed, but could not prevent the assigning a day to consider it. I may perhaps have been wrong in opposing this motion; and I ought the rather to suspect it, because the majority of your colony, as well as of the Congress, were of a different opinion.

I had lately some free conversation with an eminent gentleman, whom you well know, and whom your Portia in one of her letters admired, if I recollect right, for his expressive silence, about a confederation; a matter which our much valued friend Colonel W—, is very solicitous to have completed.1 We agreed that it must soon be brought on, and that if all the colonies could not come into it, it had better be done by those of them that inclined to it. I told him that I would endeavor to unite the New England colonies in confederating, if none of the rest would join in it. He approved of it, and said, if I succeeded, he would cast in his lot among us. Adieu.

As this express did not set off yesterday, according to my expectation, I have the opportunity of acquainting you, that Congress has just received a letter from General Washington, inclosing the copy of an application of our general assembly to him, to order payment to four companies stationed at Braintree, Weymouth, and Hingham. The General says they were never regimented, and he cannot comply with the request of the assembly, without the direction of Congress. A committee is appointed to consider the letter, of which I am one. I fear there will be a difficulty, and therefore I shall endeavor to prevent a report on this part of the letter, unless I shall see a prospect of justice being done to the colony, till I can receive from you authentic evidence of those companies having been actually employed by the continental officers, as I conceive they have been, in the service of the continent. I wish you would inform me whether the two companies stationed at Chelsea and Malden were paid out of the continent’s chest. I suppose they were, and if so, I cannot see reason for any hesitation about the payment of these. I wish also to know how many men our colony is at the expense of maintaining for the defence of its sea-coasts. Pray let me have some intelligence from you of the colony which we represent. You are sensible of the danger it has frequently been in of suffering greatly for want of regular information.

[1 ]Langdon. The instructions alluded to are printed in Force’s American Archives, 4th series, vol. iv. c. 459.

[2 ]See Gordon’s History of the American War, vol. ii. pp. 168-171. The author, from the coincidence in the language, must have had access to this letter.

[1 ]The first allusion is to Dr. Franklin; the second, probably, to George Wythe, as Gordon says the person was from Virginia.