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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO THE INHABITANTS OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 9 (Letters and State Papers 1799-1811) [1854]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 9.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO THE INHABITANTS OF PROVIDENCE, R. I.

30 April, 1798.

Gentlemen,

The respectful address from the inhabitants of Providence, who have been my friends and neighbors from my youth, was by no means necessary to convince me of their affectionate attachment.

Imagination can scarcely conceive a stronger contrast than has lately been disclosed between the views of France and those of the United States. I will not distinguish between the views of the government and those of the nations; if in France they are different, the nation, whose right it is, will soon show they are so; if in America they are the same, this fact also will be shown by the nation in a short time in a strong light. I cannot, however, see in this contrast a sufficient cause of disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that republic. Hostilities have already come thick upon us by surprise from that quarter. If others are coming, we shall be better prepared to meet and repel them.

When we were the first to acknowledge the legitimate origin of the French republic, we discovered at least as much zeal, sincerity, and honesty of heart, as we did of knowledge of the subject, or foresight of its consequences. The ill success of those proofs which the United States have given of their sincere desire to preserve an impartial neutrality, and of their repeated negotiations for redress of wrongs, have demonstrated that other means must be resorted to in order to obtain it.

I agree entirely with you in acquitting in general those of our citizens who have too much attached themselves to European politics, of any treacherous defection from the cause of their country. The French revolution was a spectacle so novel, and the cause was so complicated, that I have ever acknowledged myself incompetent to judge of it, as it concerned the happiness of France, or operated on that of mankind. My countrymen in general were, I believe, as ill qualified as myself to decide; the French nation alone had the right and the capacity, and to them it should have been resigned. We should have suspended our judgments, and been as neutral and impartial between the parties in France as between the nations of Europe.

The honor of our nation is now universally seen to be at stake, and its independence in question, and all America appears to declare, with one heart and one voice, a manly determination to vindicate both.

The legislature, by the late publication of instructions and despatches, have appealed to the world; and if the iron hand of power has not locked up the presses of Europe in such a manner that the facts cannot be communicated to mankind, the impartial sense and the voice of human nature must be in our favor. If perseverance in injustice should necessitate the last appeal, whatever causes we may have to humble ourselves before the supreme tribunal, we have none for any other sentiment than the pride of virtue and honest indignation against the late conduct of France towards us.

I thank you, gentlemen, for your personal civilities to me, and return your kind wishes for my happiness.

Your noble declaration of your readiness, with your lives and fortunes, to support the dignity and independence of the United States, will receive the applause of your country, and of all who have the sentiments and feelings of men.

John Adams.