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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

No. II.: WILLIAM VANS MURRAY TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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No. II.

WILLIAM VANS MURRAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

The Hague, 17 July, 1798.

Dear Sir,—

In a late despatch in June to the Secretary of State, I mentioned Mr. Pichon, late Secretary to Genet and Fauchet, last a Secretary in the bureau of foreign affairs, on the American side of the office, at Paris, and now French Secretary of legation here. I promised this gentleman in the third interview, about three weeks since (for I wished to make him talk freely, knowing that his opinions have helped to mislead the French government), that his name should not be mentioned in any way that might be known to the world, at his own request. Since that I have not seen him till to-day. I this morning received a note from him, informing me that he had some intelligence to communicate exceedingly interesting to both of us, and wished an hour to be named. I gave him the time. Before the hour (one), the Chargé des Affaires, Champigny, drove up, and was with me, loosely talking about Rastadt, and the war which is now again bursting forth between France and Germany. After his departure, the visit as to time being perfectly out of course, Mr. Pichon came.

For a fortnight before I had expected that they would probably attempt to use me as a vehicle of overtures to be made to the government, for the purpose of distracting and dividing, and of reviving that hope which has so much been our disease. I am not much out in my expectations. Mr. Pichon, after some time, detailed to me the substance of the inclosed paper as intelligence respecting Mr. Gerry, lamenting the unhappy quarrel, &c., &c., and endeavoring to predispose me to Mr. Talleyrand, assuring me that he was solicitous for accommodation. The conversation was long, and made up, on my part, of the gross insults which we had too long borne, and the injustice which we had suffered, and of the spirit which now animates the councils and the nation of America, and the current of opinions that bore down every art and obstacle; on his part, of conceding to much I said, of lamenting the rest, of praises of the instructions, for their profound wisdom, and conciliatory and magnanimous tone. In fine, I considered this interview as probably bringing into motion part of their plan respecting my humble self. In about two hours, he told me that he had, as he before informed me, translated the instructions which I lent to him, sent them to Mr. Talleyrand with remarks, and had this morning received Mr. Talleyrand’s answer, which, if I pleased, he would read. It was, he said, a copy. I perceived it was in Mr. Pichon’s own hand, which I know. After his reading of it, and tracing with much concern the point in which all negotiation must stop, he put it into my hands. I asked him if I might keep it, because I could not read French as fluently as he repeated it. He assented. This was probably also what he wished. I told him that we were now armed and arming; that the bills for the sortie of our cruisers and for suspension of intercourse, which I had newspaper copies of in my pocket, and which I lent to him, had passed without debate or opposition, so mature was the public mind on these points; that I regretted Mr. Gerry’s stay at Paris, because, I added, that this might divide the public mind as to the chance of honorable accommodation, and, of course, might delay those vigorous measures which became our government after such moderation, lest their patience might be misconstrued, as the internal parties of America had been; that we were so very far off, it was now impossible for us to be kept in a wavering state, and that, from the decided tone of the government, supported throughout by the nation, it would be no very easy matter; that the conduct of government and the people, notwithstanding Mr. Gerry’s stay, was a proof that nothing now but acts of justice could restore harmony; that as to the mode, I was no judge; that my government could alone judge.

I carefully avoided dropping a word that, in the most distant manner, held up an idea of communicating this paper, or of treating it in any way but as an affair of mere conversation and for my private perusal. Nothing was said to prevent my communicating it. He repeated his wishes, that whatever had passed might not reach the public. I assured him it should not; that I remembered my promise to him; that with him I lamented the state into which the two nations appeared approaching, but saw no way out of it at present; that you had done all that became the dignity and independence which you watched over; that I personally had the honor of knowing the perfect sincerity of your heart upon the endeavor to adjust, but that I was no judge of the mode to be pursued, and that I hoped we should still be armed and prepared, and protect our commerce by defensive measures. He said we were right in placing every thing in a state of defence, and of protecting our commerce, and of preventing their or any privateers from molesting our waters and limits. But his regret was that, just as things began to take a turn, such as he knew Mr. Talleyrand wished, there should be nobody at Paris to treat. I again recurred to the patience of the envoys, and the impropriety (so I thought it) of Mr. Gerry’s stay. He recurred then to the powers, “joint and several,” and said that our government broke off the negotiation, though a man appointed by it, Mr. Gerry, was competent to treat, and on the spot, before it knew the result. I then called his recollection to Mr. Talleyrand’s note in March, which begins by criminating the American government, charging insincerity, and absolutely dismissing the majority of the envoys, though all there, when once in Paris, were alone one commission; and that “joint and several” meant to guard against contingencies of death in any one or more in so distant a scene and voyage.

As I saw his drift was to lead me into such opinions as might induce me to write to government, that a new expectation might be excited, the motive of which, I do not hesitate to declare, I believe to be merely to divide and bewilder, and to relax our energy, and as I wished to show him that I had no hopes myself of adjustment,—on his lamenting the present crisis, and wishing that it could yet be averted, I observed to him that while I regretted that this crisis was imposed upon us in defence of our honor, independence, and commercial interests, I saw no means, in the present state of things, by which this could be accomplished; that his government ought to have reflected, last March, upon one thing in particular, which would always, if not attended to, render after-thought embarrassing, if not useless, in any nation in Europe that had a delicate negotiation with America. It was the distance of America (U. S.) from France. That when a negotiation so situated had been, after mature efforts on our part, broken off, and the ministers gone, it was not possible to intimate any fresh ideas to the American government, as they could to any government in Europe, by couriers in ten days, and hence a radical breach of negotiation with America must, from the policy of America arising from that distance, always produce those decisive measures there, which had from self-preservation been lately adopted; that the moment it was announced by you, Sir, that all hopes had ceased, the government and nation rose up to a point infinitely beyond the lethargy of hope, and took ground that changed the subject-matter for negotiation; that the United States had not declared war that I knew of, but that she had taken her ground, &c., &c. He talked about parties; that France could not hurt us, but that our parties might. I told him that that was the error which could not be explained, if facts, acts, and laws, had not already explained it.

Permit me now, Sir, shortly to state what I believe to be the real object of this whole interview. France, alarmed at our attitude, war bursting out again, wishing to amuse America with a new chime of bells, has fixed on this Secretary, because he knew me in Philadelphia, as the instrument to try the pulse, and me as the vehicle of her wretched policy. Nothing has ever come from me to lead her to suppose that I am her man—that much, at least, I may permit myself to boast to you, Sir—but still she thinks that on that account she could get me into an informal negotiation, and impose upon me so far as to credit these airs of tenderness, and induce me by these means to hazard a few hopes in favor of amicable adjustment, that two opinions might yet rise in the United States; and that, at all events, some ground would be prepared for the impressions which she trusts Mr. Gerry may make on his return, if nothing more. Mr. Gerry acts wisely in resisting entering into negotiation, or affecting to assume the power; yet they and the French Americans at Paris will try every art to impress the public mind in America that every thing could be done by any man with powers; that Mr. Talleyrand has at last brought the Directory into a temper to treat, &c., &c.

I could not refuse a member of our corps an interview he asked for in a note; and, indeed, I was curious to see the advances of proud and conscious debility. As I was determined that I would not write at all upon the subject to government, nor to any one but to you, Sir, entirely for yourself, and he will never know that I have written, I would not give this visit any importance in Mr. Pichon’s eyes by any hesitation, and I thought I might get something; what, I did not know, nor expect precisely. I have not dared, at such a time, Sir, to step between your measures and their object, nor need you fear that I shall. If this affair takes a more formal attempt, I shall listen but to get what I can, and then declare myself incompetent, and that, having no power, and not having any security, I shall not dare to meddle nor to write to government upon the subject; that they are competent to acts of justice and sincerity without negotiation. I am well aware of the consequence of my doing any thing like listening to formal proposals without this declaration on my part, because it would lead them, perhaps, to write to America that great hopes were entertained of an amicable adjustment, and mention the overtures to which I should have listened.

The use, Sir, it has struck me, in this interview, is in this fact (if it be true that the copy is really from Mr. Talleyrand), that the sending of Mr. Pichon here is a measure of solicitude, for he is a useful and active Secretary on American affairs at Paris; and, above all, this interview and the letter of Mr. Talleyrand, and Mr. Pichon giving it to me, prove that they are deeply alarmed, that energetic measures have stunned them, and that the steady and dignified pursuit of them will attain their great end. From letters which I receive to-day from Paris, of the 11th, and from three other letters to two others, which I have heard read to-day, of the 12th, stating in fact the substance of the inclosed, and Mr. Talleyrand’s advances, I have no doubt that they will exert themselves to show how amicable they are, how hasty we are; but I thank God, Sir, that nature has worked to her proper issues in America, and that these tricks will be straws against a storm.

It is my misfortune, Sir, to trouble you with long letters, and in a toilsome character. One thing more, Sir, and I cease to lengthen this. Believe me to be deeply impressed, first, with a sense of duty that shows me I have no right to meddle on this subject, and, secondly, that in sending the inclosed with my remarks, solely, Sir, to you, and to no other man in the world, I hazard no false inferences from what I do, no dangerous effects from the transmission, and that I do it to prove, should it be necessary, to you, that this mode of proceeding is among the arts which they will doubtless practice in various shapes, and that you ought to know the fact; as it will console you to have proof that, though they have no sincerity that can be depended on one moment, they are in some degree humbled. You will perceive, Sir, that I do not mention this even to the Secretary of State; for, in his office, some men go occasionally to read despatches, who might, from good or bad motives, use this paper to foolish or wicked ends.

General Joubert, who commands the French army here, was last night ordered to depart for Mayence. Hatry comes here, as the French expect to begin active and offensive operations against Germany. The negotiation at Seltz between Ex-Director Neufchateau and Count Cobenzel ended in heat; they separated hostilely even. The Congress at Rastadt, it is understood, must be by this time broken up, and the campaign is expected. While Germany has been dozing at Rastadt, the French have accomplished what a brilliant campaign could hardly have effected; for the papacy has been overturned, Switzerland possessed, the kingdom of Sardinia put into their hands, and Malta taken. Bonaparte, it is believed, must be on his route to Leghorn, if Nelson does not secure him. On the other hand, Switzerland is unquiet, and will seize any moment favorable to resist; this country is wretched, and would, I believe, resist, if Great Britain would remove her fears. Her fears, however, are excited now by a suspicion that France may either throw her into departments, or partition her with Prussia, who, as far as I can learn, is not yet a party to the coalition.

The name which I lately had the honor to communicate in another long letter, on a separate piece of paper, was not put into any public despatch, because of my fears that it might somehow leak out, and would be rapidly borne here to the death of the person and of others. I beg you to excuse the laborious length of this letter, and of that, and to believe me to be, with the most perfect respect and attachment, &c.

W. V. Murray.