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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Quincy, 17 April, 1799.

Sir,—

I received yesterday your favor of the 8th with Mr. King’s letters of the 10th and 16th of January, with the inclosure in the former.

These papers I have read with more than common interest and anxiety; and, however sanguine I may be in my disposition, or prone to determine my judgment on the first view of a subject, in this case I must own myself puzzled and in doubt. The whole affair leads to the independence of the West India Islands; and although I may be mistaken, it appears to me that independence is the worst and most dangerous condition they can be in, for the United States. They would be less dangerous under the government of England, France, Spain, or Holland all together, and least of all under the same powers in parcels or divisions, as they are now. This opinion, however, is liable to so much uncertainty, that no great dependence can be placed upon it.1

Upon the projects proposed by the British ministry, a great number of questions arise.2 Will not the projected, partial, limited, and restrained independence of St. Domingo, excite alarms and jealousies in Spain and Holland, such as will attach them and subject them entirely to France; and in Denmark and Sweden, so as to make them more timid, if not more complaisant to France? Will it not involve us in a more inveterate and durable hostility with France, Spain, and Holland, and subject us more to the policy of Britain than will be consistent with our interest or honor? These questions may all be useless, because the independence of St. Domingo, and consequently of all the other islands in the West Indies, and of the Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese possessions on the continent, may be brought about without our interference, and indeed in opposition to all we can do to prevent it.

The project of a joint company is certainly liable to all the objections which occurred to Mr. King, and although the English government would meet with no difficulty, we should certainly find it very difficult to manage.

My own ideas are these. 1st. That it would be most prudent for us to have nothing to do in the business. 2d. That if we should meddle, we had better leave the independence of the island complete and total, in commerce as well as legislation, to the people who assert it, the inhabitants of the island. 3d. That if this is not the sense of the English, we had better leave the whole management of the affair to them. 4th. That if they think fit, they may stipulate that we shall have a right to accede to the treaty they make, when we can, within a certain period of one, two, or three years. 5th. That we should accede to it, provided the Senate advise and consent, as soon as it shall be determined that no negotiation with France is likely to take place with effect. 6th. That we remain faithful to our promise, to open our commerce with the island as soon as privateering shall cease. 7th. Although these are my prevailing opinions and inclinations, I am by no means fixed in them or bigoted to them. 8th. I wish you to consult the heads of department upon all these points, and if any other principles are more agreeable to them and you, I shall be disposed to concur in any rational expedient, which can be reconciled to justice and sound policy, which may be concerted with Mr. Liston.1

[1 ]Mr. King’s letters give an interesting account of his conferences, first with Lord Grenville, and afterwards with the same person, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Dundas, upon the difficulties and dangers growing out of the revolution of St. Domingo, and the decision of the British government to send General Maitland and Colonel Grant to negotiate with General Toussaint.

[2 ]The main feature of these projects was to agree to one port, viz. Port-au-Prince, as the sole port of entry for the trade of Great Britain and the United States, to be placed within the control of a joint commercial company, formed by the two governments.

[1 ]Mr. Liston was vested with full powers to concert with the government of the United States the arrangements which might be mutually advantageous. This joint action, proposed by Great Britain in the affairs of St. Domingo, seems at one time to have seriously threatened the dangers to the neutrality of the United States pointed out in the above letter. On the 9th of February, Mr Pickering had written to Mr. Hamilton for instructions what to do, but, his letter not having been published, its substance can only be gathered by inference from the reply. Whilst Mr. Hamilton promises a fuller answer the next day, he designates the policy to be pursued towards the revolutionary chief, Toussaint, to be; “No committal on the independence of St. Domingo, no guaranty, no formal treaty—nothing that can rise up in judgment. It will be enough to let Toussaint be assured verbally, but explicitly, that upon his declaration of independence a commercial intercourse will be opened, &c.” On the 20th of February, Mr. Pickering repeats his request for advice, as he is about to draft instructions to the Consul-General, Dr. Stevens, the brother-in-law of Mr. Hamilton, just appointed to go to St. Domingo. It does not appear that he ever received any answer. This may have been owing to the decision respecting Mr. Murray, which dissipated all prospect of executing through the President any of his policy. In a confidential letter, five days later, after lamenting what he calls the fatal nomination of Mr. Murray, Mr. Pickering goes on to say, that “the President will certainly do no act to encourage Toussaint to declare the island independent.” Mr. Liston, the British minister, however, had obtained a very different impression of the intentions of the American government, and was privately announcing an opposite system. In the mean time, Mr. Adams seems to have known nothing of these secret consultations. Hamilton’s Works, vol. vi. pp. 395, 398, vol. vii. p. 686, article vi.