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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

28 Feb. 1796: T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monticello, 28 February, 1796.

I am to thank you, my dear Sir, for forwarding M. D’Ivernois’ book on the French revolution. I receive every thing with respect which comes from him; but it is on politics, a subject I never loved, and now hate. I will not promise, therefore, to read it thoroughly. I fear the oligarchical executive of the French will not do. We have always seen a small council get into cabals and quarrels, the more bitter and relentless the fewer they are. We saw this in our committee of the States, and that they were, from their bad passions, incapable of doing the business of their country. I think that for the prompt, clear, and consistent action so necessary in an executive, unity of person is necessary, as with us. I am aware of the objection to this, that the office, becoming more important, may bring on serious discord in elections. In our country I think it will be long first; not within our day; and we may safely trust to the wisdom of our successors the remedies of the evil to arise in theirs. Both experiments, however, are now fairly committed, and the result will be seen. Never was a finer canvass presented to work on than our countrymen, all of them engaged in agriculture or the pursuits of honest industry, independent in their circumstances, enlightened as to their rights, and firm in their habits of order and obedience to the laws. This, I hope, will be the age of experiments in government, and that their basis will be founded on principles of honesty, not of mere force. We have seen no instance of this since the days of the Roman republic, nor do we read of any before that. Either force or corruption has been the principle of every modern government, unless the Dutch, perhaps, be excepted, and I am not well enough informed to except them absolutely. If ever the morals of a people could be made the basis of their own government, it is our case; and he who could propose to govern such a people by the corruption of their legislature, before he could have one night of quiet sleep, must convince himself that the human soul, as well as body, is mortal. I am glad to see that, whatever grounds of apprehension may have appeared of a wish to govern us otherwise than on principles of reason and honesty, we are getting the better of them. I am sure, from the honesty of your heart, you join me in detestation of the corruption of the English government, and that no man on earth is more incapable than yourself of seeing that copied among us, willingly. I have been among those who have feared the design to introduce it here, and it has been a strong reason with me for wishing there was an ocean of fire between that island and us. But away, politics!

I owe a letter to the auditor on the subject of my accounts while a foreign minister, and he informs me yours hang on the same difficulties with mine. Before the present government, there was a usage, either practised or understood, which regulated our charges. This government has directed the future by a law; but this is not retrospective, and I cannot conceive why the treasury cannot settle accounts under the old Congress, on the principles that body acted on. I shall very shortly write to Mr. Harrison on this subject, and if we cannot have it settled otherwise, I suppose we must apply to the legislature. In this I will act in concert with you, if you approve of it. Present my very affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and be assured that no one more cordially esteems your virtues than, dear Sir,

Your sincere friend and servant,

Thomas Jefferson.

JAMES SULLIVAN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Boston, 30 July, 1796.

Sir,—

Upon contemplating the subject of settling the eastern boundary of the United States, and attending to the expression, in the treaty of 1795, that the commissioners shall decide what river was intended by the commissioners at Paris in 1783, as the St. Croix, I am of opinion that it is necessary to establish the facts, that Mitchell’s map was, as an authority, before the commissioners, and that the river thereon marked as the boundary of the Massachusetts was by them intended as the St. Croix. For this purpose I think it will be necessary to obtain the evidence of these facts from the commissioners themselves. I have, therefore, since I had the honor of an interview with you, forwarded a letter to Governor Jay, requesting him to give me in writing, in form of an affidavit, or otherwise, as shall be most agreeable to him, and most conducive to the national interest, his recollection on this subject. I have the honor to make the same request to you, knowing that you are the best judge of the propriety as well as of the necessity of such a measure, and that you will readily do whatever may be properly done in this exigency. Perhaps one fact is very important, that it was not intended, by the treaty of 1783, to give any new boundary to the east side of Massachusetts.

I am, with great respect, &c.

James Sullivan.

TO JAMES SULLIVAN.

Quincy, 2 August, 1796.

Sir,—

I received last evening the letter you did me the honor to write me the 30th of July, and am ready to give you all the information in my power.

Mitchell’s map was the only one which the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, and the minister plenipotentiary of Great Britain, made use of in their conferences and discussions relative to the boundaries of the United States, in their negotiation of the peace of 1783, and of the provisional articles of the 30th of November, 1782. Upon that map, and that only, were those boundaries delineated; and the river marked on that map with the name of St. Croix, was the river agreed upon as the eastern boundary of the State of Massachusetts and of the United States. It was not intended by either party to give any new boundary to the east side of Massachusetts; but the real eastern boundary of the province of Massachusetts Bay, according to the charter of William and Mary, was intended to be the eastern boundary of the United States. To the foregoing facts I am ready to attest, in any manner that may be judged necessary, and if Mr. Jay should transmit you an affidavit, I shall be very willing to do the same; but I can scarcely think it necessary, because I cannot believe that any of these facts will be denied or questioned.

The decease of Mr. Oswald is unfortunate, because I am well assured he would have avowed all these facts with the utmost frankness and candor. Mr. Whitefoord, the secretary to his commission, I am confident, will readily admit them all. Mr. William Franklin, the secretary to the American commission, knows them. Dr. Franklin, before his death, transmitted to the then Secretary of State, Mr. Jefferson, as I was informed by him, a full state of this affair, according to his recollection, a document which probably Colonel Pickering has transmitted to you. If not, it may be useful for you to obtain if from his office. Lord St. Helens, formerly Mr. Fitzherbert, might or might not be informed by Mr. Oswald at the time. If he was, I have confidence enough in his lordship’s honor and candor to believe that he will confirm all that I have said. Benjamin Vaughan, Esq., might or might not be informed; if he was, either by Mr. Oswald or Mr. Whitefoord, or any of the American ministers, his testimony cannot but corroborate the account I have given.

Wishing you a pleasant voyage and safe return, I am dear Sir, &c.

John Adams.