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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

ALEXANDER HAMILTON TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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ALEXANDER HAMILTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, 9 September, 1792.

My dear Sir,—

I trust you are sufficiently convinced of my respect for and attachment to you, to render an apology for the liberty I am going to take unnecessary. I learn with pain that you may not probably be here till late in the session. I fear that this will give some handle to your enemies to misrepresent, and though I am persuaded you are very indifferent, personally, to the event of a certain election, yet I hope you are not so as regards the cause of good government. The difference in that view is, in my conception, immense, between the success of Mr. Clinton or yourself, and some sacrifices of feeling are to be made. But this is not the only relation in which I deem your early presence here desirable. Permit me to say it best suits the firmness and elevation of your character to meet all events, whether auspicious or otherwise, on the ground where station and duty call you. One would not give the ill-disposed the triumph of supposing that an anticipation of want of success had kept you from your post.

You observe, my dear Sir, I speak without much ménagement. You will ascribe it to my confidence and esteem. It is not necessary in any view to multiply words—I forbear it—but allow me to add that it is the universal wish of your friends you should be as soon as possible at Philadelphia.1

I have the honor to be, with great respect,

Alexander Hamilton.

PRESIDENT WASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Wednesday, 8 January, 1794.

Dear Sir,—

I would thank you for giving the papers herewith sent a perusal, and for the result of it.

I am now deliberating on the measure proper and necessary to be taken with respect to Mr. G—t, and wish for aid in so doing; the critical state of things making me more than usually anxious to decide right in the present case.

None but the heads of department are privy to these papers, which I pray may be returned this evening or in the morning.2 With very sincere esteem and regard I am, always,

Your obedient and affectionate servant,

George Washington.

T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monticello, 6 February, 1795.

Dear Sir,—

The time which has intervened between the receipt of your favor, covering D’Ivernois’ letter, and this answer, needs apology; but this will be found in the state of the case. I had received from him a letter similar to that you inclosed. As the adoption of his plan depended on our legislature, and it was then in session, I immediately inclosed it to a member, with a request that he would sound well the opinions of the leading members, and if he found them disposed to enter into D’Ivernois’ views, to make the proposition, but otherwise not to hazard it. It is only three days since I have received from him information of his proceedings. He found it could not prevail. The unprepared state of our youths to receive instruction through a foreign language, the expense of the institution, and its disproportion to the moderate state of our population, were insuperable objections. I delayed myself the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your letter till I might be able to give you at the same time the result of the proposition it forwarded. I have explained this to M. D’Ivernois in the inclosed letter,1 which my distance from any seaport, and the convenience of your position, will, I hope, excuse my committing to your care. I have found so much tranquillity of mind in a total abstraction from every thing political, that it was with some difficulty I could resolve to meddle even in the splendid project of transplanting the academy of Geneva, en masse, to Virginia; and I did it under the usual reserve of sans tirer en conséquence. In truth, I have so much occupation otherwise, that I have not time for taking a part in any thing of a public kind, and I therefore leave such with pleasure to those who are to live longer and enjoy their benefits. Tranquillity becomes daily more and more the object of my life, and of this I certainly find more in my present pursuits than in those of any other part of my life. I recall, however, with pleasure, the memory of some of the acquaintances I have made in my progress through it, and retain strong wishes for their happiness. I pray you to accept with kindness those which I sincerely entertain for you, and to be assured of the high respect and esteem, with which

I am, &c.

Thomas Jefferson.

T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monticello, 28 February, 1796.

I am to thank you, my dear Sir, for forwarding M. D’Ivernois’ book on the French revolution. I receive every thing with respect which comes from him; but it is on politics, a subject I never loved, and now hate. I will not promise, therefore, to read it thoroughly. I fear the oligarchical executive of the French will not do. We have always seen a small council get into cabals and quarrels, the more bitter and relentless the fewer they are. We saw this in our committee of the States, and that they were, from their bad passions, incapable of doing the business of their country. I think that for the prompt, clear, and consistent action so necessary in an executive, unity of person is necessary, as with us. I am aware of the objection to this, that the office, becoming more important, may bring on serious discord in elections. In our country I think it will be long first; not within our day; and we may safely trust to the wisdom of our successors the remedies of the evil to arise in theirs. Both experiments, however, are now fairly committed, and the result will be seen. Never was a finer canvass presented to work on than our countrymen, all of them engaged in agriculture or the pursuits of honest industry, independent in their circumstances, enlightened as to their rights, and firm in their habits of order and obedience to the laws. This, I hope, will be the age of experiments in government, and that their basis will be founded on principles of honesty, not of mere force. We have seen no instance of this since the days of the Roman republic, nor do we read of any before that. Either force or corruption has been the principle of every modern government, unless the Dutch, perhaps, be excepted, and I am not well enough informed to except them absolutely. If ever the morals of a people could be made the basis of their own government, it is our case; and he who could propose to govern such a people by the corruption of their legislature, before he could have one night of quiet sleep, must convince himself that the human soul, as well as body, is mortal. I am glad to see that, whatever grounds of apprehension may have appeared of a wish to govern us otherwise than on principles of reason and honesty, we are getting the better of them. I am sure, from the honesty of your heart, you join me in detestation of the corruption of the English government, and that no man on earth is more incapable than yourself of seeing that copied among us, willingly. I have been among those who have feared the design to introduce it here, and it has been a strong reason with me for wishing there was an ocean of fire between that island and us. But away, politics!

I owe a letter to the auditor on the subject of my accounts while a foreign minister, and he informs me yours hang on the same difficulties with mine. Before the present government, there was a usage, either practised or understood, which regulated our charges. This government has directed the future by a law; but this is not retrospective, and I cannot conceive why the treasury cannot settle accounts under the old Congress, on the principles that body acted on. I shall very shortly write to Mr. Harrison on this subject, and if we cannot have it settled otherwise, I suppose we must apply to the legislature. In this I will act in concert with you, if you approve of it. Present my very affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and be assured that no one more cordially esteems your virtues than, dear Sir,

Your sincere friend and servant,

Thomas Jefferson.

[1 ]It does not appear that this letter was ever answered.

[2 ]It is probable that these papers contained the evidence transmitted from South Carolina, of Mr. Genet’s efforts to enlist men for an expedition against the Spanish authorities in Florida, which was transmitted to Congress by the President, in his message of the 15th of January of this year. No answer has been found. From this date, for three years, there are no letter-books.

[1 ]See Mr. Randolph’s edition of Jefferson’s Writings, vol. iii. p. 309.