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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY JAY.

London, 30 November, 1787.

Dear Sir,—

I do myself the honor to inclose the King’s speech at the opening of Parliament, as it has been transmitted to me from the Marquis of Carmarthen; and the Morning Chronicle, of the 28th, which contains, not the debates, for there were none, but the panegyrics upon it.

I have long seen, sir, in silent astonishment and grief, the negligent and imprudent conduct of a deceased French minister of foreign affairs, in his negotiations and intercourse in Holland, the despicable history of a Maillebois, the unmeaning or ill-meaning intrigues of Rayneval, the Rhingrave, not to mention others, equally disgusting, at Paris, with a minister, whom you know. When I first knew or suspected that the Dutch patriots and their confidential agents had surrendered themselves to female intrigues, I had a thousand apprehensions that they would finally meet with that ruin which you perfectly well know would have been the devoted fate of the United States, if they had submitted to Mr. Deane’s system of de Maillebois and du Coudrays, ten years ago. Let me entreat gentlemen to compare what remains upon the records or files of congress at that period, with what happened before and at the peace, with what has taken place in Holland, and thank heaven for their providential escapes.

There are many worthy characters, now exiles from Holland, and refugees in Germany, the Austrian Netherlands, and France, for whom I have many years entertained an esteem and affection, whose melancholy situation is truly deplorable. These, however, have ever appeared to me to be too inattentive to the sense of the common people in their own country, too little acquainted with the nature of government, and too confidently dependent on the support of France.

The orations in parliament, upon the speech inclosed, are, however, more extraordinary than any thing that has occurred.

The interposition of Prussia in the affairs of Holland cannot be justified upon the principles of the law of nations; and, if truth and justice are not lost out of the world, will be marked by the impartial, both in the present and in future ages, with severe censure. But the speeches of Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt appear to me to have set every tie that can bind mankind, every principle which ought to be held sacred, at open defiance. It is openly avowed by both that a treaty of alliance is in agitation between England and Holland at this moment, when a treaty, recently made between France and Holland, is in full force, and when there is no pretence of a violation of it. Is not this a most outrageous insult, in the face of the whole world,—for the debates in parliament are known to be published all over Europe,—upon the law of nations, upon the faith of treaties and national honor? Is it the intention of the speech, and of the address, which will echo it back to the throne, to force the house of Bourbon into a war? To me it seems manifest. If France should bear it patiently, what are we to think? The fermentation in that kingdom, occasioned by the ruin brought upon it by that administration, of whose merits you have long since formed an accurate judgment, and, by the exertions to obtain provincial and national assemblies, threatens much confusion. It is not possible to foresee what the effect will be. I own myself afraid that the patriots in France will prove as unskilful and unsuccessful asserters of a free government, as those in Holland have been. A tedious relaxation, if not the most serious divisions, is to be apprehended; if, however, the house of Bourbon is unable to assert her dignity upon this occasion, I am clearly convinced that the pride and arrogance of England will rise so high as to demand the demolition of Cherbourg, and attempt to sever South America from Spain. Nor will this be all. She will demand the annihilation of several articles, at least, of the treaties between France and the United States of America. Nor will they stop here. If they can bind Holland in their shackles, and France, by her internal distractions, is unable to interfere, she will make war immediately against us. They are at present, both at court and in the nation at large, much more respectful to me, and much more tender of the United States, than they ever have been before; but, depend upon it, this will not last; they will aim at recovering back the western lands, at taking away our fisheries, and at the total ruin of our navigation, at least.

The United States of America, therefore, had never more reason to be upon their guard; to complete their constitution of government; to unite as one man to meet, with courage and constancy, the severe trial which, in all probability, they will be called to undergo in a few years.

There is some room, however, to hope that Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox are outrunning the Dutchmen in their disposition for an alliance. The friendship of France appears to me to be so necessary to the King of Prussia, that I cannot yet believe that he will advise the Stadtholder to follow the English party so implicitly. The state of Europe at large is so confused, that there is not one politician in the world, that I can hear of, who pretends to foresee what turn affairs may take.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.