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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

SAMUEL OSGOOD TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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SAMUEL OSGOOD TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, 14 November, 1786.

Dear Sir,—

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor, which I should have answered sooner had any thing within the compass of my knowledge occurred, of sufficient consequence to inform you of. The present secretary for foreign affairs, I have no doubt, keeps you well informed of all the political occurrences here.

But in a government where expedients only keep up its existence, it is impossible to foresee what sudden and unexpected changes may take place. The federal government seems to be as near a crisis as it is possible for it to be. The State governments are weak and selfish enough, and they will of course annihilate the first. Their stubborn dignity will never permit a federal government to exist. There are, however, a few men in every state, who are very seriously impressed with the idea that, without a proper federal head, the individual states must fall a prey to themselves, or any power that is disposed to injure them. With this idea, they are thinking, very seriously, in what manner to effect the most easy and natural change of the present form of the federal government to one more energetic, that will, at the same time, create respect, and secure properly life, liberty, and property. It is, therefore, not uncommon to hear the principles of government stated in common conversation. Emperors, kings, stadtholders, governors-general, with a senate or house of lords, and house of commons, are frequently the topics of conversation. Many are for abolishing all the state governments, and for establishing some kind of general government; but I believe very few agree in the general principles, much less in the details, of such a government.

How to effect a change, is the difficulty. The confederation provides that congress shall make the alterations, and that they shall be adopted by the several legislatures. Yet the idea of a special convention, appointed by the states, to agree upon and propose such alterations as may appear necessary, seems to gain ground. But the danger is, that neither congress nor a convention will do the business. For the situation of the United States, and of some of the particular states, is such, that an army must be kept up, and the probability is, at present, that this army will be seriously employed; and, in case of a civil war, the men of property will certainly attach themselves very closely to that army, the final issue of which, it is feared, will be, that the army will make the government of the United States. Many say, already, any change will be for the better, and are ready to risk any thing to effect it. The disturbances in Massachusetts seem most likely to produce some very important event. It is a little surprising to some, how they come to break out in such a manner there. It is said that the insurgents have two objects in view; one, to reduce their state debt and those securities given by the United States to citizens of that state for their services or moneys loaned, to their current value in the market; the other, to annihilate private debts. Perhaps this may be in part true, and the greater number may have nothing further in view but to remedy some supposed grievances; yet, as it affords a fine opportunity for the restless enemies of this country to sow dissensions, we have too much reason to believe, that they are not only looking on as spectators, but that they are industriously employed in disseminating disaffection to the present forms of government. If these enemies are British, or their old adherents among us, which seems to be the case, because they are traced from Hampshire and Berkshire to Vermont, and from thence to Canada, if they are British, their object must be something further than mere revenge; and that object can be nothing short of establishing a monarchical government in this country, and placing some one of George’s sons on the throne. If this object is worth to the British from five to ten millions sterling, and they can advance the money, they can and will effect it; not by force of arms, for, if they should come out openly against us, we should fight again; but, be assured, this country is extremely poor, as well as extravagant, and I have no doubt that ten millions, artfully applied, would secure nearly the whole country. That the British will and do cherish all their old adherents, is not to be doubted; and that those adherents never will be Americans, is a principle founded in nature.

That the French will not be silent, unoperative spectators in these negotiations, if they should happen, is most certainly to be expected. They wish to keep us just where we are, or, if a little more insignificant, quite as well; they will, therefore, view without emotion any civil commotions that tend to weaken us. But if there should be any danger of the scales preponderating in favor of any other foreign power, they will act with their usual address.

The British party is and will be great; the French party also; the genuine Americans, few; the speculators numerous, who care not what the government is, so that they can speculate upon and spunge it.

Mr. Jay will probably have furnished you with the newspapers of this country, which will contain much with respect to the hostile disposition of the Indians. That the British instigate them to make depredations on us, is very natural; but why they are reënforcing Canada, which by the public papers appears to be the case, is not so easy to determine.

All things are operating here to bring the Cincinnati into vogue. I cannot say I think they are all for supporting government, but they are for having government.

The leader of the insurgents in Masschusetts is entitled to the ribbon and eagle. He left the army in the fall of 1780, being then a captain of good reputation; his name is Shays, a man without education, but not without abilities. He is privately involved, which may be the reason why he has adopted such violent measures. It is generally supposed that he cannot retreat.

As to the situation of the finances of the United States, they can scarcely be in a worse condition. As to making any further attempt to discharge any part of the principal or interest of our foreign debt, it is in vain. The thirteen states do not pay enough to keep the civil list together, which does not require more than one hundred thousand dollars a year. I have inclosed you a schedule, which will give you a full view of the requisitions of congress, the payments, and balances due.

I am, sir, with great respect, &c.

Samuel Osgood.

TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, 24 January, 1787.

Dear Sir,—

I must beg the indulgence of congress while I solicit their attention, for a few moments, to some particulars which are very interesting to me personally, and have some relation to the foreign affairs of the United States. It is now in the beginning of the tenth year since I embarked first for Europe, in obedience to the commands of the United States. The various services, to which they have been pleased to destine me, are known to congress by their own records; and the particular details of the execution of their orders, as far as circumstances have permitted, have been transmitted, from time to time, to congress and their ministers of foreign affairs, so that it would be unnecessary to repeat any thing of that kind upon this occasion. The mission, with which they honored me to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, both as public minister and as agent to negotiate a loan of money, is not yet revoked. The commissions to negotiate with the Barbary States, in which I had the honor to be associated with Mr. Jefferson, are still in force. The commission to his Britannic Majesty will expire on the 24th of February, 1788, this day thirteen months, unless sooner revoked. I take this early opportunity of informing congress of my intention to return to America as soon after the expiration of this commission as possible, that measures may be taken in season to complete all the arrangements which that honorable assembly may judge necessary.

I have been a witness of so much respect and affection to the United States of America in the Low Countries, and have there experienced so much candor and friendship to myself, that it is natural for me to wish to take leave of their High Mightinesses with decency, and according to the forms that the usages of nations prescribe. I must, therefore, solicit a letter of recall. It would be a pleasure to me to go over in person to the Hague, in order to present it; but as I have the most candid assurances that a memorial sent from hence would be equally well received, I shall probably avoid the expense of a journey. If congress judge a minister at that Court necessary, they will appoint one of course; and if there is further occasion for borrowing any small sums of money, they will commission a new agent.

Colonel Franks arrived here this morning with the treaty with Morocco, and will be despatched to congress without delay. There is no probability of any further progress or success with the Barbary powers, without further orders from congress, and larger sums of money. If congress should give fresh instructions, and order more money to be appropriated, I must request that they will associate some other person with Mr. Jefferson, if they should not judge it more convenient for that able and excellent minister to conduct it alone, or designate some other single person to the service. It may be the intention of congress to recall me from this Court before the expiration of their present commission; but as this would be a measure of éclat, perhaps they may judge it more prudent to avoid it. If congress determine to send another minister, I hope it will be done in such season that he may arrive before my departure. If no other minister is sent, it will, perhaps, be thought necessary to leave the negotiation in the hands of a chargé d’affaires. Colonel Smith has, at present, only a commission as secretary of legation. I may be permitted, I hope, without presuming too far, to recommend him to this office, and solicit it for him. When he was appointed secretary, he was unknown to me, even by name. He has since formed a connection in my family, which renders it delicate for me to say any thing in his favor. Such a circumstance, however, cannot forfeit his title to justice from me; and it is no more, to say that his conduct, his talents, and his industry merit a much higher station than has yet been assigned him. You know perfectly well, sir, that the office even of a public minister of the second order is a station extremely humiliating at any Court in Europe. At Versailles, at Madrid, at the Hague, and at London, the difference between ambassadors and ministers plenipotentiary or envoys is so immense, that the latter are little more regarded than the maître d’hôtel of a minister of state. This is a fact known to you, but not known to our countrymen; and, therefore, I think it my duty to mention it, that it may be considered. The place of chargé d’affaires is so much below that of minister, and that of simple secretary of legation so much below that of chargé d’affaires, that nothing can reconcile a gentleman, who has commanded in an army through a whole war with reputation, to it, but the most decided determination to sacrifice his feelings to the good, or rather to the sense, of his country. I need not add that, in the present times and circumstances, these things are more intolerable in England than elsewhere.

May I be permitted to request that congress would be pleased to take up this subject as soon as their more important affairs will permit, that their arrangements may be received in Europe in time to despatch the few things, both of a public and private nature, that will remain for me to do? A letter of recall from Holland, and an appointment in my place in the commission to the Barbary States, are of importance to be expedited early. If they do not arrive in season before the expiration of the commission to St. James, I shall presume that it is the intention of congress to take no further arrangement in those affairs, and embark with my family for America in one of the early spring ships in 1788.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.