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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, 27 October, 1786.

Dear Sir,—

When the ratification of congress, of their treaty with the King of Prussia, arrived here, the term limited for the exchange of it was near expiring. As a few members of the States-General had discovered uneasiness at my coming to London without going to the Hague to take leave, it seemed a convenient opportunity to go over and show them as much of the respect they required as remained in my power. Accordingly I went, and, making the customary visits to the president, pensionary, and secretary, renewed the assurances of the friendship, esteem, and respect of the United States for their High Mightinesses and the republic; and the visit appeared to be kindly received. The exchange of ratifications was soon made with the Baron de Thulemeier, who had time to transmit the act of congress to the great prince who first proposed the treaty some days before he expired. The ratification, under the signature of Frederic the Great, is here inclosed.

At the same time, sir, you will receive so much of the substance of a treaty of commerce between France and England as the ministry have thought fit to publish. This is so great an event, and must have consequences so extensive, that I feel myself incapable of forming any judgment of it upon the whole. Every treaty of commerce between these nations, for three hundred years, has been found beneficial to France and hurtful to England. But at present this nation is very sanguine the advantage will be theirs. They boast of the superior skill of their manufacturers, of the superlative excellence of their manufactures, the multitude of inventions and machines peculiar to themselves, by which time and labor are saved, and productions sold cheaper than in any other country. A market like France, where five-and-twenty millions of people have occasion for English fabrics, must be a valuable acquisition. Commercial connections, by softening prejudices, may lessen the disposition to war; and a friendship, even an alliance, with France, would enable the two nations to govern the world. This is, at present, the style of conversation; and the treaty appears to be popular.

France and England are both endeavoring, at this moment, to impose upon each other, by professing desires of friendship which they never felt. The secret motive of both is to impose upon the United States of America. The English imagine that, by assuming an appearance of friendship for France, they shall excite a jealousy of France in America, and provoke congress to break their faith with her. The French are in hopes that, by putting on a show of familiarity with England, they shall stimulate congress to make them proposals of closer connections. The whole, at bottom, is a farce of political hypocrisy. The United States will continue steadily, it is to be hoped, on the reserve.

England is now pursuing her proposals of treaties of commerce with the Emperor, the Empress of Russia, with Denmark, and Portugal, and perhaps Spain. France and the Emperor took the only way to compel England to treat, when they, by their edicts, prohibited British manufactures. The United States must imitate the example, or they will never be attended to.

The present appearances of friendship are forced and feigned. The time may not be far distant, however, when we may see a combination of England and the house of Bourbon against the United States. It is not in gloomy moments only, but in the utmost gayety of heart, I cannot get rid of the persuasion that the fair plant of liberty in America must be watered in blood. You have seen enough in Europe to know that these melancholy forebodings are no chimeras. There is such a disposition in the principal powers who have possessions in the Indies, that our country will find no other resources but to swear her childdren on the holy altar to fight them all at once in defence of her liberties. It may have some tendency to save us from such extremities, if we enter into treaties with the two empires, for these will soon be jealous of any connection between France and England.

The Chevalier de Pinto’s courier is not yet returned from Lisbon with the treaty. This worthy minister makes frequent apologies on account of the absence of the Queen in the country, and the unsettled state of the Court. But, perhaps, there may be difficulties which he is not apprised of, or not inclined to mention.

Mr. Barclay’s treaty with Morocco is not yet come to hand. Congress will, I hope, determine whether we are to send him or any other to Algiers without more money in his hands. It would cost us three or four thousand pounds to send any one; and, unless he has power to offer larger presents, he would only make matters worse.

I hope our country, in every part of it, will cherish their militia as the apple of their eyes, and put every thing in as good a posture of defence as possible, and keep up a constant expectation of war. This is the best and most serious advice that can be given by

Dear sir, &c.

John Adams.