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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO MATTHEW ROBINSON. 1 - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO MATTHEW ROBINSON.1

London, 2 March, 1786.

Sir,—

You have obliged me very much by your kind letter of 27th February. The Americans are indeed Englishmen, and will continue such, in language and sentiments and manners, whether they are allowed to be friends, or compelled to be enemies, of those other Englishmen who inhabit these islands, Great Britain, and Ireland. The privileges of purchasing, inheriting, exercising trades, voting or being chosen into offices of all kinds, if declared by act of parliament, would, no doubt, be considered in a friendly light, but, give me leave to say, would have no material effect, while embarrassments are either studiously or ignorantly thrown in the way of commerce. The United States are willing to throw wide open every port in their dominions to British ships and merchants and merchandizes, and I am ready, in their behalf, to pledge their faith in a treaty to this effect, upon the reciprocal stipulation of this nation that her ports shall be equally open to our ships, merchants, and produce. But the United States must repel monopolies by monopolies, and answer prohibitions by prohibitions. I may be uninformed respecting the East Indies; but, although the East India Company have, by their charter and act of parliament, an exclusive privilege of importing East India goods into the port of London only, I do not know that Americans, or any other foreign nation, are prohibited to trade with the British factories and settlements in Asia. This, nevertheless, is not a point with us. The ministry might except the charter of the rights of the East India Company. But the American commerce is a system, and a free intercourse between the United States and Canada, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and the West India Islands, as well as a market for their oil and fins and spermaceti candles, and ready-built ships, is so essential to it, that, if one nation will not, another must concede it. If England will not, Germany, Holland, France, &c. will. This commerce is even more necessary to your colonies, than it is to us; and the present policy is sowing the seeds of disquiet and discontent in the minds of your colonies, that will alienate them all, if persisted in. This uneasiness has already broken out in Barbadoes into violence, which occasioned the troops to fire upon the people, by which a number were killed, as the public prints inform us; and it will increase from day to day. The 5th of March, 1770, ought to be an eternal warning to this nation. On that night the foundation of American independence was laid.

I have the honor to agree perfectly with you in opinion, that England might receive more benefit from a liberal commerce with America, than she would if we had remained under her government; and I may be permitted to say that, having been, from 1774 to this day, either in congress, or in her service abroad, I have been fully acquainted with every step and motive of her conduct towards the powers of Europe; and it has been her constant rule to concede no preferences to France, or any other nation, that she might be at liberty to settle a commercial plan with England upon the fairest terms. Little did she expect or foresee that England would refuse the favors intended her. I must say the ministry appear to have no idea of the principles on which congress have acted. The consequence must be that the trade of America must leave this country and go to her rivals. The ministry, and the nation too, seem to consider the United States as a rival, and we know very well what in English lexicography is the meaning of the word rival. It is an enemy, to be beat down by every means. But it may be depended on that, if the United States are treated in this manner, they will make common cause with the other rivals of British commerce, who, at this day, are almost as numerous as the nations of Europe.

It is the earnest desire of the United States to live in friendship with this country, and to have no other contention but in reciprocal good offices. It seems to be your opinion that the people of England have the same disposition. I beg you to explain yourself on this head, as I must confess I have not met with any symptoms of it, excepting in a few, a very few individuals; much fewer than I expected when I first arrived here. To what purpose is the universal industry to represent the commerce of the United States as of no importance? Where would have been the stocks, the exchange, and the revenue of this country, without it? There has been a constant stream of produce, cash, and bills flowing into this country, since the peace, from the United States. Remittances, to an immense amount, have been made; and even a large sum through France, Spain, Portugal, and Holland, which has contributed in no small degree to turn the balance of exchange so much in your favor, as well as to throw a surplus into the exchequer, and raise the stocks; and these remittances might have been nearly doubled, if common sense had dictated to the British politicians to receive from us, in payment, such things as we have.

The Americans are, at this day, a great people, and are not to be trifled with. Their numbers have increased fifty per cent. since 1774. A people that can multiply at this rate, amidst all the calamities of such a war of eight years, will, in twenty years more, be too respectable to want friends. They might sell their friendship, at this time, at a very high price to others, however lightly it may be esteemed here.

I have the misfortune to differ widely from your opinion in the address, that the “independence of America happened a century too soon.” It would be easy to show that it happened at the best point of time. There is no imaginable period, past or future, at which it could have been brought into event to so much advantage for America. But this would lead me too far. The information you may have received concerning the confusions, distresses, &c. of the United States, are of a piece with those misrepresentations which have constantly misguided this nation for five and twenty years. The inconveniences now felt are confined to those who have been deceived into an excess of trade with this country, by expectations, which have been disappointed, that the usual remittances would be received; and they have arisen from a desire to live and trade in friendship with England. The country in general is in a thriving and flourishing condition, and this country alone will finally be the sufferer by the impediments they have thrown in the way of their own interest.

You will perceive, sir, that I have written too freely and too largely. In my situation, it may be imprudent. But the subject is of great importance, and deserves your closest attention. You will greatly oblige me by communicating your sentiments with equal frankness.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

[1 ]This gentleman, the brother of the more celebrated Mrs. Elizabeth Montague, and the author of one or two pamphlets relating to the American war, had entered into correspondence with Mr. Adams through the agency of Dr. Price.