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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, 26 February, 1786.

Sir,—

The envoy from Portugal has received from his Court an answer to his despatches relative to the treaty with the United States; and the inclosed extract from it, which has been delayed some time by the sickness of the Chevalier de Freire, the Portuguese secretary of legation, that minister did me the honor to deliver to me two days ago, with his request that it might be transmitted to congress. At the same time, he delivered me the inclosed state of the trade between the United States and Portugal the last year. When Mr. Jefferson arrives, we shall endeavor to finish this business.

The proposition of sending and receiving a minister has been many times made before. Congress will, no doubt, answer this which is now made, formally and officially. The regard which is due from one sovereign to another, and, indeed, common decency, seems to require it. To refuse it, would be thought surprising; indeed, according to all the rules of politeness between nations and sovereigns, it ought to be left at the option of her most faithful Majesty to send what grade of public minister she shall judge proper; and assurances should be given of the most amicable disposition of congress to receive him with all the respect due to his sovereign, and to send a minister to her Majesty of equal character.

The United States are, at this moment, suffering severely for want of an equitable adjustment of their affairs with the powers of Europe and Africa, which can never be accomplished, but by conforming to the usages established in the world. If the United States would come to the resolution to prohibit all foreign vessels from coming to their ports, and confine all exports and imports to their own ships and seamen, they would do, for any thing that I know, the wisest thing which human prudence could dictate; but then the consequence would be obvious. They must give up the most of their commerce, and live by their agriculture. In this case, they might recall their ministers, and send no more.

On the other hand, if the United States would adopt the principle of the French economists, and allow the ships and merchants of all nations equal privileges with their own citizens, they need not give themselves any further trouble about treaties or ambassadors. The consequence, nevertheless, would be the sudden annihilation of all their manufactures and navigation. We should have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed, and should not be able to defend our seacoast against the insults of a pirate.

As these are two extremes that we know Americans will never consent to, we must vindicate our own manufactures and navigation by legislation at home and negotiation abroad; and, therefore, the prejudices against exchanges of public ministers will be found some of the most pernicious that ever have arisen among American citizens. Laws at home must be made in conformity to the state of affairs abroad, which can never be known to congress but by ambassadors.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.