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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, 22 February, 1786.

Sir,—

On Monday evening another conference was held with the Tripolitan ambassador, attended with his interpreter, Benamor, who is a decent man, and very ready in the English as well as Arabic and Italian. The foreign ministers here say, it is the custom of all the ambassadors from Barbary to be much connected with Jews, to whom they are commonly recommended. It may be supposed the Jews have interested motives, and, therefore, although their interference cannot be avoided, they ought to be objects of jealousy. Benamor soon betrayed proofs enough that he had no aversion to the ambassador’s obtaining large terms.

The ambassador, who is known to many of the foreign ministers here, is universally well spoken of.

When he began to explain himself concerning his demands, he said, “they would be different, according to the duration of the treaty; if that were perpetual, they would be greater; if for a term of years, less. His advice was, that it should be perpetual. Once signed by the bashaw, dey, and other officers, it would be indissoluble, and binding forever upon all their successors. But, if a temporary treaty were made, it might be difficult and expensive to revive it; for a perpetual treaty, such as they had now with Spain, a sum of thirty thousand guineas must be paid upon the delivery of the articles signed by the dey and other officers. If it were agreed to, he would send his secretary by land to Marseilles, and from thence by water to Tripoli, who should bring it back by the same route, signed by the dey, &c. He had proposed so small a sum in consideration of the circumstances, but declared it was not half of what had been lately paid them by Spain. If we chose to treat upon a different plan, he would make a treaty perpetual, upon the payment of twelve thousand five hundred guineas for the first year, and three thousand guineas annually, until the thirty thousand guineas were paid.” It was observed that these were large sums, and vastly beyond expectation. But his Excellency answered, that they never made a treaty for less. Upon the arrival of a prize, the dey and the other officers were entitled by law to large shares, by which they might make greater profits than these sums amounted to, and they never would give up this advantage for less.

He was told, that, although there was a full power to treat, the American ministers were limited to a much smaller sum; so that it would be impossible to do any thing until we could write to congress and know their pleasure. Colonel Smith was present at this, as he had been at the last conference, and agreed to go to Paris to communicate all to Mr. Jefferson, and persuade him to come here, that we may join in further conferences, and transmit the result to congress. The ambassador believed that Tunis and Morocco would treat upon the same terms, but would not answer for Algiers; they would demand more. When Mr. Jefferson arrives, we shall insist upon knowing the ultimatum, and transmit it to congress.

Congress will perceive that one hundred and twenty thousand guineas will be indispensable to conclude with the four powers at this rate, besides a present to the ambassadors and other incidental charges; besides this, a present of five hundred guineas is made upon the arrival of a consul in each State. No man wishes more fervently that the expense could be less; but the fact cannot be altered; and the truth ought not to be concealed.

It may be reasonably concluded that this great affair cannot be finished for much less than two hundred thousand pounds sterling. There is no place in Europe or America where congress can obtain such a sum but in Holland; perhaps a loan for two millions of guilders might be filled in Amsterdam upon the terms of the last. If it is not done, this war will cost us more millions of sterling money in a short time, besides the miserable depression of the reputation of the United States, the cruel embarrassment of all our commerce, and the intolerable burthen of insurance, added to the cries of our countrymen in captivity.

The probable success of Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb need not be pointed out.

If a perpetual peace were made with these States, the character of the United States would instantly rise all over the world. Our commerce, navigation, and fisheries would extend into the Mediterranean, to Spain and Portugal, France and England. The additional profits would richly repay the interest, and our credit would be adequate to all our wants.

Colonel Smith is gone to Paris; he departed yesterday. By the sixth article of the confederation “No State, without the consent of the United States in congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state.” All the States are so deeply interested in this case, that surely no separate State can have occasion to move for the consent of congress upon this occasion; but if, unexpectedly, congress should not agree to treat, there are several States in the Union so deeply interested in navigation that it would richly compensate each of them to go to the whole extent of two hundred thousand pounds to obtain peace. Nevertheless, a single State might obtain peace and security for its ships at a much cheaper rate.

With great and sincere esteem, &c.

John Adams.