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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

JAMES BOWDOIN TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


JAMES BOWDOIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Boston, 12 January, 1786.

Sir,—

I am honored by your Excellency’s letter of the 2d of September by Mr. Storer.

The navigation act of Massachusetts having been found to militate with the French treaty of commerce, and to exclude our fish from the Levant, by excluding the subjects of the Italian and other states coming with their vessels for it, when our own, in attempting to carry it to them, would be intercepted by the Algerines, it was judged expedient to repeal it in part, so that it now operates in full force only against the subjects of Great Britain and their property. A copy of the repealing act will be sent to you, and also of an act passed by the legislature of Rhode Island at their last session.

I have transmitted copies of our repealing act to the executives of the several States, and warmly urged a similitude of measures, without which the United States cannot hope to bring about an alteration in the commercial system of Britain. That system, in my idea of it, is clearly opposed to her own interest, considered in all its parts, and in a complex view of it. It is very true, their encouragement of their whale-fishery, by suffering the alien duty on oil to depress ours, will increase their shipping in this branch, increase their seamen, and, in several other ways, be advantageous to them. To a person that looks no farther, it would appear that this was good policy; and the goodness of it would be inferred from the advantages arising. But when he should extend his view, and see how that stoppage of the American whale fishery, by depriving the Americans of so capital a mean of paying for the woollen goods they used to take of Britain, must, at the same time, occasion the American demand to cease, or be proportionately diminished, not to mention the risk of a change or deviation of the trade from the old channel, he will calculate the national profit and loss that arises from that stoppage.

Three thousand tons of oil was the usual annual quantity produced by the whalemen at Nantucket; all of which was shipped to England, at an average price of £35 per ton, making about£105,000
The whole of which went to pay for and purchase a like amount of woollens and other British goods; nine tenths of the value of which are computed to arise from the labor of the manufacturer, and to be so much clear gain to the nation. The other tenth, therefore, being deducted, gives the national gain arising from the industry of the Nantucket whalemen, and the capital employed in that business, namely, £94,500,£10,500
£94,500

without the nation’s paying a shilling for the risk of insurance, or any other risk whatever.

On the change of trade, pursuant to the new regulations, the British merchants must employ a large capital in the whale fishery, whose products we will suppose equal to that of the Nantucket,£105,000

They will have made an exceeding good voyage, if the whole of that sum should be equal to one half of the cost of the outfits; though, from many of the vessels not meeting with fish, and from a variety of accidents to which such a voyage is subject, it probably would not be a quarter. The whole of the product goes towards payment of the outfits and charges of the voyage, and a large sum must be advanced for the second voyage, &c.

Now, although this mode of commerce would be productive of some national benefits, yet, considered in a comparative view with the benefits resulting from the former mode, they would be found of little importance. A like comparison may be made with other branches of commerce, particularly the British West Indian, and the result will be found the same. For the sake, then, of gaining pence and farthings, Britain is sacrificing pounds by her new regulations of trade. She has a right to see for herself; but, unhappily, resentment and the consequent prejudices have so much disordered her powers of vision, that it requires the skilful hand of a good political optician to remove the obstructing films. If she will not permit the application of your couching instruments, or, if applied, they can work no effect, the old lady must be left to her fate, and abandoned as incurable.

But it is to be hoped, not so much on her account as our own, that they may be successful. One ground of hope is the private negotiation, which Mr. Nathaniel Barrett is gone to France to perfect and execute, relative to their taking our whale oil duty free, and, in lieu of it, giving, at an agreed rate, according to their quality, such French manufactures as are best suited to our market; excepting a certain proportion of the oil, which must be paid for by bills of exchange, to raise money for the men engaged in the voyage. About two months ago, Mr. Barrett sailed for France with letters for Mr. Jefferson and the Marquis de Lafayette; and, if he succeeds, a great revolution in trade will probably be the consequence, and France, on the principle of reciprocal benefit, exclude Britain from all trade with America. This appears to me so probable, that, if you could impress the British ministry with the same idea, you would find little difficulty to bring about a commercial treaty with them, perfectly agreeable to your own mind, and to the wishes of the United States. An interchange of a few letters on this subject, with Mr. Jefferson, would give you the present state of the negotiation.

With the most perfect regard, &c.

James Bowdoin.