Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO SECRETARY JAY. - The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SECRETARY JAY.

Dear Sir,

If the facts which I have had the honor to state to you in my preceding letters are credited, I think it will appear that the connections of these kingdoms with foreign powers, every idea of the balance of Europe, the dominions of Great Britain in Asia and America, and all considerations of posterity, are sacrificed to a momentary tranquillity and credit; from which premises, it will be easy to conclude what will be the effect of the memorial, a copy of which is here enclosed, and which I shall certainly present to-morrow. It will not be answered in any manner. It is generally said “things must take their course, we must take our chance and meet the consequences of all the combinations of our rivals, we must risk it,” &c. It is commonly said that ministry will bring in an act of parliament, at their next session, placing the United States upon the footing of the most favored nation, and then let them do what they please.

Thus, I find myself at a full stop. I shall not neglect any opportunity, to say or do whatever may have the least tendency to do any good; but it would be lessening the United States, if I were to tease ministers with applications, which would be answered only by neglect and silence. I shall transmit you every thing I can, which may afford you any information; but I think congress cannot avoid instructing me to demand an answer, and to take my leave, and return to America, if it is not given me in a reasonable time in the spring.

It is now with the States to determine, whether there is or is not a union in America. If there is, they may very easily make themselves respected in Europe; if there is not, they will be little regarded, and very soon at war with England, as I verily believe. I should advise all the great seaport towns to think a little of the means of defence, put the fortifications they have in as good order as they can, furnish themselves with arms and ammunition, and put the militia through the continent upon as good a footing as may be.

I have little reliance on our negotiations in Barbary; the presents we have to offer, will, I fear, be despised. We shall learn by them, however, what will be necessary, and congress will determine what we must do. Mr. Lamb and Mr. Randall are gone. Mr. Barclay has been detained by Monsieur Beaumarchais’ accounts, but I hope will go soon.

If all intercourse between Europe and America could be cut off forever, if every ship we have were burnt, and the keel of another never to be laid, we might still be the happiest people upon earth, and, in fifty years, the most powerful. The luxuries we import from Europe, instead of promoting our prosperity, only enfeeble our race of men and retard the increase of population. But the character of our people must be taken into consideration. They are as aquatic as the tortoises and sea-fowl, and the love of commerce, with its conveniences and pleasures, is a habit in them as unalterable as their natures. It is in vain, then, to amuse ourselves with the thought of annihilating commerce, unless as philosophical speculations. We are to consider men and things as practical statesmen, and to consider who our constituents are, and what they expect of us. Upon this principle we shall find that we must have connections with Europe, Asia, and Africa; and, therefore, the sooner we form those connections into a judicious system, the better it will be for us and our children.

We may now take measures which may save us many miseries and a vast expense of blood. We shall find that nothing can be done in Europe, but by keeping up the dignity of the United States; and that dignity, in Europe, is a very different thing from that which is and ought to be dignity in America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.