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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 8 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,—

It would be of little consequence to us, whether there was a union between Great Britain and Ireland, or not, or whether Mr. Pitt’s twenty propositions are accepted or not, provided both these countries should be allowed to trade with the United States upon free and equal terms; but the design is too apparent, at least too suspicious, of drawing Ireland into the shackles of the navigation acts, in order that the three kingdoms may be made to act in concert, in maintaining that system of monopoly against us.

Several speakers in parliament, and many writers, have lately thrown out hints of an union with Ireland, and a certain printer and bookseller is now employed in reprinting Daniel de Foe’s book upon the union with Scotland, to which he has engaged Mr. de Lolme to write an introduction. This is all a ministerial operation, and is intended to be pushed, if Mr. Pitt’s twenty propositions should either be rejected by the Irish parliament, or give too much discontent to the volunteers.

The twenty propositions, and the bill which is grounded on them, betray too clearly the intentions of the ministry.

“Whereas, it is highly and equally important to the interests, both of Great Britain and Ireland, and essential to the objects of the present settlement, that the laws for regulating trade and navigation, so far as relates to securing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain and Ireland, and the British colonies and plantations, and so far as relates to the regulating and restraining the trade of the British Colonies and plantations, should be the same in Great Britain and Ireland, and that all such laws in both kingdoms should impose the same restraints, and confer the same benefits, on the subjects of both, which can only be effected by the laws to be passed in the parliament of both kingdoms (the parliament of Great Britain being alone competent to bind the people of Great Britain in any case whatsoever, and the parliament of Ireland being alone competent to bind the people of Ireland in any case whatsoever); therefore, be it declared, that it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential condition of the present settlement, that the laws for regulating trade and navigation, so far as the said laws relate to the securing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and plantations, shall be the same in Great Britain and Ireland, and shall impose the same restraints, and confer the same benefits, on the subjects of both kingdoms.”

“That all privileges, advantages, and immunities which are now granted, or shall, by any law to be passed by the parliament of Great Britain, be hereafter granted, to ships built in Great Britain, or to ships belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects residing in Great Britain, or to ships manned by British seamen, or to ships manned by certain proportions of British seamen, shall, to all intents and purposes whatever, be enjoyed in the same manner, and under the same regulations and restrictions respectively, by ships built in Ireland, or by ships belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects residing in Ireland, or by ships manned by Irish seamen, or by ships manned by certain proportions of Irish seamen.”

“That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential condition of the present settlement, that such regulations as are now, or hereafter shall be in force, by law passed or to be passed in the parliament of Great Britain, for securing exclusive privileges, advantages, and immunities as aforesaid, to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and plantations, shall be established in Ireland, for the same time and in the same manner as in Great Britain, by laws to be passed in the parliament of Ireland, within—months, &c., provided, that the laws so to be passed in the parliament of Great Britain for the purposes aforesaid, shall impose the same restraints, and confer the same benefits, on the subjects of Great Britain and Ireland.”

“That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential condition of the present settlement, that Irish sailcloth shall be deemed British sailcloth within the meaning of 19 G. II., or any other act or acts of parliament, respecting the furnishing of ships with British sailcloth, and that Irish sailcloth shall be entitled to equal preference and advantage as British for the use of the British navy.”

“That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential condition of the present settlement, that all goods of the growth, produce, or manufacture of any British, or of any foreign colony in America, or in the West Indies, or of any of the British or foreign settlements on the coast of Africa, and all peltry, rum, train oil, and whale-fins, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of the countries belonging to the United States of America, or being the produce of the fisheries carried on by the subjects of the United States of America, shall, on importation into Ireland, be made subject to the same duties and regulations as the like goods are, or from time to time shall be subject to, on importation into Great Britain; or, if prohibited from being imported into Great Britain, shall, in like manner, be prohibited from being imported into Ireland.”

These extracts from the bill for finally regulating the intercourse and commerce between Great Britain and Ireland, moved in the house of commons by the chancellor of the exchequer, are sufficient evidence of a design to draw Ireland into a combination against America.

This jealousy of our ships and mariners, sir, is not peculiar to the English; the French are equally possessed of it; and both are infected with it to such a degree, that I am confident, that each of these nations had rather contribute to the increase of the others’ ships and mariners than those of the United States. It would not surprise me at all, if these two Courts, which can agree in nothing else, should combine together to exclude us from every branch of the carrying trade and every advantage of the whale fishery.

What shall we do to defend ourselves? Shall we confine the exportation of the produce of the United States to the ships and mariners of the United States? To increase the English navy, the statute of the 5 Ric. II. c. 3, enacted that “none of the King’s liege people should ship any merchandise out of, or into the realm, but only in the ships of the King’s liegeance, on pain of forfeiture.” If the United States were able and willing to imitate this statute, and confine all our exports and imports to ships built in the United States, and navigated with American seamen, or three quarters American seamen, or one half, or even one third American seamen, what would be the consequence? We should not have at first enough either of ships or seamen to export the produce, and import what would be wanted from abroad; but we should see multitudes of people instantly employed in building ships, and multitudes of others immediately becoming sailors, and the time would not be long before we should have enough of both. The people of the United States have shown themselves capable of great exertions, and possessed of patience, courage, and perseverance, and willing to make large sacrifices to the general interest.

But are they capable of this exertion? Are they possessed of patience, courage, and perseverance enough to encounter the losses and embarrassments which would, at first, be occasioned by an exclusion of foreign ships? I wish I could know the number of foreign ships which have entered the ports of the United States since the peace, including English, French, Dutch, Italian, and Swedish vessels. The number must be very great. If all these ships and seamen were American, what materials would they furnish for a navy in case of need! How would this be received by foreign nations? Spain and Portugal would say nothing, because they have no ships in our trade; France has few; Italy would have no right to object; nor Germany, Russia, Sweden, or Denmark. It would be laying an axe at the root of the British commerce, revenue, and naval power, however slightly they may think of us. Whether a heavy duty upon all foreign vessels, such as should operate as a decisive encouragement to American ships, would not answer the end as well, I am not able to judge.

The provisions of the act of navigation, 12 Car. II. c. 18, would not be sufficient for our purpose. If the United States should agree in a law, that no goods should be suffered to be imported into the United States in any other than American bottoms (navigated by an American master, and three fourths of the seamen American), or in the ships of that European nation of which the merchandise imported was the genuine growth or manufacture, this would not accomplish our wish, because British and Irish ships would desire no other than to import into our States the manufactures of the British empire, and to export our produce in the same bottoms. Some of the British statutes prohibit foreigners to carry on the coasting trade, that is, to go from one port to another in Great Britain; and this regulation will now be extended to Ireland, if the twenty propositions are accepted. A similar regulation might be adopted by the United States; and this would be a vast encouragement to our navigation, for the intercourse between one State and another, and between one port and another of the same State, will now be so frequent and considerable as to employ many ships and mariners; and in these the greatest strength of a country consists, because they are always at home ready to fight for the defence of their firesides.

If we should get over our aversion to monopolies and exclusions, and adopt the selfish, unsocial principles of the European nations, particularly of France and England, we should astonish the world with a navy in a very few years, not more than eight or ten, equal perhaps to the third maritime power in Europe. This would be amply sufficient for our defence. European statesmen know it better than we do, and dread it more than we desire it, because they think that from that period all the West India Islands, Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas and Mexico, too, would be made to join us. Why, then, will England pursue measures which will force us to try experiments against our inclinations? There is no answer to be given to this question, but the same which must be given to another. Why did she force us into independence? The nation îs infatuated, and every successive minister must be infatuated too, or lose his popularity and his place. Nor is France much less infatuated in her system of politics relative to America. The jealousy of our navigation is so strong and so common to both, that I should not be at all surprised, if France should agree that England should carry her point in Ireland, draw her into the navigation monopoly, and agree together to keep peace with one another, and force us, if they can, out of every nursery for seamen. I know that French noblemen are in England, and English gentlemen in France, preaching up to each other a terror of our naval power, and even the late arrêt against British manufactures may be but a blind to cover very different designs; both Courts are capable of such dissimulation, and they are now acting in concert in Germany, so much to the disgust of the two Imperial Courts, that I confess I do not admire this appearance of friendship any more than I can account for it.

It will require all the wisdom and all the firmness of congress and the States to plan and execute the measures necessary to counteract all these wiles.

With great and sincere esteem, &c.

John Adams.