Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO SECRETARY JAY. - The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SECRETARY JAY.

Auteuil, 15 December, 1784.

Sir,—

I venture to address myself to you as minister of foreign affairs, because I sincerely hope that you have accepted that important office.

The Emperor of Morocco sent an ambassador last winter to Holland to demand materials for some frigates, and as none of the great maritime powers have the courage or the will to refuse such requisitions, obtained them. It now appears probable that they have been employed in corsairs against American trade, and one Virginia vessel appears to have been taken and carried to Tangiers. This has spread an alarm, and raised the insurance on American vessels, and rendered it necessary that something should be soon done.

There is danger of our making mistakes upon this occasion. Some are of opinion that our trade in the Mediterranean is not worth the expense of the presents we must make the piratical states to obtain treaties with them. Others think it humiliating to treat with such enemies of the human race, and that it would be more manly to fight them. The first, I think, have not calculated the value of our Mediterranean trade, in which every one of our States is deeply interested. But this is not all. The piratical corsairs will go all over the ocean, and will even raise the insurance upon all our commerce so high, as to cost us more in this single article than all the presents exacted would amount to. The last have more spirit than prudence. As long as France, England, Holland, the Emperor, &c., will submit to be tributary to these robbers, and even encourage them, to what purpose should we make war upon them? The resolution might be heroic, but would not be wise. The contest would be unequal. They can injure us very sensibly, but we cannot hurt them in the smallest degree. We have, or shall have, a rich trade at sea exposed to their depredations; they have none at all upon which we can make reprisals. If we take a vessel of theirs, we get nothing but a bad vessel fit only to burn, a few guns and a few barbarians, whom we may hang or enslave if we will, and the unfeeling tyrants, whose subjects they are, will think no more of it than if we had killed so many caterpillars upon an apple-tree. When they take a vessel of ours, they not only get a rich prize, but they enslave the men, and, if there are among them men of any rank or note, they demand most exorbitant ransoms for them. If we could even send a force sufficient to burn a town, their unfeeling governors would only insult and deride. Unless it were possible, then, to persuade the great maritime powers of Europe to unite in the suppression of these piracies, it would be very imprudent for us to entertain any thoughts of contending with them, and will only lay a foundation, by irritating their passions, and increasing their insolence and their demands, for long and severe repentance. I hope, therefore, we shall think of nothing but treating with them.

But how? where is the money? France calls upon us to fulfil our engagements with her, both for interest and principal, and our creditors in Holland, who are very numerous, will soon be uneasy, unless something is done for their security. Holland is the only place where we can borrow money, and there it will be impracticable, unless our European debt at least be consolidated.

If congress, therefore, think of borrowing in Holland, they must begin by laying duties at home to pay the interest.

I have not time to enlarge at present on any subject. This is the most pressing, and deserves the immediate attention of congress and their ministers, of whom I hope you are one, as I am very sure no man is better qualified or better disposed; but if, unfortunately, you should not be in office, let me pray you to transmit the substance of this letter to congress.

With great and sincere respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Auteuil, 10 January, 1785.

Gentlemen,—

I have received with much pleasure your letters of the 20th and 30th of December. Give me leave to congratulate you on the flourishing state of your treasury, which furnishes a very good proof that the credit of the United States has much ameliorated since January, 1784, when I was obliged to undertake and undergo all the hardships and inconveniences of a winter voyage and journey in packet-boats, iceboats, and boors’ wagons, in extreme cold weather, to prevent Mr. Morris’s bills from being protested. It is a great satisfaction to me to reflect that I have been able, with your assistance, to obtain in Holland a loan of money for my country of near seven millions of guilders, a sum very nearly equal to all that was ever lent us by France. Our debt to France is thirty-four millions of livres, ten millions of which were borrowed in Holland on the warranty of the states-general. You see, therefore, that the whole national debt of the United States in Europe is less than two millions sterling. If a capitalist in Holland compares this with the national debt of England or France, or any other power, and at the same time considers the number of inhabitants, the extent and fertility of territory, the advantages for trade, and, above all, the rapid increase of population, industry, agriculture, commerce, and fisheries, he will soon think his money safer in the hands of the United States, and American stocks superior to any other.

For my own part, I confess I wish that congress would borrow money in Holland to pay off their debt to France, that they might not owe a shilling anywhere but in Holland. This, however, I say without authority; and it is certain that congress will not borrow money upon higher terms than they pay at present in France, to pay off the French debt.

I wait to know how many obligations you have on hand. I have no orders from congress to open a new loan, and I fancy I shall never have any to open another upon any other, at least higher terms, than the first five millions. But I should be glad to know your sentiments, whether there is a good prospect of success.

There is one subject which concerns myself personally, which I beg leave to propose to your consideration. My salary at present is so low, that it is with the utmost difficulty I can live upon it in any kind of proportion to the public character I sustain, and, therefore, I cannot afford to pay a commission of one per cent. of M. Van den Yver in Paris, and Mr. Puller in London, as those bankers have heretofore charged; and congress may perhaps be displeased to be charged with such a commission, merely for my convenience of receiving my money in London or Paris. You know, gentlemen, that of all the immense sums that I have borrowed upon my signature for the United States, not one farthing of benefit accures to me; and you know how parsimonious I have been of orders for money, even for necessary public services. So that I should be obliged to you for your advice, whether there is not any method by which I may receive my salary and disbursements in Paris or London, as may be most convenient to my affairs, or whether it will not be better for me to draw bills upon you in favor of bankers or merchants in London or Paris.

I accept with a sensible pleasure, gentlemen, your kind compliments of the season, and, in return, my family joins with me, in wishing you and your families all health, wealth, and honor, not only for the year ensuing, but for a long course of years after it.

I remain, &c.

John Adams.