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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 8 March, 1784.

My Dear Sir,—

Before I had a pointed reason to write, my friendship for you, and our common zeal for the public, had dictated it. But I must begin with the article that, in my mind, creates some uneasiness.

It is written from Amsterdam, that Mr. John Adams is very violent against the Society of the Cincinnati, and calls it a French blessing; and that he says, although I have long announced an intention to go to America, I never fulfil it, which seems to hint a want of zeal to comply with the desire of my American friends.

Was I to take the matter up as a Frenchman, I might tell you that the French Court had not, that I know of, dreamed of the Society before Count de Rochambeau was written to by General Washington. And I might add, that orders, titles, and such other foolish tokens of vanity are not more valued in France, nor even so much, as they are in Germany, Russia, Spain, and Great Britain. But, as it is as an American that I engaged, bled, negotiated, fought, and succeeded in our noble cause, I only want to mark out my conduct to you whom I esteem, and whose esteem, in point of republicanism particularly, I hold in the greatest value.

The institution in itself I do not examine. It is worth paying attention to it. Should it be dangerous, it must not subsist. Should some parts be exceptionable, amendments must be made. In case it is quite harmless, the American officers might be indulged in that, as the country is not a little indebted to them. Opinions must be collected, because opinions of honest men may differ. Lee was the hero of some; Washington was mine; and so on.1 I do not enter into the merits or demerits of the Society. I only want to acquaint you with the part I have taken.

The Society’s letters, respecting the French army, were directed to their generals and admirals. The permitting of it has been considered at Versailles as a compliment paid to a large and meritorious body of Americans, as a badge of union between the two countries; and I had no part to act in the business. The part I acted, was, 1stly, to accept for myself, and deliver the marks of the Society to American officers pointed out by General Washington; 2dly, after it was accepted by the French officers, to deliver it to them in a polite and brotherly manner. And, when I acted so, I was led by two motives,—the one, because, independent of the affectionate and dutiful regard that binds me to our gallant, patriotic army, independent of what can be said in favor of that freemasonry of liberty, it has ever been my duty and inclination to set up in the best light every thing that is done by a body of Americans. And when wrong measures, such as are sometimes taken in county or town meetings, have been by me disputed for in foreign companies, I will be still more desirous to see a proper respect paid to the measures of such a respectable body as the American officers. My second motive is, that, independent of any propriety of the institution in itself, had I amendments to propose, it should be in America and not in Europe; and that, on the moment the Society is unpopular, a two words resolve from an assembly may entirely destroy it, when, if danger is feared, I heartily would consent to the destruction.1

I have not entered into the merits of the association. Your opinion and mine on the subject are not to have effect in Europe. Let us reserve it for America, where it may be of use. I only wanted my conduct not to be misrepresented to you; and as to my democratic principles, let it be remembered, that, at a time when your situation was at the worst, and my disobeying this Court might be ruinous, I went over a volunteer in the cause from which others could not recede unless they were deserters.

As to my going to America, you know I came with an intention to settle a plan of coöperation. Count de Grasse’s misfortune postponed it. Negotiations came on, and you thought I should stay. Count d’Estaing was employed, and you thought I should go with him. I did not set off before the affair of the six millions was settled, as you well know. When peace was made I returned through Spain. The minister and consul wanted free ports, wished to have Lorient, and had no instructions to act officially. Instead of two that were promised, four have been given,—Dunkirk, Lorient, Bayonne, and Marseilles. That affair will be soon concluded, and, before the end of May, I shall set out for America. Many reasons of delay might be pleaded; but they did not so much weigh with me as to retard the intended visit.

This confidential letter I consider as a personal mark of esteem for you, and respect for your opinion. Although we have differed in a few points, our fundamental principles are the same. It is not to the great man I write, because my popularity, thank God, is established in the kind, liberal hearts of the American nation at large. It is to the honest man, because, although your opinion sometimes has seemed to me wrong, your principles have ever been right, and I greatly value your esteem.

Adieu, my dear sir. Let me hear sometimes from you, and believe me,

Affectionately, yours,

Lafayette.

[1 ]The point of this may be gathered by reference to the note in vol. iii. page 93. It is pleasant to know that this impression was acknowledged by the writer before his death to be a mistake.

[1 ]The sense of this paragraph is a little marred by the writer’s struggle with a language not his own. But by a little attention it may be fully made out.