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The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Author: John Adams
Editor: Charles Francis Adams

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The Hague, 24 January, 1784.

Sir,—

Desirous of doing all in my power to save Mr. Morris’s bills, I determined to go to Amsterdam, and accordingly set off the beginning of this month from London in a season too rigorous for pleasure. At Harwich we were obliged to wait several days for fair weather, which, when it arrived, brought us little comfort, as it was very cold, and the wind exactly against us. The packets were obliged to put to sea, and I embarked in one of them. We were more than three days in advancing thirty-three leagues, with so unsteady a course, and such a tossing vessel, that we could not keep a fire, the weather very cold, and the passengers all very sea-sick. As we could not, on account of the great quantities of ice upon the coast, reach Helvoet, we were put on shore on the island of Goree, whence we got a boor’s wagon to carry our baggage, and we walked about six miles to the town of Goree; not finding iceboats here, we were obliged to go in open boors’ wagons across the island to Midel-Harnis. Here we were detained several days in very bad lodgings, unable to find boats to carry us over the arm of the sea to Helvoet. At length ice-boats appeared, and we embarked amidst a waste of ice which passed in and out every day with the tide; and, by the force of oars and boathooks, sometimes rowing in the water, and sometimes dragging on the ice, which would now and then break and let us down, in the course of the day we got over; and we thought ourselves lucky, as the last boat which passed got stuck in the ice, and was carried out with the tide and brought in again, so that it was out from nine in the morning to one o’clock the next night before it reached the opposite shore. We could not reach Helvoet, but landed on the dike about two miles from it, and took boors’ wagons again for the Brille, which we reached at night. Next morning, we took ice-boats again to cross another water obstructed by ice as before, and then a third, the Maese, which we found sufficiently frozen to walk over. Another boor’s wagon carried us to Delft, and from thence a coach to the Hague. After the rest of a day or two, I went to Amsterdam. Our bankers had applied to the regency, and I offered to enter into any reasonable contract, and to pledge the faith of the United States for the performance of it. But all in vain. The gentlemen of the regency seemed very desirous of doing something for us, if they could. But, as usual, they are so afraid of making a precedent, and that other powers, as much distressed for money as we, should take advantage and demand the same favor, that they dare not; and our bankers were advised to take back their application, to avoid a certain decision against us. Yesterday, I returned to the Hague.

I should look back with less chagrin upon the disagreeable passage from London, if we had succeeded in obtaining the object of it; but I find I am here only to be a witness that American credit in this Republic is dead never to rise again, at least until the United States shall all agree upon some plan of revenue, and make it certain that interest and principal will be paid. There has scarce an obligation been sold since the news of the mutiny of soldiers in Philadelphia, and the diversity of sentiments among the States about the plan of impost.

I have no information from congress or Mr. Morris, but I am told by our bankers there are bills to the amount of thirteen hundred thousand guilders, which must be sent back; a terrible disappointment to great numbers of people! Some of the bills become payable the beginning of March, and the rest, being much the greatest part, in May.

At Amsterdam, I received the honor of yours of 3d of this month.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 29 January, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

When I left Amsterdam, I despaired of doing any thing to prevent the bills of exchange from being sent back. It is possible, however, that something may have since happened to give us better hopes. I should be obliged to you, if you would inform me, whether there is yet any ground to expect aid from the venerable regency of your city or not. The commerce of the city is much interested in it, and the city has a right to do what it will with its own; and, therefore, no other power can take advantage of the precedent, since we are not demanding a right, but requesting a favor. Surely, if the city sees, that, without hurting itself, it can confer a favor on a friend, and thereby greatly promote its own commerce, it has a right to do it, without fearing that other powers differently circumstanced should claim a like indulgence.

Since my return to the Hague, I have reflected, as maturely as I can, upon the proposition of a new loan on a different plan, suggested in one of your letters to me in London. It would be with great reluctance that I should consent to raise the interest, but yet I would do it, rather than the bills should go back. I therefore request of you, gentlemen, to consider of this matter, and consult with the undertakers, and if you can be sure of obtaining the cash to save the bills, by a new plan, I would agree to it. But yet I could not, I think, go beyond six per cent., including your commissions, the two per cent. to the undertakers, and, in short, including interest and all charges.

It is neither your fault nor mine, if we cannot succeed, yet I should wish to do every thing in our power, and I request your sentiments upon the subject. It would be imprudent to talk of a new plan, if we were not previously certain of success in obtaining the money.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 31 January, 1784.

Sir,—

We are favored with the honor of your Excellency’s letter of the 29th of this month, which should have appeared yesterday with us.

Mr. W. Willink did himself the honor to wait on your Excellency the night before your departure, to inform you of the unsuccessfulness of all our repeated endeavors. Notwithstanding the favorable dispositions of our regency, considerations of so much importance with them opposed their good intentions, that they could not be prevailed upon to dispose favorably of our request.

We have, however, not been quiet since, but are daily occupied in conference with the undertakers, and offer them an extraordinary premium on the remainder of the two millions. As they will meet with us Monday morning to make some demands, we should wish to receive in answer to this your Excellency’s orders, as to whether we should conclude with them in case we could succeed, by a sacrifice of four to five per cent. on that amount, for all the extraordinary gratifications and allowances. We suppose this course preferable in this juncture to an attempt to negotiate a new loan against six per cent. interest, which last, however, your Excellency seems to consider (as we surely have always done) preferable to the return of the bills. Should we, however, after receiving your Excellency’s authority for the first mentioned proposals, not succeed with them, it would be well that you consent to our consulting with the undertakers about a new loan, with whom we shall by no means do any thing except on security of getting the money.

But we wish to observe to your Excellency, that the interest of six per cent. is in favor of the money-lenders, and can by no means bear the charges on the loan; and not only these must be paid, besides the interest, but we are in real apprehension, that, instead of being four and a half per cent. in all, they would, by reason of this juncture of time, amount to six per cent. altogether, to which it would be necessary to submit. Hence we should rather allow the extraordinary premium of four to five per cent. on the remaining obligations in our hands; but we submit, with respect, our judgment to your Excellency’s more enlightened understanding.

We press the undertakers the more seriously, because we have got information that the Bank of Philadelphia stopped payment on account of false bank notes put in circulation, which circumstance occasioned confusion there; and if it should become public before we are able to conclude the matter, we are really fearful all our endeavors will entirely miscarry. We therefore consider, on account of this fatal event, the sooner we can conclude, the better, without standing on a trifle of a per cent., more or less. All which we submit to your Excellency’s consideration, and beg the favor of your advice, if any thing of this circumstance should be known to you, as we may yet doubt the correctness of this advice, dated 9 December.

We have the honor, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 1 February, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

I have just received your favor of yesterday, and thank you for the promptitude with which you answered mine of the 29th ult.

I have been informed particularly by the two worthy pensionaries, Van Berckel and Visscher, as well as by your letter, of the difficulties of succeeding with your venerable regency, and, therefore, see no hopes of saving the bills, but in the plan of a new loan, or in that which you propose, which, I fully agree with you, is much better for many reasons.

Your judgment in these things is much better than mine, and, therefore, if we cannot do better, in your opinion, I will agree with you to the sacrifice of four to five per cent., for all the extraordinary gratifications and allowances.

I have not yet received from any quarter, before I received your letter, the least intimation that the Bank of Philadelphia had stopped payment on account of false notes in circulation. And I cannot credit such a report, because, if it were true, it would have been most industriously spread in Europe, with all its details and evidence, by the many enemies we have among the stockjobbers in England and elsewhere.

With esteem, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 4 February, 1784.

Sir,—

We have received your Excellency’s esteemed favor of 1st February, by which we see you are pleased to consent to an extraordinary sacrifice, on which we pleaded with the undertakers, but could by no means prevail on them; and at last they declared against it finally. These displeasing circumstances brought us into the necessity to take their opinions on a new loan against six per cent. interest, as your Excellency judged perfectly right, that it was much preferable to do it, than to get the bills protested. We, in consequence, have proposed to them the inclosed scheme, on which, Sunday or Monday next, they jointly have promised an answer. In case we can offer to them a reasonable premium and gratification, some of them seem inclined to hearken to the proposal; and we stipulate the ready payment of so many hundred thousand guilders this month, that the bills falling due at the end, to such an amount, should all be paid. We want, therefore, to pray your Excellency to authorize us to conclude, on this footing, with six per cent. allowance for all the premiums, brokerage, gratifications, notary seals, obligations, commission, and every expense besides. In case we can be happy enough to bring it to consistency, we shall directly draw up the obligation for your Excellency to sign, and direct further matters in the most regular way and order.1

Desiring your answer hereon for our government,

We remain, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 5 February, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

I have received your favor of the 4th, and considered its contents. I am very sorry to find there is no hope of obtaining the money upon the old obligations, with an additional gratification. The credit of the United States must be very low indeed, in this Republic, if we must agree to terms so exorbitant as those in the plan you have inclosed to me, in order to obtain about two hundred thousand pounds sterling. The news of it will cause such an alarm, and give such disgust in America, that the effect of it will be positive orders to borrow no more. This, indeed, would be no evil in America. However, since the bills are drawn, to avoid the mischiefs which would follow the final protest of them, I will agree to the new plan you propose, provided you cannot obtain the money upon more moderate and reasonable terms. But I must entreat you, gentlemen, to use your utmost endeavors to obtain some diminution of the gratification, if it is possible. I am well persuaded of your disposition to do this business as advantageously for the United States as you can, and, therefore, it is unnecessary for me to use any arguments with you upon the occasion.

I beg leave to recommend to you, that the subscription should be opened at only one house, Messrs. Willink’s, for example, as this method is more convenient for the subscribers, and not less beneficial for the other houses.

You will be pleased to make it an indispensable condition, that the money be furnished for the payment of all the bills, for I am determined, if any of them go back protested, they shall all share the same fate.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 5 February, 1784.

Sir,—

I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me the 24th past. You have had a terrible passage indeed, taking it altogether, from London to Amsterdam. The season has been, and continues uncommonly severe, and you must have suffered much. It is a pity that the good purpose of your voyage, to save, if possible, the credit of Mr. Morris’s bills, could not be accomplished by your obtaining a loan from the regency. I do not wonder at their declining it, nor at the stop you mention as put to the general loan by the news of the diversity of sentiments among the States about the plan of impost. I hope these mischievous events will at length convince our people of the truth of what I long since wrote to them, that the foundation of credit abroad must be laid at home. When the States have not faith enough in a congress of their own choosing to trust it with money for the payment of their common debt, how can they expect that that congress should meet with credit, when it wants to borrow more money for their use from strangers?

Your Excellency saw in England the instructions brought to us by Captain Jones from the congress, and which you forwarded to me. Expecting your and Mr. Jay’s speedy return hither, I took no step in consequence of them. Mr. Jay is now returned. And we are both desirous of knowing whether it is your intention to join us again here, in order to execute these instructions; because, in that case, we should wait your arrival.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 10 February, 1784.

Sir,—

I had scarcely finished my despatches to go by Mr. Thaxter with the definitive treaty, when I was taken down with a fever at Paris, and reduced so low as to be totally unable to attend to any business for a long time. When I grew so much better as to be able to ride, I was advised to go to England. As I had nothing to do at Paris, and an attempt to reside in Holland would probably have thrown me into a relapse, I took the advice, and after a few weeks of gentle exercise and relaxation from care, with a change of air and of diet, I found myself so much better as to venture over to Holland, though in a very rigorous season, to see if I could do any thing to save the public credit. I have done my utmost to no purpose. Mr. Van Berckel and Mr. Visscher, who are very well disposed to serve us, have frankly told me that there was no hope of obtaining the least assistance from the regency. I went to Amsterdam, and spent eight or ten days there, but could do nothing. The bills of exchange must, for any thing I see, go back, and the credit of the United States will never revive, until they have established a certain revenue for the payment of interest.

A long course of journeys and voyages, a variety of climates, and continued application of mind have so wrecked my constitution, which was never very firm, and produced these repeated attacks of the fever, that it is high time for me to take a little repose; and as Mr. Jay will be with Dr. Franklin, at Paris, it will be unnecessary for me to go thither to execute the last instructions of congress, and I shall accordingly remain here until further orders.

Peace is made between Russia and the Porte, and the definitive treaty between England and Holland is expected to be soon signed. May the world continue at peace! But if it should not, I hope we shall have wisdom enough to keep ourselves out of any broil. As I am quite in sentiment with the Baron de Nolken, the Swedish ambassador at St. James’s, who did me the honor to visit me, although I had not visited him. “Sir,” said he, “I take it for granted, that you will have sense enough to see us in Europe cut each other’s throats with a philosophical tranquillity.” This minister requested Governor Pownall to introduce him to me. He did so. The ambassador told me he had been twenty years at that Court, and had seen the rise, progress, and end of the dispute with America; that he had lived much with the British ministers, and had often ventured to give them his sentiments; that he had constantly foretold the issue; “but,” said he, “although I was upon good terms with them, they had no confidence in me; and in this they were right; for no court ought ever to have confidence in a foreign minister.” I mention this, because it is a maxim with all old nations, and I think it high time it should become the maxim of our young one.

Governor Pownall told me that he meditated a voyage to America, but was afraid of jealousies and suspicions, and asked if I thought he might be well received. I told him I did not doubt he would be received respectfully in every part of America; that he had always been considered, so far as I knew, as friendly to America, and that his writings had been useful to our cause.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The Hague, 11 February, 1784.

Sir,—

Last night I received your obliging favor of the 5th of this month.

Your Excellency’s sentiment, “that the foundation of credit abroad must be laid at home,” is perfectly just, and accords with the general sentiment of the money-lenders, undertakers, and brokers in this country, whose universal cry is, “we should choose to see some certain method agreed on and established for the payment of interest, before we adventure farther in the American loan.”

I am glad to hear of Mr. Jay’s safe return to Paris, and hope his health is confirmed. As the instructions may be executed by any one or more of the ministers for the peace, residing at the Court of Versailles, it seems to me to be more for the benefit of the public service, that I should remain here for some time, rather than go to Paris. I have not given over all endeavors to obtain the money for the bills, although the best friends we have inform me there is no hope at all from the public. We are endeavoring to discover, if it is possible, by any new plan of a loan, to obtain the money of the undertakers. Yet, by all I can learn, I despair of obtaining it, without agreeing to terms so disadvantageous as to be little better than the final protest of the bills. Indeed, it is still improbable, that I can obtain it, upon any terms at all. Money is scarce, as well as our credit feeble. The loan of the East India Company, warranted by the states of Holland, does not fill; a case unknown in this country.

Your Excellency, with Mr. Jay, may proceed to execute these instructions without me; and I hereby entreat that you would, without waiting at all for me. It is not likely there will be any difference of opinion between your Excellencies, concerning any of those instructions, in which case alone it would be necessary for me to attend, if Mr. Laurens does not.

It is probable we may soon learn something from congress, in answer to our letter with the definitive treaty, which will determine whether it is necessary I should join you at Paris or not. It would be very inconvenient to me, in the present tender state of my health, to make a journey to Paris without a necessity, at least until this formidable winter breaks up, although I should be ambitious enough of the honor of joining in the execution of those orders.

I wish your Excellencies a happy year, and much pleasure in the enjoyment of peace, as well as success in your negotiations, whether joined or not by your most obedient and most humble servant,

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 13 February, 1784.

Dear Sir,—

I have received a letter from Mr. Gerry, at Philadelphia, 23 November. Thaxter arrived there the night before. I presume he has written by Mr. Reed, and that his letter is gone to you, as he probably addressed his letter to us all.

Mr. Morris has drawn afresh by this vessel. Let me beg of you and the Doctor to advise him to stop his hand. If I can possibly save those already drawn, which, however, I still despair of, it will be upon terms so enormously avaricious, that it will raise a tremendous clamor in America. It is ruinous to borrow money in Europe upon such terms, but it will be more ruinous to let the bills go back.

My situation is very disagreeable. It is not for me to judge of the propriety of the drafts. I am only in a ministerial capacity, and ought to procure the money, if possible, upon any terms within my instructions, but to be obliged to go to the utmost extent of them, when I know that such numbers will blame me for it, because they will not believe the necessity of it, is unpleasant.

There is a despotism in this country, in the government of loans, as absolute as that of the grand signior; five or six people have all the money under their command, and they are as avaricious as any Jews in Jews’ Quarter. This country revenges itself in this way, upon the powers of Europe, for the insults it receives from them in wars and negotiations.

I think I could not justify going to Paris while the fate of these bills is depending. You will be so good as to go on with the doctor in execution of the last instructions. If there is any point upon which you wish for my opinion, I will give it you with pleasure at any time by letter. Has Mr. Laurens declined acting? How is the doctor’s health? And how is Mrs. Ridley?

If a commission should come to us all to treat with England, as it will be a thorny work, and likely to produce discontent and clamors, it is not my intention to withdraw my shoulders from any part of the burden. You will pardon me for suggesting, that we ought to obtain, if we can, from every power we treat with, an article that American produce imported into their ports in American bottoms, shall pay no more duties, than if imported in vessels of the subjects of those powers.

Mr. Gerry desires his respects and affections to you, in very strong and high terms; thinks the removal of congress has strengthened the Union, and that the British proclamations have had the same effect.

Will Denmark stipulate that both her islands in the West Indies shall be free ports to us?

Yours, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

Sir,—

We have had the honor to receive your most esteemed favor of the day before yesterday, and observe with pleasure that your Excellency agrees to the alteration which we have proposed by our last in the plan of a new loan.

We had this morning a conference with the brokers, which was proposed for to have the answer of the undertakers, and in which we expected the matter should be quite regulated. But it is with a great displeasure that we were obliged to remit the conclusion till next Monday, and that we are in the necessity to give you again such a disagreeable account. The undertakers agree with us in the opinion, that the loan will have a very good success by a public subscription, but they do not incline to run the risk of it for the whole amount. They only offer to engage to a million or something more; but we could not possibly succeed to determine them to double the sum; and because it is your absolute order, that either all the bills must be paid, or all return, we could not accept their offers; and, in case your Excellency do not incline in this situation to accommodate yourself to the circumstance, we fear all our endeavors will tend to no purpose. We feel how disagreeable it is to your Excellency, but we beg to submit to your consideration, that the engagement for a million will furnish us the money to pay the first drafts, and that we have a good prospect that the loan will be carried to the whole capital of two millions, or at least to such an amount, that, before the other drafts become due, we shall have money to pay them all. However, in case this should not answer our wishes, you will please to consider, that for a sum of seven hundred and fifty thousand guilders which were drawn at one hundred and fifty days’ sight, and which by consequence must be paid in the month of May, Mr. Morris took an arrangement, that, in case they might return unpaid, congress should not pay any charges attending the return, and that, by consequence, whenever this should be the case, which we flatter ourselves will not happen, the disappointment will be less fatal.

In these circumstances, we venture to advise your Excellency to give us orders by your answer to this, that we may Monday accept the offer of the undertakers for a million, or so much more as they then will engage, and to open the loan for two millions upon the plan which you have approved, and then we will be certain to pay the first drafts, and have a good prospect likewise to pay the following, notwithstanding we have not the satisfaction to have the same certitude about it.

We beg to give us your answer upon these proposals by the morrow evening post, and have the honor to remain, very respectfully, sir, your most humble, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 14 February, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

I have just received your letter of yesterday as I suppose, though without a date, and have maturely considered its contents. I have weighed your reasons, and considered your advice, and, upon the whole, I think it most prudent to agree upon the terms you propose, the undertakers engaging for a million; but yet I would pray you to endeavor to persuade them to engage for at least fourteen hundred thousand guilders, as this will cover all the bills already drawn, which you have received advice of. I will not insist finally, however, for more than a million, if you cannot obtain an engagement for more.

It is painful to me to agree to such high terms, I own, because I know that great numbers of people in America will blame me for it, and think that I had better have suffered the bills to go back protested. It is my duty, however, to do the best I can, and between two evils to choose the least; upon which principle it is that I agree with you in sentiment, and follow your advice upon this occasion.

With esteem, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 28 February, 1784.

Sir,—

We had the honor of receiving your favor of the 20th instant,1 and are persuaded that the communication of the friendly disposition of his Prussian Majesty made to you by the Baron de Thulemeier will give great pleasure to congress. The respect with which the reputation of that great Prince has impressed the United States, early induced them to consider his friendship as a desirable object; and we are happy in being authorized to assure his Majesty that they will, most cheerfully, enter into such a commercial treaty with him, as being founded on principles of reciprocity, may be productive of equal benefits to both countries. Although we have no commission to conclude such a treaty, yet our instructions from congress enable us to join with the King’s minister in preparing a draft of such treaty, which being sent to congress, they would, together with a commission to conclude the treaty, give us pointed instructions on the subject, and much time might be thereby saved. If you are of this opinion, and his Majesty should be pleased to approve such a measure, we think the articles may be discussed between you and the Baron in the first instance, on the principles which govern in the treaties you mention, both of which have been approved and ratified. That being done, we might confer together, and write a joint letter to congress on the subject; we shall, nevertheless, make this communication a part of our next despatch to congress.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin,

John Jay.

MASON WEEMS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

Though I have not the honor of being personally acquainted with you, I flatter myself this will not be deemed an intrusion as it is a measure which necessity and the advice of my friends (Messrs. Johnson and Chase) have recommended. The particulars of my case, Mr. Johnson informs me, he communicated to you, during your short stay in London, but as I have not the vanity to imagine they were of consequence enough to merit a place among the infinitely more important matters which engage your attention, I beg leave to recapitulate them.

I am a native of America and a student of divinity; two years ago I came over to complete my studies and take orders. My first application was to the great Lowth, Bishop of London, who flatly refused because I intended to return to America, a thing unprecedented in the annals of sacred history Watson, Bishop of Landaff, gave me a gentler reception, condescended to sympathize with me on the distressed situation of our church, and even gave me to hope that a letter from his Excellency the Governor of Maryland (my native State) would gain me admission into the sacred vineyard. His Excellency wrote me a very polite letter, which I immediately carried to the bishop. His Lordship received me very courteously, but told me that he could do nothing without the permission of the archbishop. To the archbishop I went, and have had three conferences with him on the subject, the result of which is, that his Grace, though very willing, cannot ordain me. Parliament, it seems, must take it in hand. A law must be passed to enable him to ordain young Americans, without putting them to the pain of swallowing the oaths of supremacy and allegiance. Thus, sir, you see the condition I am in, after a loss of time, money, and patience, sufficient to distract a stoic.

I was with Mr. Chase this morning. He thinks it probable that the bishops in Holland, Sweden, or Germany, would ordain me without requiring the oath of allegiance. He is of opinion I cannot take it with safety. I have no decided opinion of my own on the subject, but I know many ingenuous people who differ from Mr. Chase. If you will be so very kind as to give me your opinion on the subject, and to let me know by the first post or opportunity, whether I can be ordained on the continent, I will repair there immediately, and consider it as an everlasting obligation conferred on your Excellency’s

Most obedient servant,

Mason Weems.

TO MASON WEEMS.

The Hague, 3 March, 1784.

Sir,—

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me under the cover of my friend, Mr. Johnson; and however dangerous it may be for an American minister of state to intermeddle in a matter of religion, especially without orders from his superiors, I think I can neither transgress nor give offence by rendering you any service in my power, as a private citizen, in a matter of so serious concern.

In the United Provinces of the low countries there are no diocesan bishops, nor any higher order of clergy than presbyters. The Dutch church is wholly Presbyterian, and, therefore, you cannot obtain ordination by coming here. In Sweden and Denmark there are Lutheran bishops, but what articles of faith it may be necessary to subscribe, or what liturgy to adopt, I am not informed. I believe that consubstantiation at least, is among their creeds. By what laws or usages of their country these Protestant bishops may be bound, I know not.

His Excellency, the Baron de Nolken, Ambassador of the King of Sweden to the Court of St. James, I believe would very readily inform you; and Governor Pównall, who is well acquainted with that minister, has so much humanity and friendship for America as to introduce you to him if you desire it. I believe I may venture to give you leave to make use of my name to either of those personages. If you were here, I would introduce you to the Baron Schultz von Ascheraden, the envoy of his Swedish Majesty to their High Mightinesses; but I think it would save you the expense and trouble of travelling, to apply to the Swedish ambassador in London for information. It is a matter of importance, delicacy, and difficulty, and I should advise you to write to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay upon the subject, if you cannot obtain satisfaction in London. They may consult the Swedish and Danish ministers at Versailles. I could do the same with those of the same powers at the Hague, but as congress have joined Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself together on most of their affairs in Europe, I should not think it prudent in me to take any step but in concert with those ministers.

I think the advice of my friend, Mr. Chase, against taking the oaths of allegiance, prudent, at least until the members of the church in America shall have digested some plan for their future government. Perhaps parliament may authorize some bishop in England to ordain American candidates without administering the oaths. The Bishop of St. Asaph, I believe, would give you the best advice, and perhaps Mr. Benjamin Vaughan could procure you an introduction to his Lordship. I have not the honor to be known to his Lordship. But Mr. Vaughan, if you show him this letter, will, I flatter myself, be of service to you.

With much respect,

John Adams.

THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 8 March, 1784.

My Dear Sir,—

Before I had a pointed reason to write, my friendship for you, and our common zeal for the public, had dictated it. But I must begin with the article that, in my mind, creates some uneasiness.

It is written from Amsterdam, that Mr. John Adams is very violent against the Society of the Cincinnati, and calls it a French blessing; and that he says, although I have long announced an intention to go to America, I never fulfil it, which seems to hint a want of zeal to comply with the desire of my American friends.

Was I to take the matter up as a Frenchman, I might tell you that the French Court had not, that I know of, dreamed of the Society before Count de Rochambeau was written to by General Washington. And I might add, that orders, titles, and such other foolish tokens of vanity are not more valued in France, nor even so much, as they are in Germany, Russia, Spain, and Great Britain. But, as it is as an American that I engaged, bled, negotiated, fought, and succeeded in our noble cause, I only want to mark out my conduct to you whom I esteem, and whose esteem, in point of republicanism particularly, I hold in the greatest value.

The institution in itself I do not examine. It is worth paying attention to it. Should it be dangerous, it must not subsist. Should some parts be exceptionable, amendments must be made. In case it is quite harmless, the American officers might be indulged in that, as the country is not a little indebted to them. Opinions must be collected, because opinions of honest men may differ. Lee was the hero of some; Washington was mine; and so on.1 I do not enter into the merits or demerits of the Society. I only want to acquaint you with the part I have taken.

The Society’s letters, respecting the French army, were directed to their generals and admirals. The permitting of it has been considered at Versailles as a compliment paid to a large and meritorious body of Americans, as a badge of union between the two countries; and I had no part to act in the business. The part I acted, was, 1stly, to accept for myself, and deliver the marks of the Society to American officers pointed out by General Washington; 2dly, after it was accepted by the French officers, to deliver it to them in a polite and brotherly manner. And, when I acted so, I was led by two motives,—the one, because, independent of the affectionate and dutiful regard that binds me to our gallant, patriotic army, independent of what can be said in favor of that freemasonry of liberty, it has ever been my duty and inclination to set up in the best light every thing that is done by a body of Americans. And when wrong measures, such as are sometimes taken in county or town meetings, have been by me disputed for in foreign companies, I will be still more desirous to see a proper respect paid to the measures of such a respectable body as the American officers. My second motive is, that, independent of any propriety of the institution in itself, had I amendments to propose, it should be in America and not in Europe; and that, on the moment the Society is unpopular, a two words resolve from an assembly may entirely destroy it, when, if danger is feared, I heartily would consent to the destruction.1

I have not entered into the merits of the association. Your opinion and mine on the subject are not to have effect in Europe. Let us reserve it for America, where it may be of use. I only wanted my conduct not to be misrepresented to you; and as to my democratic principles, let it be remembered, that, at a time when your situation was at the worst, and my disobeying this Court might be ruinous, I went over a volunteer in the cause from which others could not recede unless they were deserters.

As to my going to America, you know I came with an intention to settle a plan of coöperation. Count de Grasse’s misfortune postponed it. Negotiations came on, and you thought I should stay. Count d’Estaing was employed, and you thought I should go with him. I did not set off before the affair of the six millions was settled, as you well know. When peace was made I returned through Spain. The minister and consul wanted free ports, wished to have Lorient, and had no instructions to act officially. Instead of two that were promised, four have been given,—Dunkirk, Lorient, Bayonne, and Marseilles. That affair will be soon concluded, and, before the end of May, I shall set out for America. Many reasons of delay might be pleaded; but they did not so much weigh with me as to retard the intended visit.

This confidential letter I consider as a personal mark of esteem for you, and respect for your opinion. Although we have differed in a few points, our fundamental principles are the same. It is not to the great man I write, because my popularity, thank God, is established in the kind, liberal hearts of the American nation at large. It is to the honest man, because, although your opinion sometimes has seemed to me wrong, your principles have ever been right, and I greatly value your esteem.

Adieu, my dear sir. Let me hear sometimes from you, and believe me,

Affectionately, yours,

Lafayette.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 9 March, 1784.

Sir,—

On the 18th day of February, the Baron de Thulemeier, Envoy Extraordinary to their High Mightinesses from the King of Prussia, did me the honor of a visit; but, as he found I had company, he soon took his leave, and as I accompanied him to the head of the stairs, he told me he had something to propose to me from the King, and desired to know when he might call again. I offered to return his visit at any hour he pleased. He chose to call upon me, and named eleven the next day, at which hour he came, and told me, “that the King, who honored him with a personal correspondence, and was acquainted with my character, had directed him to make me a visit, and to say to me, that, as his subjects had occasion for our tobacco and some other things, and as we had occasion for Silesia linens and some other productions of his dominions, he thought an arrangement might be made between his Crown and the United States which would be beneficial to both;” and the Baron desired to know my sentiments of it.

I answered him, “that I was very sensible of the honor done by his Majesty, but that I had singly no authority to treat or enter into conferences, officially, upon the subject; that congress had been pleased to confer upon their ministers at the late peace, authority to enter into conferences; that I could do nothing but in concurrence with Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, who were at Paris; but I thought I could answer for the good dispositions of those ministers, as well as my own, for forming an arrangement between the two powers which might be beneficial to both; that I would write to those ministers an account of what had passed. He desired I would, and said he would write by the first post to the King, and inquire if his Majesty had any thing in particular to propose, would inform him of my answer, and wait his further orders, which probably he should receive as soon as I should have an answer from Paris.

I wrote the next day, and on Saturday last received an answer from Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, in which they say, that they “are persuaded that the communication of the friendly disposition of his Prussian Majesty made to you by the Baron de Thulemeier will give great pleasure to congress,” &c.1

Yesterday, meeting the Baron at Court, on occasion of the Prince of Orange’s birth-day, he told me he had received another letter from the King, and would call upon me in the evening, which he did, and informed me that the King had written to him that he was collecting all necessary papers, and would soon send them to him, with his further propositions to be made to me. I showed him my letter from Paris, with which he was well satisfied.

He added, that the King had directed him to mention rice and indigo as articles in demand in his ports of Embden and Stettin; and that a large quantity of Virginia tobacco had been this year purchased in those ports for the Baltic market; and that the excellent porcelain of Saxony might be a desirable article for the Americans.

I beg leave to submit to congress, whether the model of the treaty with Holland or Sweden may not, in general, be convenient for one with Prussia; as also the propriety of sending a full power to their ministers at the late peace, or one or more of them, to conclude this business.

With a great deal of difficulty, and at a dear rate, I have at last obtained money to save Mr. Morris’s bills which are payable this month, from going back. Messrs. Willink & Co. will transmit the contract for the ratification of congress. It is much to be lamented that we are obliged to agree to so high terms, but there was absolutely no other alternative but this or protesting the bills. This business has hitherto necessarily prevented me from joining my colleagues at Paris in the execution of our instructions.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 27 March, 1784.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies of three notes from the Prussian minister, the Baron Thulemeier, by which congress will see that the King has agreed to take our treaty with Sweden for a model, reserving to each party the right of suggesting such alterations as shall appear to him convenient. My request to congress is, that they would be pleased to send instructions, at the same time when they send a commission, what articles of the treaty with Sweden they would have expunged, and what new ones inserted, if any. I mention the sending of a commission, because I suppose it is the intention of congress to send one. The instructions already received are not a full power under which any sovereign can conclude, nor regularly even treat; we can only confer. There will be some difficulty about the signature, since his Majesty chooses the negotiation should be conducted by M. de Thulemeier. If congress send the commission to their ministers at the late peace as they did the instructions, M. de Thulemeier must take a journey to Paris, or a majority of the American ministers must be at the Hague.

It is a great pleasure to me to be able to inform congress that I have obtained the promise of a sum sufficient upon the new loan to save the honor of the financier’s bills. Although I regret the severity of the terms, they were the most moderate which would obtain the money. I hope for the approbation of congress, and their ratification of the contract, as soon as may be. Money is really so scarce, and there are so many loans open on even higher conditions, that it will not be possible, I fear, to obtain more money here on more reasonable ones. An impost once laid on to pay the interest, whether by the authority of congress, if that should be agreed to, or by that of the several States, would soon give us better credit here. But, in order to keep up our reputation, upon which our credit depends, there should be somebody constantly residing here to publish illustrations of our affairs, and to confute the calumnies of our enemies of all denominations.

With great and sincere respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

The Hague, 28 March, 1784.

Sir,—

I did not receive your letter of the 8th until the day before yesterday. That I have not seen with pleasure, approbation, or indifference, the introduction into America of so great an innovation as an order of chivalry, or any thing like one, or that has a tendency to one, is very true. That I have been violent against it, is not so. I am not a violent man. I have disapproved of this measure with as much tranquillity and self-recollection, and phlegm, if you will, as if I had been a native, full-blooded Dutchman. It is not more than two or three times that I have had occasion to say any thing about it, and then it was not I who introduced the subject, and I said very little.

It is not my intention to discuss the question. It is too ample a field. But this is not done by the sovereigns of our country. What would be said in any nation of Europe, if a new order were instituted by private gentlemen, without consulting the sovereign? It is against our confederation, and against the constitutions of several States, as it appears to me. It is against the spirit of our governments and the genius of our people. Well may our government be weak, if the sovereign, the confederation, and constitutions are thus neglected! It has introduced, and it will, undoubtedly, introduce contests and dissensions, than which nothing is more injurious to republican States, especially new ones. I sincerely hope our officers, whose merits no man is more willing to acknowledge and reward than I am, in any way consistent with our principles, will voluntarily, after a little reflection, lay it aside. I have written nothing to America upon the subject.

I see no motive of reason or prudence for making a mystery of our sentiments upon this subject in Europe or America, or for reserving them for America. It is a public thing, about which every man has a right to think for himself, and express his thoughts.

As to your going to America, surely I have no objection against it. Being asked whether you were going, I answered that you talked of it, but I questioned whether you would go, as the war was over, and I knew of no particular motive you might have to go. If you go, I wish you a pleasant voyage and a happy sight of your friends.

With much respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 2 April, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

I duly received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the subject of a treaty with Prussia, and communicated it to the Baron de Thulemeier. The King agrees to take the treaty with Sweden for a model, and if your Excellencies have any alterations to propose, I should be obliged to you for the communication of them. The Baron waits the further instructions of the King before he proposes any additions or subtractions. I should be obliged to your Excellencies for a copy of the treaty with Sweden, as I am so unlucky as not to have one here.

Inclosed is a copy of a petition to congress, transmitted me from Boston, by which it appears that the Britons in New York have condemned many vessels taken after the commencement of the armistice. This judgment seems to me to amount to this,—that a parallel of latitude is not a circle which surrounds the globe. If your opinion, gentlemen, is clear upon this head, as I doubt not it is, I think it would be a public service to write it to congress, as this will at least determine the sufferers to pursue their rights by appeal to England. There can be no dispute about it in England, I think.

With great regard,

John Adams.

BARON DE THULEMEIER TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

The Hague, 9 April, 1784.

Sir,—

I have the honor to send you herewith, in the original, the project1 of a treaty of commerce to be concluded on between his Prussian Majesty and the United States of America, just as the King has sent it to me, requesting of you to return it to me as soon as you shall have caused it to be copied. It will be infinitely agreeable to me, sir, to conduct, in concert with you, and to the mutual satisfaction of our masters, this negotiation to the desired point. If to-morrow, between seven and eight o’clock in the evening, you could grant me a moment’s conversation, I shall, with great earnestness, call on you to know your sentiments.

I have added, sir, a description of Silesian linens, which hitherto have been in great demand by your countrymen; that is to say, if the Silesian merchant who furnished it to me be rightly informed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

De Thulemeier.

Description of the principal articles of Silesian linens which have been sent hitherto to the United Provinces of North America by the Sieur John Godfrey Linckh, merchant and manufacturer at Hirschberg:—

1. Hamburg Lawns,
2. Long Lawns,
3. Pistol Lawns,
4. Single Silesias,
5. Tandem double Silesias,
6. Tandem quadruple Silesias,
7. Brown quadruple Silesias,
8. Estopilles Unies.

TO BARON DE THULEMEIER.

The Hague, 9 April, 1784.

Monsieur le Baron,—

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me this morning, with the original proposition of a treaty of commerce to be concluded between his Prussian Majesty and the United States. As soon as a copy can be made, the original shall be returned. I shall be happy to have the honor of receiving you to-morrow evening, as you propose.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 10 April, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

Inclosed is a copy of a letter from the Baron de Thulemeier, and a copy of a project of a treaty transmitted to me by order of the King of Prussia. I should be glad if your Excellencies would examine it, and write me your objections, and proposals of alterations, which I shall immediately communicate to his Majesty through his minister. I presume, too, that your Excellencies will transmit it to congress, that when they send a commission to conclude, they may send their instructions concerning any changes to be made in the project. Your Excellencies, I flatter myself, will think with me, that we should execute the treaty in our own, as well as in the French or German language.

I am, gentlemen, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 10 April, 1784.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose to congress a copy of a letter from the Baron de Thulemeier, and a copy of a project of a treaty transmitted to me by the order of the King of Prussia. I should hope it might be examined in congress, or by a committee, and that instructions may be sent concerning any changes to be made in the articles, together with a commission to treat and conclude, to such person or persons as congress shall please to appoint.

With the greatest respect, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 16 April, 1784.

Sir,—

We duly received (Mr. Jay and I) the letters you did us the honor of writing to us the 27th of March and the 2d instant. We shall transmit, as you desire, the recommendation of Mr. Browne to congress; and inclosed we send a copy of the treaty with Sweden.

We expect Mr. Hartley here very soon to exchange the ratifications of the definitive treaty, when we shall endeavor to obtain an explanatory article relating to the limits and term of captures. The form used in the last treaty is precisely the same that has been used in all the treaties of peace since that of Nimeguen; and I therefore imagined that cases must have arisen at the end of every war, in which it was necessary to decide on the meaning of that form of words wherein the Canary Islands are mentioned; and I desired Mr. Barclay, when he went to London, to procure from the records of the admiralty court some of those cases as decided there; but he tells me none are to be found. May there not be some in Holland? I should suppose they must have been adjudged by the parallel of latitude of those islands; and I should be glad to have such a decision to produce to Mr. Hartley.

With great respect, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 20 April, 1784.

Gentlemen,—

I have just now received the letter which Dr. Franklin did me the honor to write me on the 16th, with the copy of the treaty with Sweden. I have before inclosed the King of Prussia’s project of a treaty, prepared, as I am assured by his minister, with his own hand, in his private cabinet.

I believe it has been reserved to the present age, when the subtleties of Aristotle and the schools are transferred from theology to politics, to discover room for a doubt in the construction of the armistice, and, therefore, we shall search in vain in any admiralty for a precedent. The words are,—“Le terme sera d’un mois depuis la manche et les mers du nord, jusqu’aux isles Canaries, inclusivement, soit dans l’océan, soit dans la Méditerranée.” This limit is to extend to the southernmost point of the southernmost Canary island, from the channel. This is the extent from north to south. What is to be the extent from east to west? Is it to have none? Is it to be confined to a mathematical line, running from the middle of the channel to the remotest part of the remotest Canary? or is it to be a space as wide as the channel, running from it to that Canary? or is it to be as wide as that island? If none of these constructions have common sense in them, what can we suppose to have been the meaning of the contracting parties? They have ascertained the space very exactly from north to south, and as they have left the extent from east to west without limits, it is very clear they intended it should be unlimited, and reach all round the globe, at least where there is any ocean or mediterranean.

I have the honor, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 22 April, 1784.

Sir,—

I received some time since a letter from an American gentleman, now in London, a candidate for orders, desiring to know if American candidates might have orders from Protestant bishops on the continent, and complaining that he had been refused by the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, unless he would take the oaths of allegiance, &c.

Meeting soon afterwards the Danish minister, I had the curiosity to inquire of him, whether ordination might be had in Denmark. He answered me, that he knew not; but would soon inform himself. I heard no more of it till to-day, when the secretary of his embassy, Mr. de Rosenkrantz, made me a visit, and delivered me the papers, copies of which are inclosed.

Thus it seems, that what I meant as current conversation only, has been made the subject of deliberation of the government of Denmark and their faculty of theology, which makes it necessary for me to transmit it to congress. I am happy to find the decision so liberal.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

(Inclosed.)

M. DE ST. SAPHORIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

The Hague, 21 April, 1784.

M. de St. Saphorin has the honor to communicate to Mr. Adams the answer he has received from his Excellency, the Count de Rosencrone, Privy Counsellor and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of his Danish Majesty, relative to what Mr. Adams desired to know. He will be happy, should this answer be agreeable to him, as well as to his superiors, and useful to his fellow-citizens. He has the honor to assure him of his respect.

de St. Saphorin.

(Extract Inclosed.)

Sir,—

“The opinion of the theological faculty having been taken on the question made to your Excellency by Mr. Adams: If the American ministers of the church of England can be consecrated here by a bishop of the Danish church? I am ordered by the King to authorize you to answer, that such an act can take place according to the Danish rites; but, for the convenience of the Americans, who are supposed not to know the Danish language, the Latin language will be made use of on the occasion. For the rest, nothing will be exacted from the candidates, but a profession conformable to the articles of the English church; omitting the oath called test, which prevents their being ordained by the English bishops.”

TO BARON DE ST. SAPHORIN.

Mr. Adams has the honor to present his compliments to the Baron de St. Saphorin, and his sincere thanks for his note of yesterday’s date, and for the copy of the despatch of his Excellency, the Count de Rosencrone, Minister of the Council of State, and Secretary of State for the Department of Foreign Affairs, of his Majesty the King of Denmark. Mr. Adams will have the honor of transmitting these papers to congress by the first opportunity, and they cannot fail to be considered in a very friendly and favorable light by a considerable number of respectable people in each of the thirteen States, who are materially interested in them. He begs M. de St. Saphorin to accept the assurances of the great respect with which he has the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 29 April, 1784.

Sir,—

We received the letter you did us the honor of writing to us the 10th instant, with the project of a treaty that had been transmitted to you by the Baron de Thulemeier, which we have examined, and return herewith, having made a few small additions or changes of words to be proposed, such as citoyens for sujets, and the like, and intimated some explanations as wanted in particular paragraphs. The sooner a copy, with such of these changes as shall be agreed to by your Excellency and the Prussian minister, is forwarded to congress for their approbation, the better. With regard to the language of treaties, we are of opinion, that if the ministers of the nation we treat with insist on having the treaty in their own language, we should then insist on having it also in ours, both to be signed at the same time. This was done in our treaties with France; but if both parties agree to use a language that is particular to neither, but common to both, as the Latin or the French, as was done in our treaty with Sweden, we then think it not necessary to have it also signed in English.

With great respect, &c.

B. Franklin,

John Jay.

TO BARON DE THULEMEIER.

The Hague, 5 May, 1784.

Monsieur le Baron,—

I have the honor to inclose your project of a treaty with a few corrections and proposals of explanations made by my colleagues, Messrs. Franklin and Jay, which I have the honor to agree with them in submitting to your consideration. The alterations are soon made, and are so inconsiderable, that if you and I can arrange them, which may be done in half an hour, I will transmit the whole to congress by the earliest opportunity, as a plan approved by the ministers on both sides.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 13 May, 1784.

Sir,—

Since my last arrival in Holland, I have not transmitted to congress the details of the politics of this Court and nation, nor of the neighboring Courts which are exciting disputes with it. Mr. Dumas has been in the habit and train of that history, and I have not thought fit to interrupt him; but, if I should reside here regularly, the whole business of the mission will of course go through my hands. I therefore wish to know in what light I am to consider this gentleman, and what relation he is to stand in to me. I wish it for the government of my own conduct, and still more from regard to him, whom I esteem as a very worthy man, and one who has, for a course of years, been indefatigable in the service of the United States, and who is not adequately rewarded or supported by the pittance which is allowed him. But what is more disagreeable, he has never had any character or commission from congress, and one knows not what to call him, whether secretary or agent. I cannot ask him to act as my private secretary, which is really much beneath him, although he is ever ready to assist me in all things. I should be happy to know the pleasure of congress in this respect, and to receive their instructions from time to time in all things which relate to the United Netherlands, which I shall endeavor to execute to the best of my power.

Inclosed is another copy of the project of a treaty with Prussia, which I transmitted to Paris, to Messrs. Franklin and Jay, and have received back again from them, with their approbation, excepting the few corrections and inquiries marked upon it by those ministers. The King will send a full power, probably, to M. de Thulemeier, and I should be happy to know the pleasure of congress.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 7 June, 1784.

Sir,—

Some weeks ago the Baron de Thulemeier called upon me and delivered me the paper, a copy of which is inclosed, marked 1. It is a letter written by the Envoy to the King.

Last evening the Baron called upon me again, and delivered me the answer of the King contained in the paper, a copy of which is inclosed, marked 2.

I have heretofore transmitted to congress, by different opportunities, copies of the project of a treaty, and the papers herein transmitted complete the negotiation, and the treaty is ready for signature, unless congress have other alterations to propose.

As his Majesty seems to choose that this business should be conducted by his envoy here, who is also desirous of finishing it, perhaps congress may not judge it too much complaisance, in framing their commission, to give authority to any one to conclude this treaty, in case they should name more than one, as it would be impossible for M. Thulemeier to go to Paris. It is not every ambassador, however high his rank, or numerous his titles, or magnificent his appointments, who arrives at the honor of concluding any treaty. It is a distinction which is made an object of ambition, and is much desired, so that the Baron’s inclinations, I suppose, will not be thought inexcusable.

I should hope that congress might despatch their instructions and authority to some one or more, to conclude this affair with as little delay as possible.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

OBSERVATIONS.

(Translation.)

1st. Instead of expressing through the course of the treaty the denomination of the United States of North America, simply the United States of America.

2d. Instead of respective subjects, so far as regards the United States of America, the word citizens.

3d. Article III. In like manner, to the merchandises of America, add productions, manufactures, and merchandises.

4th. Article VII. And no one shall be molested on account of his religion, provided he submit to the public demonstrations enjoined by the laws of the country. On this head a more explicit article is desirable, such as the fourth of the treaty concluded between the United States of America and the Republic of the United Provinces. “Entire and perfect liberty of conscience shall be granted to the subjects and inhabitants of each party and their families, and no one shall be molested on account of his religion, provided he submit, as regards the public demonstrations thereof, to the laws of the country. Liberty shall, moreover, be granted, on the death of the subjects or inhabitants of either party in the territory of the other, to inter them in the usual burial grounds, or in decent or suitable places appointed for the purpose; and the bodies of the interred shall in no wise be molested, and the two contracting powers shall provide, each within its respective jurisdiction, that the respective subjects and inhabitants may hereafter obtain the requisite certificates in case of death, when they may be interested therein.”

5th. Article XV. Until the cargo has been landed in the presence of officers appointed for the purpose, and that the opening has been made.

N. B. Instead of opening, inventory.

6th. The twenty-first article may require some alteration, since it is found to be contradictory to the seventeenth article of the treaty of amity and commerce between his most Christian Majesty and the United States of America, which is expressed as follows: “And, on the contrary, no shelter or refuge shall be given in their ports or harbors to such as shall have made prizes of the subjects of his Majesty or said United States, and if they are forced to enter by distress of weather or the danger of the sea, they shall be obliged to leave it again as soon as possible.” After the declaration of this article, it appears that in case of a war between Prussia and France, it would not be admissible for the United States of America to derogate from antecedent treaties concluded with the most Christian King, in favor of a more recent obligation contracted with his Prussian Majesty.

ANSWER OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

1st. May be changed without any difficulty.

2d. The same.

3d. Granted, the rather, as the general term of merchandises comprehends alike productions that grow, and manufactures.

4th. This article can be minuted as is desired in the observations.

5th. Granted.

6th. This article may be minuted in the following manner: “The armed vessels of one of the contracting parties shall not conduct the prizes they shall have taken from their enemies into the ports of the other, unless they are forced to enter therein by stress of weather or danger of the sea. In this last case, they shall not be stopped nor seized, but shall be obliged to go away as soon as possible.”

ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, 16 June, 1784.

Dear Sir,—

I have not any letters from your Excellency which are unanswered, except those of the 21st of May and 14th of September in the last year, both of which arrived very long after their dates. I have learnt from the gentlemen to whom the management of the loan in Holland was committed, the various good and ill success which they have met with. And now that I am about to leave this office, let me return to your Excellency my sincere thanks for the assistance which has at different times been derived from the exertion of your industry and talents. I pray you also to believe, that, when in private life, I shall continue to feel that esteem and respect with which

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

Robert Morris.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, 22 June, 1784.

Sir,—

If my memory does not deceive me, I have heretofore transmitted to congress the advice of some of the foreign ministers here, that the United States in congress assembled should write a letter to each of the sovereigns of Europe, informing them of the complete establishment of their independence.

Lately, in separate conversations with the ministers of the two empires and the King of Sardinia, they all repeated this advice. They say that this is the rule, the practice, and that the precedents are uniform. The Empress of Russia did it lately, when she ascended the throne. They add, that this is the precise point of time, now that the ratifications of the definitive treaty of peace are exchanged, which is most proper to make the communication, and that their Courts expect it from congress.

Congress, no doubt, will write an elegant letter upon the occasion, but it would, in substance, be sufficient to say, that, on the 4th of July, 1776, they found it necessary to declare themselves a sovereign State; that they have since entered into treaties with several powers of Europe, particularly a treaty of peace with the King of Great Britain, wherein that crown has acknowledged formally and solemnly their sovereignty, and that it is their desire to live in good intelligence and correspondence with the sovereigns of Europe and of all other parts of the world, and with the one in particular, and that there may be friendship and harmony between their respective citizens and subjects. These letters may be transmitted to all or any of your ministers in Europe, to be by them communicated through the foreign ministers at the court where they reside, or they may be transmitted directly. If congress are at a loss for the titles of any sovereign, they may leave a blank, to be filled by the minister to whom the letter is sent for communication.

The answers which will be respectively given to these letters will prevent many questions, discussions, and chicaneries, because that orders will then be given to all ambassadors, governors, generals, admirals, &c., to treat all American citizens of the United States according to their characters.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Lorient, 25 June, 1784.

My Dear Sir,—

At the very instant of sailing for America, I stop to send you the new-modelled regulations of the Cincinnati. My principles ever have been against heredity, and while I was in Europe disputing about it with a few friends, my letters to the assembly, and still more particularly to the president, made them sensible of my opinion upon that matter. Until heredity was given up, I forebore mentioning in Europe what sense I had expressed. But Mr. Jay being in Paris, I once explained my conduct to him, and he appeared very well satisfied. The value I have for your esteem is the reason why I mention those particulars, and, so far as respects me, it is for you that I write this minute account.

Mr. Jay is named a minister for foreign affairs, with John Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson, appointed a committee to make treaties with European powers.

With every sentiment of an affectionate regard, &c.

Lafayette.

Whatever has been thought offensive, you see the Cincinnati have given it up. Now the new frame must be examined. In every circumstance, my dear sir, depend upon it, you will find me what I have ever been, and perhaps with some éclat, a warm friend to the army, a still warmer advocate for the cause of liberty; but those two things, when the army is put to the proof, you will ever acknowledge to agree with each other.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The Hague, 29 June, 1784.

Sir,—

The Baron de Reishach has several times said to me that his Court expected that congress would announce formally their independence; and he has asked me if any step of that sort had been taken. That I may be able to give him an answer, I must request of your Excellency to inform me, whether you have made the annunciation directed in the first article of the instructions of the 29th of October, 1783, and what is the answer.

I have the pleasure to learn, by report only, however, that Mr. Jay is appointed minister of foreign affairs, and that Mr. Jefferson is appointed to Madrid, and that Mr. Johnson has received and transmitted to your Excellency a packet which probably contains an authentic account, as it seems to be posterior to the appointment, by being addressed only to your Excellency and to me. I should be glad to know whether there is any thing else of consequence, and whether it appears to be the design and expectation of congress that I should join you where you are.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 4 July, 1784.

Sir,—

I have received the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to me the 29th past.

The annunciation directed by the instruction you mention, has not yet been made; some circumstances and considerations not necessary to particularize at present, occasioned the delay here; but it may now be done immediately by your Excellency, if you think proper, to the imperial minister at the Hague; or I will do it to Count Mercy, by presenting him a copy of the instruction itself.

I hope the report that Mr. Jay is appointed minister of foreign affairs will prove true. Such an officer has long been wanted, and he will make a good one. It is said here that Mr. Jefferson was talked of to succeed me, of which I shall be glad on all accounts; but I have no letter, nor the least hint from any one of the congress relating to these matters. I wrote to you a few days since, and sent you a copy of the last despatch, and the only one I have received since January. Mr. Hartley, who has been here more than two months, is in a similar situation. He has expected instructions by every late courier to treat with us on commercial points; but they do not arrive. He thinks the delay occasioned by the report of the committee of council on the subject not having been ready to lay before parliament. The moment he is ready to treat I shall acquaint your Excellency with it; for I make no doubt of its being the design and expectation of congress that we should join in that transaction.

Montgomery of Alicant appears to have acted very imprudently in writing to Morocco, without the least authority from congress or any of their ministers. It might be well, however, to treat with that Prince, if we were provided with the proper and necessary presents; in which case, this Court would assist our negotiations, agreeable to their treaty with congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The Hague, 27 July, 1784.

Sir,—

I embrace the opportunity by Mr. Bingham, to inclose to your Excellency a copy of a letter from Mr. Jefferson, by which it appears that we are joined in some affairs which will give me the occasion to visit Paris once more, and reside there for some little time at least.

As Mr. Jefferson will not probably arrive before the latter end of August, and nothing can be done before he comes, I shall wait at the Hague for my wife and daughter, who are happily arrived in London, and endeavor to go with them in time to meet your Excellency and Mr. Jefferson upon his arrival at Paris.

The philosophers are speculating upon our constitutions, and, I hope, will throw out hints which will be of use to our countrymen. The science of government, as it is founded upon the genuine principles of society, is many centuries behind that of most other sciences, that of the fine arts, as well as that of trades and manufactures. As it is the first in importance, it is to be hoped it may overtake the rest, and that mankind may find their account in it. The Berlin academician1 has set an example, which, if liberally followed, may produce great effects; for I do not believe that many will find with him, upon examination, that despotism, or even monarchy, is the best possible form of government.

They have sent me from Amsterdam copies of a translation of the Abbé de Mably’s Letters, made by an English Episcopal clergyman at Amsterdam, whom I do not know. I inclose one to your Excellency; and have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 6 August, 1784.

Sir,—

Mr. Bingham sent me last night from Paris your Excellency’s letter of the 27th past, inclosing a copy of one from Mr. Jefferson. I had before sent you a copy of one from the same to me, which I hope you received. I inclose herewith copies of a letter from Mr. Thomson, some new instructions, and one of the commissions. The other two are in the same words, except, that, instead of the words the United Netherlands, there is in one France, and in the other Sweden. These came by Monsieur de la Luzerne, but it was not before Wednesday last that I received them. You will see that a good deal of business is cut out for us,—treaties to be made with, I think, twenty powers in two years,—so that we are not likely to eat the bread of idleness; and that we may not surfeit by eating too much, our masters have diminished our allowance. I commend their economy, and shall imitate it by diminishing my expense. Our too liberal entertainment of our countrymen here, has been reported at home by our guests, to our disadvantage, and has given offence. They must be contented for the future, as I am, with plain beef and pudding. The readers of Connecticut newspapers ought not to be troubled with any more accounts of our extravagance. For my own part, if I could sit down to dinner on a piece of their excellent salt pork and pumpkin, I would not give a farthing for all the luxuries of Paris.

I am glad to hear that your family are safely arrived at London, and that you propose to bring them here with you. Your life will be more comfortable.

I thank you much for the translation of the Abbé de Mably’s letters. The French edition is not yet published here. I have as yet only had time to run over the translator’s preface, which seems well written. I imagine Mr. Sowden to be a Presbyterian minister, as I formerly corresponded with one of that name in Holland, who, I suppose, might be his father. I have not seen the piece you mention of a Berlin academician. I should not object to his enjoyment of the discovery he has made, that despotism is the best possible form of government, by his living under it as long as he pleases. For I admire the decision of his Prince in a similar case, the dispute among his clergy concerning the duration of hell torments.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO THOMAS CUSHING.

Auteuil, 25 October, 1784.

Dear Sir,—

Within a few days I have received your favor of the 16th of August, with the resolve of the general court of the 6th and 7th of July.

The line between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia gave me much uneasiness at the time of the negotiation of the provisional articles, and still continues to distress me. I knew that the French in former times had a practice of erecting a holy cross of wood upon every river they had a sight of, and that such crosses had been found on the banks of all the rivers in that region, and that several rivers, for this reason, were equally entitled with any one, to the appellation of St. Croix. St. John’s River had a number of those crosses, and was as probably meant in the grant to Sir William Alexander, and in the charters of Massachusetts, as any other. I would accordingly have insisted on St. John’s as the limit. But no map or document called St. John’s St. Croix, nor was there one paper to justify us in insisting on it. The charters, the grant to Alexander, all the maps and other papers agreed in this, that St. Croix was the line between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia. My colleagues thought they could not be justified in insisting on a boundary which no record or memorial supported, and I confess I thought so too, after mature reflection; especially as the British ministers insisted long on Kennebec, and to the last moment on Penobscot, and we found their instructions upon this point were so rigorous, that they would not have agreed to St. John’s without sending another courier to England, a loss of time which would not only have hazarded, but finally lost the whole peace for that year, as I fully believe.

We had before us, through the whole negotiation, a variety of maps; but it was Mitchell’s map, upon which was marked out the whole of the boundary lines of the United States; and the river St. Croix which we fixed on was, upon that map, the nearest river to St. John’s; so that, in all equity, good conscience, and honor, the river next to St. John’s should be the boundary. I am glad the general court are taking early measures, and hope they will pursue them steadily, until the point is settled, which it may be now amicably; if neglected long, it may be more difficult.

It is reported here that the Indians are at war with the English, which is the excuse given out for the neglect of evacuating the posts upon our frontier near the lakes. Sir John Johnson’s conference may be intended to make peace, in order to the evacuation, which could not easily be performed in sight of hostile Indians. I cannot believe that the British ministry mean to violate the treaty in this point, because it must bring on a war which none of them would be willing to take upon himself at present.

I was once upon a committee with Mr. Bowdoin, and drew a state of the claim of the Province to the lands now called Vermont; and I learn, by a letter from Mr. Dalton, that the report, in my handwriting, has been lately before the general court. It contains all I ever knew upon the subject, and much more than I now remember.

I am, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Auteuil, 3 November, 1784.

Sir,—

Dr. Franklin has lately communicated to Mr. Jefferson and me a letter he has received from the Count de Vergennes, and another from M. Grand. The first informs that M. Marbois had informed him, that, upon his application to the superintendent of finances, he had received an answer by Mr. Gouverneur Morris, that letters should be written both to Amsterdam and Paris, to provide for the payment of the interest of the ten millions of livres borrowed for the United States in Holland by the King; and reminds the American minister that other interest is due, and that the first payment of the capital will become due next year. M. Grand informs, that he is already about fifty thousand livres in advance for loan-office certificates, salaries, &c. These letters the doctor will, no doubt, transmit to congress; and as they relate to matters within his department, I might have been excused from mentioning them, if the mention of Amsterdam had not made it probable that Mr. Morris had it in contemplation to draw upon our bankers there for money to discharge this interest; and I cannot excuse myself from observing, that, if such drafts should be made, I am apprehensive they will be protested. France is at present in so much danger of being forced to take part in a war in the low countries, that I am not surprised at the Count de Vergennes’ attention to matters of revenue, and that I cannot see any hope that Dr. Franklin will be able to obtain any relief from this Court.

It will be remembered that there is a debt of near a million and a half sterling to France, and another debt of more than half a million sterling in Holland, whose interests are constantly accruing. There are also salaries to ministers, and there is another call for money which is very pressing; the commerce of the Mediterranean is of great importance to the United States and to every one of them, and this commerce cannot be enjoyed with freedom, without treaties with the Barbary powers. It will be not only in vain, but dangerous and detrimental to open negotiations with these powers, without money for the customary presents. How are all these demands for money to be satisfied? If cash, bills, or produce can be sent to Europe for the purpose, it will be happy for us; but I suppose that no man believes it possible; and, therefore, we must not only forego great future advantages, but violate contracts already made, and faith already pledged, and thereby totally ruin our credit, if not expose the property of our merchants to be seized abroad, or we must borrow more money in Europe. Now there is no part of Europe in which we can expect to borrow, unless it be in Holland, and there, we may rely upon it, all our hopes will fail us, if effectual measures are not taken to fund our foreign debt. If adequate funds were established for discharging the interest, we may hope for further credit; without them, our circumstances are absolutely desperate.

It is not for me to enter into the question how this is to be done; so far distant and so long absent, it would be impossible for me to form a judgment, if the subject were within my province, which it is not. The ability of our people for this and much greater things cannot be doubted by any man who knows any thing of their affairs, and it is a pity that any questions about the mode should retard this most necessary provision for the existence of our credit abroad.

I have this moment a letter from our bankers at Amsterdam, dated the 28th of October, in which they inform me that they have not received the ratification of my last loan; perhaps it did not arrive, until after the recess of congress. I must earnestly request that congress would despatch it as early as possible after their meeting, because the delay of it may excite an alarm and dash all our hopes at once. The half a million sterling which we have obtained in Holland, has been all transmitted to America in dollars, by the way of the Havana, or paid in redeeming bills of exchange, sold in America for very advantageous premiums. None of it has been laid out in goods, and, therefore, every other consideration calls upon us to be punctual, as well as our honor, which alone ought to be sufficient.

Inclosed are copies of papers received from M. Dumas, with my answers. I cannot forbear recommending this gentleman to congress upon this occasion, as the critical circumstances in the low countries at this time will render his intelligence very interesting, and his services at the Hague perhaps indispensably necessary.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

(The following Questions, submitted by their High Mightinesses to M. Dumas, were by him transmitted to Mr. Adams, whose Answers are appended.)

(Translation.)

QUESTIONS.

1. On proof of a transfer in good and due form, the property of a vessel to be American, can the necessary sea-letters be obtained at the Hague?

2. Is it necessary that the purchaser should be a citizen of some town belonging to one of the thirteen States, or will it suffice that he is settled there, though only since the acknowledgment of the independence of America? Has a citizen greater claims to the protection of congress than an inhabitant?

3. The property of a vessel being proved American (agreeably to the first question), is it indifferent in what port she is, and to what port she is destined, or is this confined to a certain port in Europe, and to a certain port in America, and vice versâ?

4. Is it necessary that the captain of such vessel should be an American citizen, or will it answer if he has been born in a city, town, or village actually dependent on congress?

5. In case of purchasing a vessel on account of an American, for which there is immediate employment, may she not be commanded by a captain of another nation, supposing that at the time no American captain could be found who might be intrusted with the command?

6. Should a vessel sold and transferred to a citizen or inhabitant of the continent, be taken by the enemy, sailing under foreign colors, could a reclamation by congress be expected?

7. In case such vessel should be bound from a port in Europe or America for a Mediterranean port, or should actually be at some port in the Mediterranean, and elsewhere destined, what means are to be taken, and what papers are to be shown, to obtain the necessary Turkish passports to navigate that sea?

ANSWERS.

1. There is no man at present in Holland legally authorized by the United States in congress assembled to issue sea-letters.

2. Both citizens and inhabitants have a right to protection. But every stranger who has been in the United States, or who may be there at present, is not an inhabitant. Different States have different definitions of this word. The domicil and the “animus habitandi” is necessary in all.

3. All vessels bonâ fide the property of American citizens or inhabitants have a right to protection.

4. American citizens and inhabitants have a right to navigate their vessels by captains and seamen of any nation.

5. Undoubtedly. But let the parties look to themselves, that the translation be bonâ fide and clearly proved.

6. The evidence of this must be very clear. The United States will scarcely interfere in such a case, if there is a doubt of the fact, or a suspicion of collusion.

7. The United States have not yet a treaty with the Turks or Barbary powers, and, therefore, no such papers are to be had.

TO M. DUMAS.

Auteuil, 3 November, 1784.

Sir,—

I have received your favor of the 26th of October with the seven questions inclosed. I have answered these questions to the best of my judgment, believing it to be my duty to give to my inquiring countrymen all the satisfaction in my power upon such occasions. I should wish, too, to gratify the Dutch merchants and all others as far as I can in character. But we must, above all things, have the utmost caution that we do not involve the United States in quarrels which are not their own. We can give no countenance, whatever, to any kind of fraud or collusion, or to any false or suspicious papers. The United States will protect their own flag, and the rights, liberties, and properties of their own citizens, but they can go no farther. If we could assist any man in Europe in this way, we ought surely to do it for Messrs. Willink, and if we refuse it to them, certainly no others can complain. Although these gentlemen are in so high a trust under the United States, I cannot think them entitled to the character of citizens or inhabitants, and, therefore, should not think myself safe in giving them American papers for their vessels.

I hope the certificate you have given to Captain Veder may answer the end; and in the present, unexpected circumstances of the war, or at least danger of war, I should not venture to advise you not to give others in clear cases. They may do much good, and save to merchants and masters of vessels much trouble and expense; and I cannot foresee any evil they can do. But if any such certificate should be disputed and examined, it will be found null. You will continue to write all to congress; and you will soon, I hope, receive their commands.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, dear sir,

Yours, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE MARÉCHAL DE CASTRIES.

Auteuil, 9 December, 1784.

Monsieur le Maréchal,—

According to your desire, I have committed to writing the two or three observations on the business of masts, yards, and bowsprits, which I had last Tuesday the honor of making in conversation with your Excellency at Paris.

The eastern parts of the Massachusetts, particularly the counties of York, Cumberland, and Lincoln, and more especially the lands lying near the four great rivers, which meet in Merry-meeting Bay, and flow together under the name of Kennebec River into the sea, are the spot upon which grow the best pine trees for masts which are found in America, and from whence the English government, before the Revolution, procured their masts for large ships, unless perhaps they obtained a few from some parts of New Hampshire. By the charter of Massachusetts, pine trees were reserved to the Crown; and various acts of parliament were made, from time to time, forbidding, upon severe penalties, private persons to cut such trees. The King had an officer, under the title of surveyor-general of the woods, who had under him a great number of deputy-surveyors for the inspection and conservation of these trees. Mr. Wentworth, the last royal governor of New Hampshire, was the last surveyor-general, at whose request the subscriber commenced and prosecuted a great number of libels in the court of admiralty at Boston, against transgressions of those acts of parliament, so that he thinks himself well warranted to say that those acts of parliament, instead of containing any proof of the bad quality of American pine trees, as your Excellency was pleased to say you had been informed, contained the best proof of their excellence, and of the high esteem in which the parliament held them.

There was a considerable number of large vessels which were called mast ships, constantly employed in transporting from Kennebec and Piscataqua Rivers pine trees for masts, spars, and bowsprits for the royal navy. And the trees of thirty-six inches diameter which the English were very fond of for their large ships, were only to be found in America.

There are upon the territory before described a number of families whose whole occupation has been to cut, draw, and prepare this kind of trees for the royal navy of England. It is a difficult, laborious, and hazardous business, and not very profitable; but being educated to this employment from their infancy, knowing perfectly the country and the lands where the trees are, the proper seasons for the business, and having their tools and machines, as well as their teams of cattle, always ready, and knowing all the most frugal ways of saving expenses and making advantages, they were able to live by the business, when other persons, without these advantages, would have ruined themselves. These people were commonly called mastmen, and they are so valuable a set of men, that whoever first engages them, whether the French or the English, will obtain an advantage. The English are said to have sent an agent to Boston; and there is no doubt that they will exert themselves to secure these mastmen, unless your Excellency, by seizing a favorable opportunity of contracting with some of the Americans now here, engage them beforehand.

Your Excellency will permit me to say, that I apprehend all surveys and experiments made upon the masts and spars now on board of the French ships, which were procured in America, will not only be useless, but illusory. It will not be a fair trial, because, on the breaking out of hostilities between Great Britain and America, the whole system of the masting business and commerce was broken up. The mastmen, like the fishermen, not finding their usual employment, went into others, sold their cattle, and laid aside their tools; so that the pine timber furnished to the French ships, although the best then and there to be had, was only such as was left by the English, or obtained by hazard in improper places, and in a green, unseasoned state. It is no wonder, then, if the wood is found to shrink, for the wood of the pine tree is of such a nature, that when cut and used green, it always shrinks, whether it grows in America or in Sweden, Norway, or Russia.

I am well informed that the most intelligent officers of the British navy attributed the loss of the great number of the capital ships by bad weather in the late war, a loss unprecedented in any former war, wholly to the want of American masts. The ministry ordered their expedition to Penobscot, in the view of obtaining masts, but they found themselves disappointed. They found there pine trees, it is true, but no mastmen, no sufficient teams of cattle, no proper machines for the business. All these were without their lines. So that they obtained no masts of any value.

There is not in America, at least within my knowledge, a merchant more intelligent, or any way more capable of giving your Excellency full information upon the subject, nor more worthy of confidence, than Mr. Tracy and Mr. Jackson, who are now in Paris, and to them I beg leave to refer.

With great and sincere respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY JAY.

Auteuil, 15 December, 1784.

Sir,—

I venture to address myself to you as minister of foreign affairs, because I sincerely hope that you have accepted that important office.

The Emperor of Morocco sent an ambassador last winter to Holland to demand materials for some frigates, and as none of the great maritime powers have the courage or the will to refuse such requisitions, obtained them. It now appears probable that they have been employed in corsairs against American trade, and one Virginia vessel appears to have been taken and carried to Tangiers. This has spread an alarm, and raised the insurance on American vessels, and rendered it necessary that something should be soon done.

There is danger of our making mistakes upon this occasion. Some are of opinion that our trade in the Mediterranean is not worth the expense of the presents we must make the piratical states to obtain treaties with them. Others think it humiliating to treat with such enemies of the human race, and that it would be more manly to fight them. The first, I think, have not calculated the value of our Mediterranean trade, in which every one of our States is deeply interested. But this is not all. The piratical corsairs will go all over the ocean, and will even raise the insurance upon all our commerce so high, as to cost us more in this single article than all the presents exacted would amount to. The last have more spirit than prudence. As long as France, England, Holland, the Emperor, &c., will submit to be tributary to these robbers, and even encourage them, to what purpose should we make war upon them? The resolution might be heroic, but would not be wise. The contest would be unequal. They can injure us very sensibly, but we cannot hurt them in the smallest degree. We have, or shall have, a rich trade at sea exposed to their depredations; they have none at all upon which we can make reprisals. If we take a vessel of theirs, we get nothing but a bad vessel fit only to burn, a few guns and a few barbarians, whom we may hang or enslave if we will, and the unfeeling tyrants, whose subjects they are, will think no more of it than if we had killed so many caterpillars upon an apple-tree. When they take a vessel of ours, they not only get a rich prize, but they enslave the men, and, if there are among them men of any rank or note, they demand most exorbitant ransoms for them. If we could even send a force sufficient to burn a town, their unfeeling governors would only insult and deride. Unless it were possible, then, to persuade the great maritime powers of Europe to unite in the suppression of these piracies, it would be very imprudent for us to entertain any thoughts of contending with them, and will only lay a foundation, by irritating their passions, and increasing their insolence and their demands, for long and severe repentance. I hope, therefore, we shall think of nothing but treating with them.

But how? where is the money? France calls upon us to fulfil our engagements with her, both for interest and principal, and our creditors in Holland, who are very numerous, will soon be uneasy, unless something is done for their security. Holland is the only place where we can borrow money, and there it will be impracticable, unless our European debt at least be consolidated.

If congress, therefore, think of borrowing in Holland, they must begin by laying duties at home to pay the interest.

I have not time to enlarge at present on any subject. This is the most pressing, and deserves the immediate attention of congress and their ministers, of whom I hope you are one, as I am very sure no man is better qualified or better disposed; but if, unfortunately, you should not be in office, let me pray you to transmit the substance of this letter to congress.

With great and sincere respect, &c.

John Adams.

[1 ]Some alterations in these letters of gentlemen unacquainted with English idioms, are occasionally necessary to express the sense, awkwardly at best.

[1 ]This letter is omitted; the same information being conveyed in almost the same language in the despatch to the president of congress of the 9th of March.

[1 ]The point of this may be gathered by reference to the note in vol. iii. page 93. It is pleasant to know that this impression was acknowledged by the writer before his death to be a mistake.

[1 ]The sense of this paragraph is a little marred by the writer’s struggle with a language not his own. But by a little attention it may be fully made out.

[1 ]The remainder of the letter here inserted in full is omitted, as it has been printed already. See pp. 183, 184.

[1 ]The project of a treaty is omitted. It may be found in the Diplomatic Correspondence, the second series, vol. ii. p. 113.

[1 ]The Baron Hertzberg, whose dissertation had been read at Berlin on the 29th of January of this year. See an account of it in volume iv. p. 558, note.

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24 Jan. 1784: TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

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TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Sir,—

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Gentlemen,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

We have the honor, &c.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Gentlemen,—

With esteem, &c.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

We remain, &c.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Gentlemen,—

With great esteem, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

With great respect, &c.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Sir,—

TO JOHN JAY.

Dear Sir,—

Yours, &c.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. (Without Date.)

Sir,—

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

Gentlemen,—

With esteem, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

We have the honor to be, &c.

MASON WEEMS TO JOHN ADAMS. (Without Date.)

Most obedient servant,

TO MASON WEEMS.

Sir,—

With much respect,

THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

My Dear Sir,—

Affectionately, yours,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

With great respect, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

With great and sincere respect, &c.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Sir,—

With much respect, &c.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY.

Gentlemen,—

With great regard,

BARON DE THULEMEIER TO JOHN ADAMS. (Translation.)

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO BARON DE THULEMEIER.

Monsieur le Baron,—

With great respect, &c.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

MASON WEEMS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

BARON DE THULEMEIER TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

OBSERVATIONS.

(Translation.)

(Translation.)

QUESTIONS.