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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 13 August, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday, at Versailles, the Baron de Walterstorff came to me, and told me he had delivered to Dr. Franklin a project of a treaty between the Court of Denmark and the United States, and asked me, if Dr. Franklin had shown it to me. I answered him, that I knew nothing of it. He said, he wondered at that; he presumed it was because of my absence at the Hague, for that it had been shown to Mr. Jay. There, by the way, he was misinformed; for, upon my return from Versailles, I called upon Mr. Jay, on purpose to ask him, and he assured me he had not seen it. I asked Walterstorff, if his orders were to propose his project to us all. He said, no; this Court had been informed, that Dr. Franklin was the minister authorized and empowered by congress to treat with all the powers of Europe, and they had for this reason sent him orders to deliver the project to Dr. Franklin, but he supposed Dr. Franklin would consult his colleagues. The same information, I doubt not, has been given to the Court of Portugal and every other Court in Europe, namely,—that Dr. Franklin is alone empowered to treat with them; and, in consequence of it, very probably, propositions have been, or will be made, to him from all of them, and he will keep the whole as secret as he can from Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, and me.

Now I beg to be informed by congress, whether he has such authority or not. Having never been informed of such powers, I do not believe he has them. I remember there was, seven years ago, a resolution of congress, that their commissioners at Versailles should have power to treat with the other powers of Europe; but, upon the dissolution of that commission, this authority was dissolved with it; or, if not, it still resides in Mr. Deane, Mr. Lee, and myself, who were once in that commission, as well as Dr. Franklin. And if it is by virtue of this power he acts, he ought at least to communicate with me, who alone am present. I think, however, that neither he nor I have any legal authority, and, therefore, that he ought to communicate every thing of this kind to all the ministers here or hereabout; Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and myself, at least.

It is not from the vain wish of seeing my poor name upon a treaty, that I write this. If the business is well done, it is not of much importance in itself who does it. But my duty to my country obliges me to say, that I seriously believe this clandestine manner of smuggling treaties is contrived by European politicians on purpose that Mr. Jay and I may not have an opportunity of suggesting ideas for the preservation of American navigation, transport trade, and nurseries of seamen. But, in another point of view, it is of equal importance. This method reflects contempt and ridicule upon your other ministers. When all Europe sees that a number of your ministers are kept here as a kind of satellites to Dr. Franklin in the affair of peace, but that they are not to be consulted or asked a question, or even permitted to know the important negotiations which are here going on with all Europe, they fall into contempt. It cannot be supposed that congress mean to cast this contempt upon us, because it cannot be supposed they mean to destroy the reputation, character, influence, and usefulness of those to whom in other respects they intrust powers of so much consequence; and, therefore, I am persuaded that congress is as much imposed on by it as the Courts of Europe are.

I asked the Baron, what was the substance of the treaty. He said, his Court had taken for a model my treaty with Holland. I said nothing to him in answer to this, but I beg leave to say to congress, that the negotiation with Holland was in very different circumstances. We were then in the fiercest rage of the war. A treaty with that Republic was at that time of as much weight in the war as the captivity of Burgoyne or Cornwallis. A treaty with any power was worth a battle or a siege, and no moments of time were to be lost, especially in a country so divided, that, unanimity being necessary, every proposition was dangerous. At present, the case is altered, and we may take time to weigh and inquire. The Baron tells me that St. Thomas and St. John, two of their islands, are free ports, but that St. Croix, which is of more importance than both, is not; that foreign vessels, our vessels, are permitted to bring our produce and carry away half the value in sugar, &c. The island produces, communibus annis, twenty thousand hogsheads of sugar, and their molasses is better than that of the French, because they make only “sucres brutes.” He says, they have some sugar-houses at Copenhagen. But, notwithstanding this, I think it is worth while for congress to try if they cannot, by the treaty, obtain a right to take away cargoes to the full value of those they bring. It is worth while to try, too, if we cannot obtain a tariff, to ascertain the duties to be paid on exportation and importation. It is worth while, too, to endeavor to get the duties ascertained in the Danish ports in Europe, at least that we may not pay in their ports more than they pay in ours; or that our vessels may not be obliged to pay more than theirs, especially when we import our own produce. I pretend not to be a master of these commercial subjects, but I think that Dr. Franklin has not studied the subject more than myself; that both of us need the advice of Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay, and that all of us want that of American merchants, and especially of congress. I am, therefore, against this secret and hasty method of concluding treaties, at this time, when they may be more maturely reflected on.

I know very well to what ill-natured remarks these reflections are liable, but they shall not hinder me from doing my duty. I do seriously believe, there are clandestine insinuations going about to every commercial nation in the world, to excite them to increase their own navigation and seamen at the expense of ours, and that this smuggling of treaties is one means of accomplishing the design, although Dr. Franklin may not be let into the secret of it. For, from long experience and observation, I am persuaded that one minister at least and his dependents would prefer that the navigation of any nation in the world, even that of the English, should grow, rather than ours. In the last Courier de l’Europe, it is said that all the commercial powers are concerting measures to clip the wings of the eagle, and to prevent us from having a navy. I believe it. That is to say, I believe measures are taken with them all to bring them into this system, although they are not let into the secret design, and do not know from whom the measures come, nor with what views promoted.

With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.