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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 13 August, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday I went to Court with Dr. Franklin, and presented to the Count de Vergennes our project of a definitive treaty, who told us he would examine it, and give us his sentiments upon it.

It was ambassadors’ day, and I had conversations with a number of ministers, of which it is proper I should give you an account.

The Dutch ambassador, Berkenrode, told me, that last Saturday the Count de Vergennes went to Paris, and dined with the imperial ambassador, the Count de Mercy, in company with the Duke of Manchester, the Count d’Aranda, the Prince Bariatinski, and M. Markow, with their secretaries; that, after dinner, the secretaries, in presence of all the ministers, read over, compared, and corrected the definitive treaties between France and Great Britain, and between Spain and Great Britain, and finally agreed upon both. So that they are now ready for signature by the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain, as principals, and by those of the two Imperial Courts as mediators.

The Duke of Manchester told me, that Mr. Hartley’s courier, who carried our project of a treaty, arrived in London last Saturday, and might be expected here next Saturday on his return.

In the evening, on my return from Versailles, Mr. Hartley called upon me at my house, and informed me, that he had just received a courier from Westminster, who had brought him the ratification of our provisional treaty, under the King’s own hand, and under the great seal of the kingdom, inclosed in a silver box, ornamented with golden tassels as usual, which he was ready to exchange to-morrow morning. He informed me, farther, that he had received very satisfactory letters from the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fox, and the strongest assurances that the dispositions of his Court were very good to finish immediately, and to arrange all things upon the best footing; that he had farther received plenary authority to sign the definitive treaty to-morrow or to-night, if we pleased; that he had received a draft ready formed, which he would show us.

We agreed to go together in the morning to my colleagues; and this morning we went out in Mr. Hartley’s carriage, exchanged the ratifications, and he produced to us his project of a definitive treaty. It is the provisional treaty in so many words, without addition or diminution. It is only preceded with a preamble, which makes it a definitive treaty. And he proposed to us, that all matters of discussion, respecting commerce or other things, should be left to be discussed by ministers, to be mutually appointed to reside in London and Philadelphia.

We told him, that it had been proposed to us, that the ministers of the two Imperial Courts should sign the treaty as mediators, and that we had answered that we had no objection to it. He said, he had unanswerable ones. First, he had no authority, and could not obtain any, certainly under ten days, nor probably ever. For, secondly, it would, he thought, give great offence to his Court, and they never would agree that any nation should interfere between them and America. Thirdly, for his part, he was fully against it, and should write his opinion to his Court. If he was about to marry his daughter, or set up a son in the world, after he was of age, he would never admit any of his neighbors to intervene, and sign any contract he might make, as mediators. There was no need of it.

We told him there was no need of warmth upon the occasion, or any pretence for his Court to take offence; that it had been proposed to us that the imperial ministers should sign as mediators. Our answer had been, that we had no objections; that we were willing and ready to consent to it, or even to request it. His Court had a right to consent or dissent, as it thought proper. To be sure, the mediation could not take place without their consent. That he might write to his Court the proposition, and if he received orders to consent or dissent, it would be equally well. In the mean time, we were ready to sign the definitive treaty, either with or without the mediation, whenever the other parties were ready to sign, according to his project just received from his Court, that is, simply a repetition of the provisional treaty.

We have agreed to this, because it is plain that all propositions for alterations in the provisional articles will be an endless discussion, and that we must give more than we can hope to receive. The critical state of things in England and at the Court of Versailles, and in all the rest of Europe, affords pressing motives to get this business finished.

Mr. Hartley told us from his Court, that they had expected an American minister at St. James’s these three months, and that all further matters might be there discussed. He also announced to us the birth of another princess, the fifteenth child of the Queen, upon which event he received our congratulations, which I hope congress will approve, and repeat by their minister in London; for these personal and family compliments are more attended to in courts, and have greater effects, than may be imagined.

I lament very much that we cannot obtain an explanation of the article respecting the refugees, and that respecting debts; but it is plain we must give more than they are worth for such explanations; and what is of more decisive importance, we must make a long delay, and put infinitely greater things at hazard by this means.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.