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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 10 July, 1783.

Sir,—

In the present violent heat of the weather and feverish state of my health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my pen, and must pray you to accept of a few short hints only.

To talk in a general style of confidence in the French Court, &c., is to use a general language which may mean almost any thing or almost nothing. To a certain degree, and as far as the treaties and engagements extend, I have as much confidence in the French Court as congress has, or even as you, sir, appear to have. But if by confidence in the French Court is meant an opinion, that the French office of foreign affairs would be advocates with the English for our rights to the fisheries, or to the Mississippi River, or our western territory, or advocates to persuade the British ministers to give up the cause of the refugees, and make parliamentary provision for them, I own I have no such confidence, and never had. Seeing and hearing what I have seen and heard, I must have been an idiot to have entertained such confidence; I should be more of a Machiavelian, or a Jesuit, than I ever was or will be, to counterfeit it to you or to congress.

M. Marbois’ letter is to me full proof of the principles of the Count de Vergènnes. Why? Because I know (for it was personally communicated to me upon my passage home, by M. Marbois himself) the intimacy and confidence there is between these two. And I know further, that letter contains sentiments concerning the fisheries diametrically opposite to those which M. Marbois repeatedly expressed to me upon the passage, namely: “That the Newfoundland fishery was our right, and we ought to maintain it.” From whence I conclude, M. Marbois’ sentiments have been changed by the instructions of the minister. To what purpose is it where this letter came from? Is it less genuine, whether it came from Philadelphia, Versailles, or London? What if it came through English hands? Is there less weight, less evidence in it for that? Are the sentiments more just or more friendly to us for that?

M. de Rayneval’s correspondence, too, with Mr. Jay. M. de Rayneval is a chef de bureau. But we must be very ignorant of all courts not to know that an under secretary of state dares not carry on such a correspondence without the knowledge, consent, and orders of the principal.

There is another point now in agitation, in which the French will never give us one good word. On the contrary, they will say every thing they can think of, to persuade the English to deprive us of the trade of their West India Islands. They have already, with their emissaries, been the chief cause of the change of sentiments in London, on this head, against us. In general, they see with pain every appearance of returning real and cordial friendship, such as may be permanent, between us and Great Britain. On the contrary, they see with pleasure every seed of contention between us. The tories are an excellent engine of mischief between us, and are therefore very precious. Exclusion from the West India Islands will be another. I hold it to be the indispensable duty of my station not to conceal from congress these truths. Do not let us be dupes under the idea of being grateful. Innumerable anecdotes happen daily to show that these sentiments are general. In conversation, a few weeks ago, with the Duc de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the West India trade, I endeavored to convince him that France and England both ought to admit us freely to their islands. He entered into a long argument to prove that both ought to exclude us. At last, I said the English were a parcel of sots to exclude us; for the consequence would be, that in fifteen or twenty years we should have another war with them. Tant mieux! tant mieux! je vous en félicite,” cried the Duke, with great pleasure. “Tant mieux pour nous,” said I; because we shall conquer from the English, in that case, all their islands, the inhabitants of which would now declare for us, if they dared. But it will not be the better for the English. They will be the dupes, if they lay a foundation for it. “Yes,” said the Duke, “I think you will have another war with the English.” And in this wish he expressed the vows of every Frenchman upon the face of the earth. If, therefore, we have it in contemplation to avoid a future war with the English, do not let us have too much confidence in the French that they will favor us in this view.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.