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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 9 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Since the dangerous fever I had in Amsterdam, two years ago, I have never enjoyed my health. Through the whole of the past winter and spring, I have suffered under weaknesses and pains which have scarcely permitted me to do business. The excessive heats of the last week or two have brought on me a fever again, which exhausts one in such a manner as to be very discouraging, and incapacitates one for every thing. In short, nothing but a return to America will ever restore my health, if even that should do it. In these circumstances, however, we have negotiations to go through, and your despatches to answer.

The liberal sentiments in England, respecting the trade, are all lost for the present, and we can get no answer to any thing. It is the same thing with the Dutch. One of the Dutch ambassadors told me yesterday, at Versailles, that now, for five weeks, the English had never said one word to them, nor given them any answer. These things indicate that the ministry do not think themselves permanent.

The Count de Vergennes asked Dr. Franklin and me, yesterday, if we had made our visits. We answered, that we had, and that they had been promptly returned. “The thing in agitation,” said the Count, “is for you to determine whether your definitive treaty shall be signed under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, or not. Ours and the Spanish treaty with England are to be so finished, and if you determine in favor of it, you have only to write a letter to the ministers of the Imperial Courts who are here.” I told him, in the present case, I did not know what a mediation meant. He smiled, but did not seem to know any better than I; at least, he did not explain it. We told him we would determine upon it soon.

How we shall determine, I cannot say. For my own part, I see no harm in accepting the mediation, nor any other good, than a compliment to the two empires. In Europe it may be thought an honor to us, and, therefore, I shall give my voice, as at present informed, in favor of it, as it seems rather to be the inclination of the Count de Vergennes that we should.

Your late despatches, sir, are not well adapted to give spirits to a melancholy man, or to cure one sick with a fever. It is not possible for me, at present, to enter into a long detail in answer to them. You will be answered, I suppose, by all the gentlemen jointly. In the mean time, I beg leave to say to you a few words upon two points.

1st. The separate article never appeared to me of any consequence to conceal from this Court. It was an agreement we had a right to make; it contained no injury to France or Spain. Indeed, I know not what France has, or ever had, to do with it. If it had been communicated to this Court, it would probably have been by them communicated to Spain, and she might have thought more about it than it was worth. But how you could conceive it possible for us to treat at all with the English upon supposition that we had communicated every, the minutest thing, to this Court, when this Court were neither obliged, nor thought proper to communicate any thing whatever to us, I know not. We were bound by treaty no more than they to communicate. The instructions were found to be absolutely impracticable. That they were too suddenly published is very true.

2dly. A communication of the treaty to this Court, after it was agreed upon, and before it was signed, would have infallibly prevented the whole peace. In the first place, it was very doubtful, or rather, on the contrary, it is certain, the English minister never would have consented that we should communicate it. We might, it is true, have done it without his consent or knowledge; but what would have been the consequence? The French minister would have said, the terms were very good for us, but we must not sign till they signed; and this would have been a continuance of the war for another year, at least. It was not so much from an apprehension that the French would have exerted themselves to get away from us terms that were agreed on, that they were withheld. It was then too late; and we have reason to apprehend that all of this kind had been done which could be done. We knew they were often insinuating to the British ministers things against us, respecting the fisheries, tories, &c., during the negotiation, and Mr. Fitzherbert told me that the Count de Vergennes had “fifty times reproached him for ceding the fisheries, and said it was ruining the English and French commerce both.” It was not suspicion, it was certain knowledge, that they were against us on the points of the tories, fisheries, Mississippi, and the western country. All this knowledge, however, did not influence us to conceal the treaty. We did not in fact conceal it. Dr. Franklin communicated the substance of it to the Count and M. de Rayneval. So did I. In a long conversation with the Count and M. de Rayneval together, I told them the substance of what was agreed upon, and what we further insisted on, and the English then disputed.

But the signing before them is the point. This we could not have done, if we had shown the treaty, and told them we were ready. The Count would certainly have said to us, you must not sign till we sign. To have signed after this would have been more disagreeable to him and to us too. Yet we must have signed or lost the peace. The peace depended on a day. Parliament had been waiting long, and once prorogued. The minister was so pressed, he could not have met parliament and held his place, without an agreement upon terms at least with America. If we had not signed, the ministry would have been changed, and the coalition come in, and the whole world knows the coalition would not have made peace upon the present terms, and, consequently, not at all this year. The iron was struck in the few critical moments when it was of a proper heat, and has been moulded into a handsome vessel. If it had been suffered to cool, it would have flown in pieces like glass. Our countrymen have great reason to rejoice that they have obtained so good a peace, when, and as they did. With the present threatening appearances of a northern war, which will draw in France, if our peace was still to be made, we might find cause to tremble for many great advantages that are now secured. I believe the Count himself, if he were now to speak his real sentiments, would say he is very glad we signed when we did, and that without asking his consent.

The Duc de la Vauguyon told me and M. Brantzen together, last Saturday, “if you had not signed when you did, we should not have signed when we did.” If they had not signed when they did, D’Estaing would have sailed from Cadiz, and, in that case, nobody would have signed to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more disagreeable circumstances than we were. We are none of us men of principles or dispositions to take pleasure in going against your sentiments, sir, much less those of congress. But, in this case, if we had not done it, our country would have lost advantages beyond computation.

On Monday, sir, we pursued our visits, and to-day we finish. Yesterday, at Court, all the foreign ministers behaved to us without reserve, as members of the corps diplomatique, so that we shall no longer see those lowering countenances, solemn looks, distant bows, and other peculiarities, which have been sometimes diverting and sometimes provoking for so many years.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.