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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 7 July, 1783.

Sir,—

We cannot as yet obtain from Mr. Hartley or his principals an explicit consent to any one proposition whatever. Yet England and France, and England and Spain are probably agreed, and Holland, I suppose, must comply. Our last resource must be to say, we are ready to sign the provisional treaty, totidem verbis, as the definitive treaty.

I think it is plain that the British ministry do not intend to sign any treaty till parliament rises. There are such dissensions in the cabinet, that they apprehend a treaty laid before parliament, if it did not obtain advantages, of which they have no hopes, would furnish materials to overthrow them. A new administration is talked of, under Lord Temple.

The West India commerce is now the object that interests us the most nearly. At dinner, with the Duc de la Vauguyon, on Saturday last, he told me that he believed the commerce between the French West India Islands and the United States would be confined to ships built in France, and navigated by French seamen. “So then, M. le Duc,” said I, laughing, “you have adopted the ideas of the British navigation act. But what if the United States should adopt them, too, and make a law, that no commerce should be carried on with any West India Islands,—French, English, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish,—but in ships built in America, and navigated with American seamen? We can import sugar from Europe. But give me leave to tell you, that this trade can never be carried on by the French; their vessels are all large and navigated by a great number of seamen, and your navigators are too slow. The trade itself was only profitable to us as a system; and little vessels, with a few hands, run away at any season of the year, from any creek or river, with a multitude of little articles collected in haste. Your merchants and mariners have neither the patience to content themselves with much and long labor, and dangerous voyages for small profits, nor have they the economy, nor can they navigate vessels with so few hands.” “Ay, but we think,” said the Duke, “if we do not try, we shall never learn to do these things as well and as cheap as you.” The Duke told me he had had, some days before, a great deal of conversation with the Count de Vergennes, and he found he had a great many good ideas of commerce. The Count himself told me, a few weeks ago, “in our regulations of the commerce between our islands and you, we must have regard to our shipping and our nurseries of seamen for our marine; for,” said he, smiling politely enough, “without a marine, we cannot go to your succor.”

In short, France begins to grow, for a moment, avaricious of navigation and seamen. But it is certain, that neither the form of government nor the national character can possibly admit of great success in it. Navigation is so dangerous a business, and requires so much patience, and produces so little profit among nations who understand it best, and have the best advantages for it, where property is most secure, lawsuits soonest and cheapest ended, and by fixed, certain laws, that the French can never interfere much with the Dutch or Americans in ship building or carrying trade. If any French merchants ever begin to carry on this commerce between America and the islands, they will break to pieces very soon, and then some new plan must be adopted. The English, for aught I know, will make a similar law, that the communication between us and their islands shall be carried on in British built ships, or ships built in Canada or Nova Scotia, and navigated by British seamen. In this case, we must try what we can do with the Dutch and Danes. But the French and English will endeavor to persuade them to the same policy; for the Duc de la Vauguyon told me that he thought it a common tie (lien commun). In this they will not succeed, and we must make the most we can of the Dutch friendship, for luckily the merchants and regency of Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their islands by the treaty. Happily, congress will have a Dutch minister with whom they may consult upon this matter, as well as many others; but I should think it would not be convenient to invite an English or French minister to be present at the consultation.

I am at a loss, sir, to guess what propositions made to us congress have been informed of, which they had not learned from us. None have been made to us. The Dutch ambassadors did once propose a meeting to us, and had it at my house. Dr. Franklin came, but Mr. Jay did not, and Mr. Laurens was absent. The ambassadors desired to know, whether we had power to enter into any engagements, provided France, Spain, and Holland should agree to any, in support of the armed neutrality. We showed them the resolution of congress, of the 5th of October, 1780, and told them that Mr. Dana had been since vested with a particular commission to the same effect. We never heard any thing further about it. Not seeing at the time any probability that any thing would come of this, nor intending to do any thing of any consequence in it, if we should hear further of it, without the further orders of congress, we did not think it necessary to write any thing about it, at least till it should put on a more serious appearance. If the Count de Mercy’s dinner, to which we are to be invited, with the Count de Vergennes, should produce any insinuations on this subject, (which I do not, however, expect) we shall inform you, and request the orders of congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.