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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 3 July, 1783.

Sir,—

On the last ambassador’s day, which was last Tuesday, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself waited on M. de Vergennes, who told us he thought he had agreed with the Duke of Manchester, but that his Grace had not yet received the positive approbation of his Court. The Count advised us to make a visit all together to the ambassadors of the two Imperial Courts. Accordingly, yesterday morning, we went first to the Count de Mercy Argenteau, the ambassador of the Emperor of Germany and King of Hungary and Bohemia. His Excellency was not at home, so we left a card.

We went next to the Prince Bariatinski, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia; our servant asked if the Prince was at home, and received for answer, that he was. We were shown into the Prince’s apartment, who received us very politely. While we were here, Mr. Markow came in. He is also a minister plenipotentiary adjoined to the Prince in the affair of the mediation. I told him we proposed to do ourselves the honor of calling on him. He answered, “As you are an old acquaintance, I shall be very happy to see you.” Whether this was a turn of politeness, or whether it was a political distinction, I know not. We shall soon know, by his returning or not returning the visit. The Prince asked me where I lodged, and I told him. This indicates an intention to return the visit.

We went next to the Dutch ambassador’s, M. Lestevenon de Berkenrode. He was not at home, or not visible. Next, to the Baron de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Denmark; not at home. Next, to M. Markow. The porter answered, that he was at home. We alighted, and were going to his apartment, when we were told that he was not come in. We left a card, and went to the other Dutch ambassador’s, M. Brantzen, who was not at home; en passant, we left a card at the Swedish minister’s, and returned home, the heat being too excessive to pursue our visits any further.

Thus, we have made visits to all the ministers who are to be present at the signature of the definitive treaty. Whether the ministers of the Imperial Courts will be present, I know not. There are many appearances of a coldness between France and Russia, and the Emperor seems to waver between two opinions, whether to join in the war that threatens, or to avoid it. Perhaps the ministers of the Imperial Courts will write for instructions, whether to return our visit or not.

Although in your latest letters you say nothing of my resignation or the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it soon, and then I shall have an opportunity to settle the affair of my salary at Philadelphia.

After reading your letters to me, I went out to Passy to see those addressed to us all. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself (Mr. Laurens being still in England) read them all over together. We shall do all in our power to procure the advantages in the definitive treaty to which we are instructed to attend. The state of parties is such in England, that it is impossible to foresee when there will be a ministry who will dare to take any step at all. The coalition between Lord North and his connections, and Mr. Fox and his, is a rope of sand. Mr. Fox, by pushing the vote in the house of commons, disapproving the peace, and by joining so many of the old ministers in the new administration, has justly excited so many jealousies of his sincerity, that no confidence can be placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry that the most amiable men in the nation,—Portland and the Cavendishes,—should have involved themselves in the same reproach.

In short, at present, Shelburne, Pitt, Townshend, and the administration of which they were members, seem to have been the only ones who for a moment had just notions of their country and ours. Whether these men, if now called to power, would pursue their former ideas, I know not. The Bible teaches us not to put our trust in princes, and a fortiori in ministers of state.

The West India commerce now gives us most anxiety. If the former British ministry had stood, we might have secured it from England; and, in that case, France would have been obliged to admit us to their islands, se defendendo. The first maxim of a statesman, as well as that of a statuary or a painter, should be to study nature; to cast his eyes round about his country, and see what advantages nature has given it. This was well attended to in the boundary between the United States and Canada, and in the fisheries. The commerce of the West India Islands falls necessarily into the natural system of the commerce of the United States. We are necessary to them, and they to us; and there will be a commerce between us. If the governments forbid it, it will be carried on clandestinely. France can more easily connive at a contraband trade than England. But we ought to wish to avoid the temptation to this. I believe that neither France nor England will allow us to transport the productions of their islands to other parts of Europe.

The utmost we may hope to obtain, would be permission to import the productions of the French islands into France, giving bond to land them in some port of that kingdom, and the productions of the English islands into some port of Great Britain, giving bonds to land them there. It must, however, be the care of the minister who may have to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, to obtain as ample freedom in this trade as possible.

While I was writing the above, my servant announced the imperial ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He said, he was happy that the circumstances of the times afforded him an opportunity of forming an acquaintance with me, which he hoped would be improved into a more intimate one. I said, his Excellency did me great honor, and begged him to sit, which he did, and fell into a conversation of an hour. We ran over a variety of subjects, particularly the commerce which might take place between the United States and Germany, by the way of Trieste and Fiume and the Austrian Netherlands, and the great disposition in Germany to migration to America. He says he knows the country round about Trieste very well, having an estate there; that it is a very extensive and a very rich country which communicates with that maritime city, and that the navigation of the Adriatic Sea, though long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do with the Barbary powers. He said, he thought all the powers of the world ought to unite in the suppression of such a detestable race of pirates, and that the Emperor had lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the subject. I asked him, if he thought France and England would agree to such a project, observing that I had heard that some Englishmen had said, “if there were no Algiers, England ought to build one.” He said, he could not answer for England.

It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the conversation, which turned upon the sober, frugal and industrious character of the Germans, the best cultivators in Europe, and the dishonorable traffic of some of the German princes in men, a subject he introduced and enlarged on himself. I said nothing about it. Rising up to take leave, he repeated several compliments he had made when he first came in, and added, “the Count de Vergennes will do me the honor to dine with me one of these days, and I hope to have that of your company. We will then talk of an affair upon which the Count de Vergennes will speak to you beforehand.”

This shows there is something in agitation, but what it is I cannot conjecture; whether it is to induce us to make the compliment to the two Imperial Courts to sign the definitive treaty as mediators, whether there is any project of an association for the liberty of navigation, or whether it is any other thing, I cannot guess at present, but I will write you as soon as I know. Whatever it is, we must treat it with respect, but we shall be very careful how we engage our country in measures of consequence, without being clear of our powers, and without the instructions of congress.

I went out to Passy, and found from Mr. Jay, that he had made his visit there in the course of the day, but had said nothing to Dr. Franklin or him about the dinner with the Count de Vergennes. In the course of the day, I had visits from the Prince Bariatinski and M. de Markow, the two ministers of the Empress of Russia. The porter told these gentlemen’s servants that I was at home; but they did not come up. They only sent up their cards. While I was gone to Passy, Monsieur de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary from the King of Denmark, called and left his card. Thus the point of etiquette seems to be settled, and we are to be treated in character by all the powers of Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.