Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 27 June, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself, met to prepare the definitive treaty, and made so much progress in it, that to-morrow we shall be ready to communicate to Mr. Hartley the result. But I have small hopes of obtaining any thing more by the definitive treaty.

The Duke of Manchester and Count d’Aranda have arranged every thing between England and Spain, and are ready to finish for their two courts. France, I presume, waits only for Holland, or perhaps for some other negotiation with the Imperial Courts. If all the other parties were now to declare themselves ready, we should be puzzled. In such a case, however, I am determined (and I believe, but do not know, that my colleagues would join me) to declare myself ready to sign the provisional treaty, totidem verbis, for a definitive treaty.

From all I can learn, I am persuaded we shall gain nothing by any further negotiation. If we obtain any thing by way of addition or explanation, we shall be obliged to give more for it than it is worth. If the British minister refuses to agree to such changes as we may think reasonable, and refuses to sign the provisional articles as definitive ones, I take it for granted, France will not sign till we do. If they should, we are still safe; for the provisional articles are to constitute the treaty as soon as France has made peace, and I should rather leave it on that footing than make any material alteration.

I have put these several cases, because I should be surprised at nothing from the present British ministry. If they have any plan at all, it is a much less generous one towards America than that of their immediate predecessors. If Shelburne, Townshend, Pitt, &c., had continued, we should have had every thing settled long ago, to our entire satisfaction and to the infinite advantage of Great Britain and America, in such a manner as would have restored good humor and affection, as far as in the nature of things they can now be restored.

After the great point of acknowledging our independence was got over, by issuing Mr. Oswald’s last commission, the Shelburne administration conducted themselves towards us like men of sense and honor. The present administration has discovered neither understanding nor sincerity. The present British administration is unpopular, and it is in itself so heterogeneous a composition, that it seems impossible it should last long. Their present design seems to be not to commit themselves by agreeing to any thing. As soon as any thing is done, somebody will clamor. While nothing is done, it is not known what to clamor about. If there should be a change in favor of the ministry that made the peace, and a dissolution of this profligate league, which they call the coalition, it would be much for the good of all who speak the English language. If fame says true, the coalition was formed at gambling tables, and is conducted as it was formed, upon no other than gambling principles.

Such is the fate of a nation which stands tottering on the brink of a precipice, with a debt of two hundred and fifty-six millions sterling on its shoulders; the interest of which, added to the peace establishment only, exceeds by above a million annually all their revenues, enormously and intolerably as they are already taxed. The only chance they have for salvation is in a reform, and in recovering the affection of America. The last ministry were sensible of this, and acted accordingly. The present ministry are so far from being sensible of it, or caring about it, that they seem to me to be throwing the last dice for the destruction of their country.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.