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The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 8.

Author: John Adams
Editor: Charles Francis Adams

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 1 January, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

Returning this evening from Versailles, where I had been to make the compliments of the season, I found your favors of the 26th and 27th of December. The letters inclosed shall be forwarded, as you desire.

The Dutch ministers here have no occasion for my assistance. Non tali auxilio, &c. I have the honor to be more particularly acquainted with M. Brantzen, who is certainly a very able man, and universally acknowledged to be so by all who know him. The arguments, which I know he has used with the British minister, are such as can never be answered, both upon the liberty of navigation, and the compensation for damages. He is an entire master of his subject, and has urged it with a degree of perspicuity and eloquence, that I know has much struck his antagonists.

Unnecessary, however, as any exertions of mine have been, I have not omitted any opportunity of throwing in any friendly suggestions in my power, where there was a possibility of doing any good to our good friends, the Dutch. I have made such suggestions to Mr. Fitzherbert. But with Mr. Oswald I have had several very serious conversations upon the subject. So I have also with Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Whitefoord. To Mr. Oswald I urged the necessity of Great Britain’s agreeing with the Dutch upon the unlimited freedom of navigation, from a variety of topics, some of which I may explain to you more particularly hereafter. Thus much I may say at present, that I told him it was impossible for Great Britain to avoid it; it would probably be insisted upon by all the other powers. France and Spain, as well as Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, the Emperor, and Portugal, as well as Holland, had already signed the armed neutrality. The United States of America had declared themselves ready to sign, and were ready. The combination being thus powerful, Great Britain could not resist it. But if she should refuse to agree to it with Holland, and the other powers should acquiesce, and Holland should make peace without it (which would never, however, be the case), yet all would be ineffectual, for Holland would forever be able to make use of other neutral bottoms, and would thus enjoy the benefit of this liberty in reality, though denied it by treaty, and in appearance. It would, therefore, be more for the honor and interest of Great Britain to agree to it with a good grace, in the treaty with Holland. Nay, the wisest part she could act would be to set on foot a negotiation immediately for signing herself the treaty of armed neutrality, and then admitting it into the treaty with Holland would be a thing of course. At one of these conversations Dr. Franklin was present, who supported me with all his weight; at another, Mr. Jay seconded me with all his abilities and ingenuity. Mr. Oswald has several times assured me that he had written these arguments and his own opinion in conformity with them, to the King’s ministers in London, and I doubt not they will be adopted.

With respect to the compensation for damages, it is impossible to add any thing to the arguments M. Brantzen has urged to show the justice of it; and if Britain is really wise, she will think it her policy to do every thing in her power to soften the resentment of the Dutch, and regain their good will and good humor.

The rage of Great Britain, however, has carried her to such extravagant lengths, in a cause unjust from beginning to end, that she is scarcely able to repair the injuries she has done. America has a just claim to compensation for all her burnt towns and plundered property, and, indeed, for all her slaughtered sons, if that were possible. I shall continue to embrace every opportunity that presents, of doing all the little service in my power to our good friends the Dutch, whose friendship for us I shall not soon forget. This must be communicated with great discretion, if at all.

My best respects to all, &c.

John Adams.

TO J. G. HOLTZHEY.

Paris, 2 January, 1783.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 23d December, together with the explication of your new medal, in commemoration of the signature of the treaty of commerce, which is equally ingenious with that which celebrates the acknowledgment of American independence. These events are worthy of your ingenuity, sir, and deserve to be remembered by posterity, not only for the blessings which will be derived to the two nations, but by the influence they have had in accelerating the disposition of Great Britain for a general peace. For whether such a peace shall take place this year or not, there is great reason to believe it will happen some years the sooner for those events which you are laboring to immortalize.

Please to accept of my thanks for this fresh instance of your obliging attention to me, and believe me to be,

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 14 Janvier, 1783.

Monsieur,—

L’incluse pour Philadelphie vous mettra au fait du courant ici. L’honorée vôtre du 1er Janvier est pour moi une vraie et précieuse étrenne de nouvel an. J’ai fait confidence verbale du contenu à Messieurs de Gyselaer, Van Berckel, et Visscher sous le sceau du secret, et à personne autre. Ils en ont été charmés. Du reste, ils étoient bien sûrs d’avance de vos bonnes dispositions, et de celles de messicurs vos collégues, pour cette république. Ce qui leur tient à cœur, c’est que, comme M. Brantzen écrit constamment dans ses dépêches ici, de la part de M. le Comte de Vergennes, le soin qu’il a des intérêts de la république, vous l’autorisassiez de même ministériellement à apprendre à L. H. P. que vous les avez également à cœur. Ces messieurs ici s’appliquent à cet égard le vers de l’école.

“Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter.”

En un mot, ils souhaiteroient que les dites dépêches rendissent ici la justice qui est due à chacun.

M. de Gyselaer a écrit à M. Brantzen pour qu’il pressât de sa part M. le Baron de Linden (ci-devant envoyé de la république en Suede) de revenir au plutôt de Paris où il est depuis quelques mois. Mais il n’a pas fait ouverture à M. Brantzen de son plan, parcequ’il ne voudroit pas que celui-ci en communiquât quelque chose prématurément à quelque relation en ce pays. M. G. vous prie donc, monsieur, d’avoir un entretien avec M. de Linden, et de lui confier de sa part, sous le secret, que son plan est de faire en sorte que M. de Linden soit nommé ministre de cette république auprès des États Unis; et que, pour cet effet, il faut qu’il revienne incessamment ici, pour battre ensemble le fer pendant qu’il est chaud. M. Van Berckel de son côté n’a rien contre ce plan.

La poste, qui va partir, ne me laisse que le moment de finir, avec mon respectueux attachement, &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 19 January, 1783.

Sir,—

I have yet to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 26th, 27th, 30th, and 31st of December, and 2d of January. Your despatches are sent along as you desire. I hope you are quite recovered from your indisposition.

I can give you no information concerning peace. It is given out that the point will be decided here to-day or to-morrow. Others say that the Duke de la Vauguyon is to make the peace at the Hague.

Inclosed is a copy of our preliminaries, but I must entreat you not to permit them to be published or copied without further information from me. You may communicate them in confidence to our friends, but it is thought best to let the British ministry lay them first before parliament and take their own time for it.

The great points of independence, the fisheries, the Mississippi, and the boundaries, are settled to our satisfaction. But in point of compensation for damages, we must put our hands in our own pockets.

With great regard, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 22 January, 1783.

Sir,—

Upon a sudden notification from the Count de Vergennes, Dr. Franklin and myself, in the absence of Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, went to Versailles, and arrived at the Count’s office at ten o’clock on Monday, the 20th of this month. At eleven, arrived the Count d’Aranda and Mr. Fitzherbert. The ministers of the three crowns signed and sealed the preliminaries of peace and an armistice, in presence of Doctor Franklin and myself, who also signed and sealed a declaration of an armistice between the Crown of Great Britain and the United States of America, and received a counter declaration from Mr. Fitzherbert. Copies of these declarations are inclosed.

The King of Great Britain has made a declaration concerning the terms that he will allow to the Dutch; but they are not such as will give satisfaction to that unfortunate nation, for whom, on account of their friendship for us, and the important benefits we have received from it, I feel very sensibly and sincerely. Yesterday we went to Versailles again to make our court to the King and royal family upon the occasion, and received the compliments of the foreign ministers.

The Count d’Aranda invited me to dine with him on Sunday next, and said he hoped that the affairs of Spain and the United States would be soon adjusted à l’amiable. I answered, that I wished it with all my heart. The two Floridas and Minorca are more than a quantum meruit for what this power has done, and the Dutch unfortunately are to suffer for it. It is not in my power to say when the definitive treaty will be signed. I hope not before the Dutch are ready; in six weeks or two months at farthest I suppose.

It is no longer necessary for congress to appoint another person in my place in the commission for peace, because it will be executed before this reaches America. But I beg leave to renew the resignation of the credence to the states-general and the commission for borrowing money in Holland, and to request that no time may be lost in transmitting the acceptance of this resignation and another person to take that station, that I may be able to go home in the Spring ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 23 January, 1783.

Sir,—

The letters you did me the honor to write on the 6th and 18th of November came safe to hand.

You do me honor, sir, in applauding the judgment I have formed from time to time of the Court of Britain, and future ages will give me credit for the judgment I have formed of some other courts. The true designs of a minister of state are not difficult to be penetrated by an honest man of common sense, who is in a situation to know any thing of the secret of affairs, and to observe constantly the chain of public events; for whatever ostensible appearances may be put on, whatever obliquities may be imagined, however the web may be woven, or the thread doubled and twisted, enough will be seen to unravel the whole.

My opinions, as you observe, sometimes run counter to those generally received; but the reason of this has generally been, that I have had earlier evidence than the generality, and I have had the satisfaction to find that others have formed the same judgment when they have had the same intelligence. I do not affect singularity, nor love to be in a minority, though truth and justice have sometimes obliged me to be so. You say, that nothing can be more conformable to your wishes than the instructions I transmitted. I am not surprised at this; it is very natural. Had I never been on this side of the Atlantic, I believe I should have been of your mind in this particular. At present I cannot be, and I believe, by this time, the Dutch regret having given them. You will hear enough of the reason of it. I have lived long enough, and had experience enough of the conduct of governments and people, nations and courts, to be convinced that gratitude, friendship, unsuspecting confidence, and all the most amiable passions in human nature, are the most dangerous guides in politics. I assure you, sir, if we had not been more cautious than the Dutch, we should have been worse off than they, and our country would have suffered much more.

Mr. Laurens has been here, and has behaved with great caution, firmness, and wisdom. He arrived so late as only to attend the two last days of the conferences, the 29th and 30th of November. But the short time he was with us, he was of great service to the cause. He has done great service to America in England, where his conversation has been such as the purest and firmest American could wish it, and has made many converts. He is gone again to Bath, and his journey will do as much good to his country as to his health. He will return to the signature of the definitive treaty.

The ratifications of my contracts have been received.

The release of Captain Asgill was so exquisite a relief to my feelings, that I have not much cared what interposition it was owing to. It would have been a horrid damp to the joys of peace, if we had received a disagreeable account of him.

The difference between Denmark and Holland is of no serious nature. The clue to the whole is, the Queen dowager is sister to the Duke of Brunswick; but there is nothing to fear from Denmark. As to the northern powers, we have nothing to fear from any of them. All of them and all the neutral powers would have acknowledged our independence before now, by receiving Mr. Dana to sign the principles of the armed neutrality, if he had not been restrained from acting. The unlimited confidence of congress has been grossly abused, and we should have been irreparably injured, if we had not been upon our guard. As our liberties and most important interests are now secured as far as they can be against Great Britain, it would be my wish to say as little as possible of the policy of any minister of our first ally, which has not been as we could desire, and to retain forever a grateful remembrance of the friendly assistance we have received. But we have evidence enough to warn us against unlimited confidence in any European minister of state.

I have never drawn upon Dr. Franklin for any money since the end of my two and a half years’ salary; and he tells me he has made no use of the bills. I had received money for my subsistence of Messieurs Willink, and as it will be but a few months more, at farthest, that I shall have to subsist in Europe, I beg leave to proceed to the end in the same way. I shall receive only the amount of my salary, and settle the account with congress on my return.

I hope to be safely landed on my native shore in the month of June; and to this end, I beg that an appointment may be made to the Dutch mission, and the acceptance of my resignation be transmitted to me by the first ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 24 Janvier, 1783.

Monsieur,—

La manière subite et imprévue dont on a reçu ici la nouvelle de la signature des préliminaires par toutes les autres puissances belligérantes, sans que celui qui tient le plus à cœur ici ait été fixé, a d’abord consterné nos amis; mais après être revenu de leur première surprise, M. Van Berckel, à la réquisition et sur les instances de M. le grand pensionnaire, dans une conférence secrète, a proposé un moyen, sans doute le plus noble et le plus solide, pour parvenir au but désiré et désirable à tous. M. le grand pensionnaire l’a saisi avec empressement; et l’on est convenu, que M. Van Berckel me prieroit de leur part, de consulter votre excellence en toute diligence sur ce moyen, que voici.

“Pour accélérer la négociation de la paix générale, et pour prévenir les discussions ultérieures entre L. H. P. et la Grande Bretagne sur le point de la navigation libre et illimitée, on demande à M. Adams, s’il se trouve assez autorisé de la part du congrès, pour accéder au traité de la neutralité armée déjà conclu entre quelques puissances belligérantes de l’Europe, ou pour entrer dans une pareille négociation avec l’Espagne, la France, et les Pays-Bas Unis.

Dans l’un et l’autre cas, L. H. Puissances pourroient faire la même proposition à la France et à l’Espagne, afin de prévenir les discussions sur le point de la liberté des mers, qui pourroient arrêter la paix générale; et pour mettre la république en état de faire sa paix avec la Grande Bretagne, qui pourroit être retardée par des difficultés que pourroient rencontrer des stipulations particulières, ou des arrangemens à faire avec l’Angleterre sur ce point.

Le traité définitif entre l’Angleterre et la république pourroit alors se faire sous la réserve du droit primitif de toutes les nations, qui se trouvent dans l’exercice de ce droit, à moins qu’ils ne s’en soient départis par des traités particuliers au sujet de contrebandes reconnues pour telles par les contractans respectifs.

M. Adams est prié instamment de communiquer ses idées sur ce point le plutôt possible, et d’y ajouter ses réflexions sur les moyens d’avancer une telle négociation et d’acheminer la paix générale. Car il paroît qu’en attendant la république pourroit accéder à l’armistice qui devra résulter de la signature des préliminaires de paix entre les autres puissances belligérantes, et traiter avec l’Angleterre sur tous les autres points en question.”

Vous êtes le maître, monsieur, si vous le jugez à propos, de conférer aussi là-dessus ministériellement avec M. Brantzen.

Il ne me reste plus, que de vous présenter les complimens et tout ce qui se peut penser de plus cordial de la part de M. Van Berckel, qui vient de me quitter, pour me laisser écrire tout ce que dessus.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 29 January, 1783.

Sir,—

Upon receiving the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 24th, late last evening, I went immediately to consult with my colleague, Mr. Jay, and we agreed to go this morning to Dr. Franklin. Accordingly to-day we went together to Passy, and communicated your letter to him, and after recollecting the powers we have received, we all agreed that I should make you the following answer.

You will readily recollect the resolutions of congress, which I did myself the honor two years ago to communicate to the President of their High Mightinesses, and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague. The letter to the President was sent “au greffe,” and there may, perhaps, be now found. These resolutions contained the approbation of congress, of the principles of the declaration of the Empress of Russia, and authorized any of the American ministers in Europe, if invited thereto, to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance of them.

Some time after this, congress sent Mr. Dana a commission with full power to accede to the principles of the marine treaty between the neutral powers, and he is now at Petersburg, vested with these powers, and, according to late intelligence received from him, has well-founded expectations of being soon admitted.

It is the opinion of my colleagues, as well as my own, that no commission of mine to their High Mightinesses contains authority to negotiate this business; and we are all of opinion, that it is most proper that Mr. Dana should negotiate it.

But as there has been no express revocation of the power given to all or any of us, by the first resolutions, and if the case should happen, that Mr. Dana could not attend in season, on account of the distance, for the sake of accelerating the signature of the definitive treaty of peace, we should not hesitate to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance of the principles of the armed neutrality. I wish it were in my power to give you a more satisfactory answer, but candor will warrant no other.

With great respect to the gentlemen, as well as to you,

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 30 Janvier, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Les lettres que j’ai eu l’honneur de vous écrire Vendredi 24e et Mardi 28e ne sont que l’expression fidèle des sentimens de nos républicains. Je n’y ai rien mis du mien; au contraire, j’ai adouci tant que j’ai pu. Si l’on ne trouve à raccommoder la chose de la manière que je l’ai proposée, c’en est fait pour toujours du crédit ici de la France. Voici la copie promise de la lettre; et d’une autre de la même main reçue ce matin. La France et nos républicains, depuis tous ces jours, sont l’objet des sarcasmes et des railleries amères des malintentionnés; et nos républicains, sans avoir perdu courage vis-à-vis de leurs antagonistes internes, sont outrés, et n’ont plus aucune confiance en ce qui leur est dit ministériellement de la part de la France, pour colorer ce qui vient de se passer, ou pour leur faire faire quelque démarche ultérieure. Ils plaignent personnellement M. le Duc de la Vauguyon, et disent que M. le Comte de Vergennes le sacrifie, et lui fait perdre d’un coup de plume tout le fruit de ses sages, infatigables et brillans travaux ici. Du reste ils déclarent qu’ils ne veulent être dominés ou influés, ou menés à la lisière, ni par l’Angleterre ni par la France; et que quoiqu’on leur propose de la part de la France, ils ne le porteront plus devant leurs villes que moyennant des sûretés suffisantes en poche.

Si vous pouvez faire réussir, monsieur, ce que j’ai proposé, je crois que ce sera une opération politique importante, un coup de partie pour l’honneur et l’avantage des États Unis, parce-qu’elle établira leur crédit, leur dignité et leur gloire ici pour toujours. Votre jugement profond et profonde pénétration, monsieur, n’a pas besoin que j’entre dans de plus longs raisonnemens là-dessus. Il suffit que cette affaire sera également avantageuse à tous, puisque tous y participeront et se l’assûreront.

M. le Comte de Llano m’a fait prier ce matin, de lui communiquer les préliminaires dont M. l’ambassadeur lui a dit que j’avois copie. Mais il s’est contenté de mes raisons pour ne pouvoir lui donner qu’une idée verbale des dits préliminaires. J’ai cru pouvoir et devoir faire le même plaisir à M. d’Asp.

Vous connoissez toute la vérité, &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 4 Fevrier, 1783.

Monsieur,—

L’honorée vôtre du 29e a pleinement satisfait ces Messieurs; et M. Van Berckel, au nom de tous, m’a chargé de vous en remercier, et de vous assurer que c’est précisément ce qu’il leur falloit, ce qu’ils espéroient pouvoir se faire de votre part et de celle de messieurs vos collègues, et que vous pouvez compter sur eux, comme ils comptent sur vous, en allant agir conséquemment. J’ai été la communiquer aussi à M. le grand pensionnaire, qui m’a paru penser comme eux, et que l’on m’a dit confidemment, de plus d’une bonne part, avoir à désirer, autant que la France, que le parti Anglais ne prédomine plus ici.

J’ai à vous présenter les respects de tous. Je suis charmé, monsieur, qu’il y ait eu moyen de les contenter à si bon marché; car il me paroît que ce qu’ils demandent n’est autre chose que ce qui est stipulé dans les traités de l’Amérique, tant avec cette république qu’avec la France. Du reste ils sont déterminés à ne signer que lorsque cet article de la navigation sera en règle de la manière proposée, et à ne point perdre non plus Négapatnam; et l’on craint que si M. le Comte de Vergennes ne trouve pas quelque remède à cela, la confiance et l’inclination de cette nation pour la France ne soit étouffée dans sa renaissance; elle importoit cependant plus à la France que Tabago.

M. de Vergennes, pour s’excuser de la précipitation avec laquelle on a signé, a dit aux ministres de la république à Paris, entre autres, que d’un côté l’Amérique, qui se disoit epuisée, craignoit un soulèvement, si l’on devoit imposer de nouvelles taxes, demandoit par M. Franklin vingt millions pour la campagne prochaine si elle avoit lieu, enfin, qui vouloit jouir de la paix et de son traité plutôt que de hazarder une prolongation de guerre qui pouvoit altérer l’accomplissement; et de l’autre, l’Espagne, qui, également epuisée, réclamoit absolument cette conclusion,—avoient mis la France dans la nécessité de signer si précipitamment; mais que cela n’empêchoit pas l’intention ferme de sa Majesté de ne point terminer sans que L. H. P. soient comprises dans la paix générale, et contentes. Dieu le veuille!

Il paroît que M. l’ambassadeur et M. le grand pensionnaire ont reçu, chacun par son courier, les mêmes assurances. Ce dernier cependant n’a pas encore dit le même de sa dépêche à nos autres amis.

Je suis persuadé que dans les lettres confidentielles que je vous ai écrites, monsieur, depuis l’officielle du 24e, vous avez gardé par devers vous seul ce qui (contre mon intention, qui est pure) pourroit faire de la peine à d’autres, et me nuire, quoiqu’à tort, dans leur esprit. J’ai voulu et dû être avec vous un historien fidèle.

Daignez faire agréer mes respects à Messrs. Franklin et Jay, et être assuré du bon aloi de celui, &c.

Dumas.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 5 February, 1783.

Sir,—

The resolution of congress of the 12th of July, 1781, “That the commission and instructions, for negotiating a treaty of commerce between these United States and Great Britain, given to the Honorable John Adams, on the 29th day of September, 1779, be, and they are hereby revoked,” was duly received by me in Holland; but no explanation of the motives to it, or the reasons on which it was founded, was ever transmitted to me by congress, or the committee of foreign affairs, or any individual member; nor has anybody in Europe or America ever once attempted, that I know of, to guess at the reason. Whether it was intended as a punishment to me, or with a charitable design not to lead me into temptation; whether it was intended as a punishment to the English for their insolence and barbarity; whether it was intended to prevent or remove suspicions of allies, or the envy and green-eyed jealousy of copatriots, I know not. Of one thing, however, I am fully satisfied, that congress had reasons, and meant well; but whether those reasons were founded on true or mistaken information, I know not.

When I recollect the instructions, which were given and revoked with that commission, I can guess, and only guess, at some considerations, which might, or might not, operate with congress. In these instructions, congress determined,

1st. That the common right of fishing should in no case be given up.

2dly. That it is essential to the welfare of all these United States, that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration of the war, should continue to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of their common right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and the other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving inviolate the treaties between France and the said States, &c.

3dly. “That our faith be pledged to the several States, that without their unanimous consent no treaty of commerce shall be entered into, nor any trade or commerce whatever carried on with Great Britain, without the explicit stipulation hereinafter mentioned. You are, therefore, not to consent to any treaty of commerce with Great Britain, without an explicit stipulation on her part, not to molest or disturb the inhabitants of the United States of America, in taking fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and other fisheries in the American seas, anywhere excepting within the distance of three leagues of the shores of the territories remaining to Great Britain at the close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by negotiation. And in the negotiation you are to exert your most strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova Scotia; as to which latter we are desirous, that even the shores may be occasionally used for the purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of these States.”

These instructions are very decisive in favor of our indubitable right to the fisheries; and it is possible, that congress might be of opinion, that commerce would be the strongest inducement to the English to make peace, and at the same time, that there was something so naval in the fisheries, that the dread of acknowledging our right to them would be the strongest obstacle in the way of peace. They might think, too, that peace was of more importance to the United States, than a British acknowledgment of our right to the fisheries, which, to be sure, would have been enjoyed by our people in a good degree without it.

Reasonings like these might influence congress to revoke the commission and instructions in question. But whatever probability there might appear in them at that time, experience has since shown, that they were not well founded. On the contrary, arguments have been found to convince the British ministers themselves, that it was the interest of their King and country, not only to acknowledge the American right to the fisheries, but to encourage the unrestrained exercise of it. These considerations, therefore, can be no longer of any weight against a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, or against accrediting a minister to the Court of St. James. Nor can I conceive of any motive now existing against these measures. On the contrary, so many advantages present themselves to view, that I think it my duty to recommend them to congress as proper to be adopted without loss of time. If there are in congress any of those gentlemen, with whom I had the honor to serve in the years 1775 and 1776, they may possibly remember, that in arguing in favor of sending ministers to Versailles, to propose a connection with that Court, I laid it down as a first principle, that we should calculate all our measures and foreign negotiations in such a manner, as to avoid a too great dependence upon any one power of Europe—to avoid all obligations and temptations to take any part in future European wars; that the business of America with Europe was commerce, not politics or war; and, above all, that it never could be our interest to ruin Great Britain, or injure or weaken her any further than should be necessary to support our independence, and our alliances, and that, as soon as Great Britain should be brought to a temper to acknowledge our sovereignty and our alliances, and consent that we should maintain the one, and fulfil the others, it would be our interest and duty to be her friends, as well as the friends of all the other powers of Europe, and enemies to none.

We are now happily arrived, through many tremendous tempests, at that period. Great Britain respects us as sovereign States, and respects all our political engagements with foreign nations; and as long as she continues in this temper of wisdom, it is our duty to respect her. We have accordingly made a treaty with her and mutually sworn to be friends. Through the whole period of our warfare and negotiations, I confess I have never lost sight of the principles and the system, with which I set out, which appeared to me to be the sentiments of congress with great unanimity; and I have no reason to believe that any change of opinion has taken place; if there has not, every one will agree with me, that no measure we can pursue will have such a tendency to preserve the government and people of England in the right system for their own and our interest, and the interest of our allies too, well understood, as sending a minister to reside at the Court of London.

In the next place, the Court of London is the best station to collect intelligence from every part, and by means of the freedom of the press to communicate information for the benefit of our country, to every part of the world. In time of peace, there is so frequent travelling between Paris, London, and the Hague, that the correspondence of our ministers at those Courts may be carried on by private hands, without hazarding any thing from the infidelity of the posts, and congress may reasonably expect advantages from this circumstance.

In the third place, a treaty of commerce with Great Britain is an affair of great importance to both countries. Upon this occasion I hope I shall be excused if I venture to advise, that congress should instruct their minister not to conclude such a treaty, without sending the project to them for their observations and fresh instructions; and I think it would not be improper, on this occasion, to imitate the Dutch method, take the project ad referendum, and transmit it to the legislatures of all the States for their remarks, before congress finally resolve. Their minister may be authorized and instructed, in the mean time, to enter into a temporary convention for regulating the present trade for a limited number of months or years, or until the treaty of commerce shall be completed.

In the fourth place, it is our part to be the first to send a minister to Great Britain, which is the older, and as yet the superior state. It becomes us to send a minister first, and I doubt not the King of Great Britain will very soon return the compliment. Whereas if we do not begin, I believe there will be many delicacies at St. James’s about being the first to send. I confess I wish a British minister at Philadelphia, and think we should derive many benefits from his residence there. While we have any foreign ministers among us, I wish to have them from all the great powers with whom we are much connected. The Corps Diplomatique at every Court is, or ought to be, a system representing at least that part of the system of Europe, with which that Court is most conversant.

In the same manner, or at least for similar reasons, as long as we have any one minister abroad at any European Court, I think we ought to have one at every one to which we are most essentially related, whether in commerce or policy; and, therefore, while we have any minister at Versailles, the Hague, or London, I think it clear we ought to have one at each, though I confess I have sometimes thought that, after a very few years, it will be the best thing we can do to recall every minister from Europe, and send embassies only on special occasions.

If, however, any members of congress should have any delicacies, lest an American minister should not be received with a dignity becoming his rank and character at London, they may send a commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, to their minister at Madrid, or Versailles, or the Hague, or St. Petersburg, and instruct him to carry on the negotiation from the Court where he may be, until he shall be invited to London, or a letter of credence may be sent to one of these, with instructions to go to London, as soon as the King shall appoint a minister to go to Philadelphia.

After all, however, my opinion is, that none of these manœuvres are necessary, but that the best way will be to send a minister directly to St. James’s, with a letter of credence to the King, as a minister plenipotentiary, and a commission to treat of a treaty of commerce, but with instructions not to come to any irrevocable conclusion, until congress and all the States have an opportunity to consider of the project, and suggest their amendments.

There is one more argument in favor of sending a minister forthwith; it is this. While this mission lies open, it will be a source of jealousy among present ministers, and such as are or may be candidates to be foreign ministers, a source of intrigue and faction among their partisans and adherents, and a source of animosity and division among the people of the States. For this reason, it is a pity, that the first choice had not been such as congress could have continued to approve, and the first measure such as congress could have constantly persevered in. If this had been the case, the door of faction would have been kept shut. As this, however, was once my department, by the voice of eleven States in twelve present, and as I will be answerable, at any hazard, it will never be the department of any one by a greater majority, there seems to be a propriety in my giving my advice concerning it, on taking leave of it, if such is the will of congress, as I have before done in this letter, according to the best of my judgment. And if it should not be thought too presumptuous, I would beg leave to add, what is my idea of the qualifications necessary for an American foreign minister in general, and particularly and above all to the Court of St. James.

In the first place, he should have had an education in classical learning, and in the knowledge of general history, ancient and modern, and particularly the history of France, England, Holland, and America. He should be well versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of nature and nations, of legislation and government, of the civil Roman law, of the laws of England and the United States, of the public law of Europe, and in the letters, memoirs, and histories of those great men, who have heretofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the affairs of nations, and the world. He should be of an age to possess a maturity of judgment, arising from experience in business. He should be active, attentive, and industrious; and above all, he should possess an upright heart and an independent spirit, and should be one who decidedly makes the interest of his country, not the policy of any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest, or those of his family, friends, and connections, the rule of his conduct.

We hear so much said about a genteel address and a facility in speaking the French language, that one would think a dancing master and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman. Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither in America nor Europe, has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by fluency in French, nor will any great thing ever be effected by such accomplishments alone. A man must have something in his head to say, before he can speak to effect, how ready soever he may be at utterance. And if the knowledge is in his head, and the virtues are in his heart, he will never fail to find a way of communicating his sentiments to good purpose. He will always have excellent translators ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he desires.

As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a first or second conversation; and even in these, it is regarded no more by men of sense of any country than another thing which I once heard disputed with great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate, the Sensible. The question was, what were the several departments of an ambassador and a secretary of legation. After a long and shrewd discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes, “that the secretary’s part was to do the business, and that of the ambassador to keep a mistress.” This decision produced a laugh among the company, and no ideas of the kind will ever produce any thing else among men of understanding.

It is very true, that it is possible, that a case may happen, that a man may serve his country by a bribe well placed, or an intrigue of pleasure with a woman. But it is equally true, that a man’s country will be sold and betrayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where it will be once served. It is very certain that we shall never be a match for European statesmen in such accomplishments for negotiation, any more than, I must and will add, they will equal us in any solid abilities, virtues, and application to business, if we choose wisely among the excellent characters with which our country abounds.

Among the ministers who have already crossed the Atlantic to Europe, there have been none exceeding Mr. Jay and Mr. Dana in all the qualifications I have presumed to enumerate; and, I must say, that if I had the honor to give my vote in congress for a minister at the Court of Great Britain, provided that injustice must be finally done to him, who was the first object of his country’s choice, such have been the activity, intelligence, address, and fortitude of Mr. Jay, as well as his sufferings in his voyage, journeys, and past services, that I should think of no other object of my choice than that gentleman. If congress should neglect all their old ministers, and send a fresh one from America, they cannot be at a loss, for there are in that country great numbers of men well qualified for the service. These are most certainly better known by name to congress than to me; and, therefore, I shall venture no further, but conclude, by wishing this arduous business well settled, and by assurances to congress and to you, sir, of my warmest attachment and respect.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 5 February, 1783.

Sir,—

I received last night your favor of 30th of January, with the copies of letters inclosed. I am not at all surprised at the sentiments expressed in those copies, nor am I able to give any satisfactory answer to the pungent questions which I read there. I feel very sincerely afflicted for our friends, without being now able, and without having ever been able, to do them any service. I could tell you a very true story, which would convince you that the United States run a great risk of as bad a peace as that of Holland, and that there is no thanks to the minister that your correspondent thinks hard of, that we had not a worse. Unsuspecting confidence is ever dangerous in negotiations. The states-general should have had a minister in London as soon as M. Rayneval went there, and instead of being instructed to trust so much to another, they should have been instructed to conduct their affairs wholly themselves. You know the situation I am in, and therefore I rely upon your honor to communicate nothing of this to the Duke de la Vauguyon. You know I never liked the French minister of foreign affairs. I had great reasons to distrust him which you know not, but the world may one day see.

As to the proposed negotiation for the freedom of navigation, Mr. Dana has full power to treat. And if France and Spain will come into a treaty with Holland upon the subject, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and myself will treat whilst waiting for Mr. Dana. But, between you and me, I doubt whether the French minister will be for such a treaty. This is merely from conjecture, not knowledge, so that no dependence can be placed upon it. If the English are cunning, they will make a merit with Holland of agreeing to the liberty of navigation; and I suspect this is their intention, if they get Negapatnam.

With great esteem,

John Adams.

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Paris, 14 February, 1783.

Sir,—

We have expected you here every day for a long time, and begin to be apprehensive you do not design to return, which will be a disappointment to me, because I wish to have the pleasure of finishing the work of peace with a gentleman who has conducted it hitherto with so much advantage. If this satisfaction is not to be obtained, I wish the service in the hands of some one equally possessed of the only system which can ever conduct it to a right conclusion for the prosperity of your country or mine. Of one thing I am well persuaded,—that no man will ever be found with better qualifications or dispositions.

If you should not return here, it is not very probable we shall meet again. But whether together or asunder, I shall carry with me at all times the most entire esteem and respect for Mr. Oswald.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 15 Février, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Ce que vous me dites, dans la vôtre du 5, ou plutôt ce que vous ne m’y dites pas, me fait désirer avec impatience votre retour ici, c’est à dire, la conclusion finale du traité définitif de paix générale; car je ne vois pas d’apparence à avoir cette satisfaction plutôt.

Il me tarde extrêmement d’apprendre ce qu’il peut y avoir de pire que le tour joué à nos amis. Il regne un froid à glacer, pas entre eux et moi (au contraire), mais entre eux et certain caractère dont ils plaignent pourtant la personne; et s’il en faut croire ce qu’on se dit ici à l’oreille, il est à plaindre, après toutes les peines qu’il s’est données pour bien servir, et tout le succès qu’ont eu ses peines.

Nous sommes fort curieux ici de savoir le rôle et les allures à Paris et à Versailles de M. de H., le chambellan du Prince.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 18 Février, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Nos amis sont très contents de la déclaration réitérée que je leur ai faite de votre part, &c., et vont agir en conséquence auprès de la cour de France, compris celle d’Espagne, et auprès de vos excellences. Ils me paroissent persuadés que la mesure peut et doit réussir. Cependant, à tout événement, ils me chargent de proposer encore la question suivante, pour obtenir là-dessus une réponse, favorable s’il se peut, qui achèveroit de les mettre à l’aise, et de les tranquilliser.

“Q. Lorsque L. H. P. auront fait la proposition à la France, de signer conjointement avec l’Espagne, l’Amérique et les Pays-Bas Unis une convention fondée sur les principes de la neutralité armée pour le maintien de la liberté de la navigation; au cas que la France et l’Espagne parussent vouloir reculer et différer une telle convention, ou s’y refuser avant la conclusion ou signature du traité définitif; M. Dana, et pendant son absence M. Adams, soit seul et comme ministre des États Unis auprès de cette république, ou avec messieurs ses collègues, seroient ils prêts à signer une telle convention provisionelle, lorsqu’elle leur seroit proposée de la part de L. H. P., entre les États Unis et les Pays-Bas Unis?

“On est persuadé ici, que sans un traité pareil, soit entre la France, l’Espagne, les États Unis et les Pays-Bas Unis, ou, à défaut des deux premières, au moins entre les deux dernières puissances, rien ne sauroit prévenir ni excuser la honte du traité définitif pour cette république, qui n’est entrée en guerre que pour la liberté des mers, et qui en a fait une conditio sine quâ non dans ses préliminaires de paix.”

Il est fort à souhaiter que l’un de ces deux arrangemens soit faisable à défaut de l’autre, parceque cela applaniroit tout d’un coup le chemin au traité définitif. Il ne resteroit du moins d’autre difficulté que celle de Négapatnam et de la navigation par les Moluques, sur lesquelles je viens de lire le rapport des 17 directeurs de la compagnie, qui opposent les raisons les plus fortes à la cession de l’un et de l’autre.

Mon opinion est, sauf toujours votre meilleur avis, que votre acquiescement à la demande de ces messieurs peut se fonder sur ces trois choses. 1o. Sur la résolution des États Unis du 5 Octobre, 1780, communiquée par vous-même à L. H. P. par lettre du 8 Mars, 1781; et sur ce que vous m’avez marqué, que vos pouvoirs à cet égard n’ont point été révoqués. 2o. Sur ce que L. H. P. sont une des parties de la neutralité armée, à laquelle Mr. Dana attend qu’il plaise à une autre des parties d’admettre les États Unis. 3o. Sur ce qu’il ne s’agit, ce me semble, que de se garantir réciproquement ce que vous avez déjà signé dans le traité d’amitié et de commerce conclu avec L. H. P.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 23 February, 1783.

Sir,—

In answer to the questions in yours of the 18th, I beg leave to inform you, that, in my opinion, Mr. Dana is the only proper person in Europe to treat with anybody in Europe, about the armed neutrality and the liberty of navigation. It is true our former power is not expressly revoked, but I consider Mr. Dana’s commissions in form to be an implicit and tacit revocation of ours; so that I dare not take upon me, and, from friendship and delicacy to Mr. Dana, I ought not, to enter into any conferences upon this subject alone. In company with my colleagues in the commission for peace, I would not refuse to enter into conferences, waiting Mr. Dana. But whether my colleagues would enter into this negotiation without France and Spain, at least France, I doubt; and have not time now to consult them, who are at a distance from me.

I think the proper method for our friends to take, is to open a negotiation with Mr. Dana and with all the neutral powers, and with France and Spain at the same time. We, who are now in and about Paris, might negotiate with the ministers of France, Spain, and Holland, or at least confer, if they will admit us, waiting Mr. Dana. Mr. D. can enter into negotiation with Holland and all the other powers who have signed the armed neutrality.

Believe me, your friend,

John Adams.

TO THE TRUSTEES OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

Paris, 25 February, 1783.

Gentlemen,—

Your favor of 24th September recommending your worthy president, Dr. Wheelock, and his designs, gave me much pleasure and does me great honor.

It is to American seminaries of learning that America is indebted for her glory and prosperity, and, therefore, no man can be more usefully employed than in affording them every countenance and assistance in his power.

Dr. Wheelock, after remaining a few days in Paris, set off with his brother for the Hague and Amsterdam. I gave him letters to several persons of consideration in those cities, such as will be most likely to forward his designs, but what success he will have, I am not able to say.

With the greatest respect,

John Adams.

B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Extract.)

London, 25 February, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

Mr. Laurens, whom you inquire after, I presume is just arrived in London; and Mr. Oswald was about to return to Paris; but what this distracted state of parties will produce, I cannot yet inform you. The event of the peace, and the reception it meets in parliament, will tell you who were America’s best friends. They were those who made least profession and had most understanding. It is unnecessary to hint more to you. All ranks are satisfied with peace, but the great are not satisfied with a minister who had so few of them in his train. They therefore say we might have had a better peace. You are one of those that know, and I ask your opinion, about the fact of a better peace being easy, without more war, or even with it.

I mean to put you up some pamphlets of the worst sort; for our better are only preparing. Hereafter, the peace will probably be well understood, and then you shall have other pamphlets in another style.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Benjamin Vaughan.

P. J. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 5 Mars, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Puisque j’ai la satisfaction d’être élu par leurs hautes puissances pour aller résider auprès du congrès des États Unis de l’Amérique en qualité de ministre plenipotentiaire de notre république, je n’ai pu me dispenser de vous en informer. Mais encore je me fais cette occasion de vous écrire à profit, et je la saisis pour vous témoigner que l’honneur de cette commission me flatte extrêmement, parceque j’ai toujours senti le désir le plus vif d’en être chargé, afin de trouver les moyens de mettre au jour les sentimens d’estime et d’amour que mon cœur nourrit pour cette nouvelle république; ce que je ferai d’autant plus facilement parce que le service de ma patrie exige que je porte tous mes soins à serrer le plus étroitement ces noeuds, qui doivent lier ces deux soeurs de façon qu’elles ne se séparent jamais.

Permettez moi en même temps de solliciter votre amitié et votre bienveillance. Elles me sont chères, et me peuvent être de très grande utilité. J’en conçois tout le prix, et je ne manquerai pas de faire tout le possible pour vous engager à les accorder à celui qui se nomme avec la plus parfaite estime, monsieur, &c.

P. J. Van Berckel.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Extract.)

La Haie, 6 Mars, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Vous devez avoir reçu actuellement, messieurs, ainsi que les ministres de France et d’Espagne, par ceux de la république à Paris, l’ouverture d’entamer la négociation pour un traité de garantie réciproque de la liberté des mers. Ces messieurs comptent à cet égard, et principalement, sur les promesses réitérées que vous m’avez autorisé de leur faire, sûrs que vous ne vous laisserez point influer ni diriger par Shelburne & Co.; qui s’entendent, disent ils, comme larrons en foire. Vous n’aurez pas de peine à comprendre l’allusion. Si cette convention pouvoit se faire avant la signature du traité définitif, ce seroit le triomphe ici de nos républicains. Quelqu’un m’ayant objecté que l’Angleterre pourroit en prendre ombrage si ce traité se faisoit avant l’autre; et depuis quand, ai-je répliqué, la France a-t-elle recommencée à avoir peur de donner ombrage à l’Angleterre?

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

TO P. J. VAN BERCKEL.

Paris, 11 March, 1783.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 5th of this month, and am happy to receive this confirmation of the news of your appointment as minister plenipotentiary to the United States of America. Your name, connections, and character are sufficient pledges of your attachment to your own country as well as ours, and cannot fail to be as pleasing in America as they seem to be in Europe. A friendship between our countries is so natural, that I think you will have little difficulty in succeeding to your wishes.

M. Dumas desires me to inform you what furniture it will be proper to carry with you. In my opinion, you will be able to purchase at Philadelphia whatever you may have occasion for, as cheap and as good as you can have them in Europe. Linens and other light articles you may carry with you, but it is unnecessary to incumber yourself with heavy ones.

It will by no means be necessary to make a public entry. There has as yet been no example of it, and as such splendid ceremonies are much out of fashion in Europe, it will never be necessary to introduce them into America. You will have no occasion therefore for any carriage but one of a common kind, which may be made in Philadelphia or Boston with as much elegance and convenience as in Paris, Amsterdam, or London.

My advice would be to land at Boston, and take the journey to Philadelphia, while you send your frigate round by sea to that city. This will give you an opportunity of seeing a great part of the United States, and of becoming acquainted with many principal characters. I will be answerable for your cordial reception everywhere.

His Excellency, the Governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Hancock, and his Honor, the President of the Senate, Mr. Samuel Adams, will receive you at Boston. Governor Trumbull, at Connecticut; General Washington and Governor Clinton, at New York; Governor Livingston, at New Jersey. I would, by all means, advise you to pass through New York and New Jersey, where you will find multitudes charmed at the sight of a Dutch minister more than any other in the world.

I wish you a pleasant voyage and journey. If you take your departure at any time before the middle of June, your voyage can scarcely fail to be agreeable. After that, it may be long and tedious.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS.

London, 11 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

I do not learn that we have yet fixed our ministry, which does not at all concern me, provided we could fix our principles. I am happy, however, to find, notwithstanding the factions in parliament, that the people of England are not at all averse to a proper footing with America, provided they could be assured of America’s disposition to be reciprocal in the matter of advance. So far they are right, that no public overtures from thence have yet arrived at their knowledge; in which I think you gentlemen at Paris might nevertheless assist us. Perhaps I may truly affirm that the boldness of my friend has done more towards advancing manly opinions than any thing I have yet experienced in this country. Happy I am to find, notwithstanding this clamor, that he retains all his old American sentiments, and repents of nothing. Some of his friends only lament that he did not corrupt the votes of some who never vote but by corruption; and in truth it would have secured the business.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Benjamin Vaughan.

TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.

Paris, 12 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

I thank you for the pamphlets, which are an amusement in this place, how little soever there is in them of sense or candor. The refugees, however, seem to judge right in their own affair,—sensible that they have no claim at all upon America for compensation, they demand it of Great Britain, upon whom the pretensions of some of them may be very just. But why has no man dared to mention tens of thousands of sufferers in America, as innocent, as meritorious at least, as any of the refugees? Who is to make restitution and compensation to these?

Those who say you might have had a better peace, speak from conjecture, not from knowledge. They reason from a false comparison of the forces of the belligerent powers. Their imaginations magnify the finances and military power of Great Britain, and diminish those of France, Spain, Holland, and America, and then they reason from this delusive comparison, that the peace is inadequate to the relative situations. I am afraid that the vote to this purpose will be an unhappy one for Great Britain. Will it not nourish a continual discontent in your nation, and a continual jealousy in all the powers that have been at war with you?

I will answer you with great sincerity. I do not believe you could possibly have obtained a better treaty with America. On the contrary, the least delay would have lost you some advantages which you now have. What conditions might have been obtained from France and Spain, I know not. France appears in the treaty with great moderation in the eyes of Europe, and her aversion to continue the war could arise from no other motive. Spain appears to have conquered her predilection for Gibraltar. If, therefore, instead of wasting the force of forty or fifty ships to guard that rock, she had acted with France in the West Indies, or against New York, or both, with twenty-five, twenty, or even only fifteen Dutch ships in the North Seas or the channel, where would have been your hopes? Surely only in the defensive. Admitting what is very extravagantly improbable, that you could have defended all another year at an expense of twenty millions, would you have been then able to demand better terms, or your adversaries disposed to grant them? I trow not. On the contrary, their courage and pretensions would have advanced.

America did you a very kind turn, you may depend upon it, when she rapidly hastened on the signature of the provisional treaty. Think of it as you will, you would have had no peace at this hour, but for this able seizure of the moment of the tide in the affairs of men, for which you are indebted to Mr. Oswald and his principals. Without this, the negotiations would have dreamed on until D’Estaing had sailed from Cadiz, and then, Voilà une autre campagne!

I should be very glad to see the better sort of pamphlets you mention, and particularly some to show the policy and the necessity of an immediate evacuation of New York and Penobscot.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

Paris, 12 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

Appearances on the side where you are do not please me more than you; but I hope the weather will clear up, and that we shall soon have the pleasure of seeing you and Mr. Oswald here to put the last hand to the peace.

It is not worth while for any noble lord to “boast of his art” in obtaining the provisional treaty, without the knowledge of our great and good ally. It was not owing to “his art.” But how does he know what knowledge was communicated to our ally? As to getting “John Adams & Co. hanged,” this would be no more than a Hillsborough, Germaine, or Sandwich would have done, if they could. This would be no feat for a whig minister to boast of.1

This same “hanging” is, however, a grave business, and perhaps the aforesaid company may have reflected upon the nature of it more seriously than his Lordship, unless it has struck him lately. But I cannot think our country will hang her ministers merely for their simplicity in being cheated into independence, the fisheries, and half the great lakes. Our countrymen love buckskins, beaver-skins, tom-cod, and pine trees too well, to hang their ministers for accepting them, or even for purchasing them by a little too much “reciprocity” to the tories.

Be it as it may, if a French minister and an English minister should form a coalition as curious as that of the fox and the geese, to get J. A. hanged, he is pretty well prepared for this, or to be recalled, or censured, or flattered, or slandered, just as they please.

I wish I could see more serious preparations for evacuating New York and Penobscot. Our people will not feel like freemen in friendship with Great Britain, till this is done. If any one thinks that keeping possession of New York will help the refugees, he deceives himself. Great Britain’s misfortunes have arisen from the ignorance in her rulers of the American character. If ministers are incapable of learning it, they never will succeed in addressing themselves to it. If they think that fear will work for the refugees, they will find it operate against them.

But why is the definitive treaty delayed? Congress will not take the preliminaries into consideration, till they have the definitive treaty. There can be no ratification, until congress have that; and, in my opinion, the States, after the ratification and recommendations, will take none of them into consideration, until the United States are evacuated by the troops. In this I may be mistaken.

My respects to your good family, and believe me, &c.

John Adams.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, 16 March, 1783.

Sir,—

Yours of the 22d of February has come to hand this moment, and has given me much satisfaction. I always admired the noble and independent spirit of my friend, but I now see cause to admire it still more. You have conferred additional obligations upon, or to express myself otherwise, you have rendered additional services to your country, by breaking to pieces chains forged to hold it in a state of subserviency to the interests of others. God and your country will approve the measure. But there is nothing gives me more real pleasure than your determination to return to America. I have only one request to make to you,—that you will not decline a moment taking a seat in congress after your arrival there. They want only proper information to lead them into proper measures. The turn of thinking there must be changed, and I know no man better calculated on every account to bring this about than yourself. I beseech you, therefore, never to decline such an occasion. By my last letter, you will find my intention is, if not to accompany you, at least to follow you soon to America.

As to your advice to me, to communicate my mission to the minister of the Emperor and the ministers of all the other Courts which have acceded to the armed neutrality, I think at present it is not advisable to make this communication on that occasion; for, first, I have no authority to make any commercial treaty with the Emperor; and as to that part of my commission which respects the armed neutrality or neutral confederation, I have long since, upon consideration, given it to congress as my opinion, that America could not become a party in it or accede formally to the marine convention so long as she continued a belligerent power; and also, that that convention, from its terms and nature, was limited to the duration of the war. But, if I should be mistaken in this last point, I think it is not worth while for America at this time to pay near five thousand pounds sterling to the ministers of this Court for the liberty of acceding to the marine convention; and, if it were, I have not the money at my disposal. The communication, you are sensible, must be general to all the parties to that confederation, and of course to this Court. To make the communication, which would amount to a proposition on my part to accede to the convention, and not to be able to do it for want of what I know is essential to the end, would be only to expose the honor of the United States without the prospect of any advantage. It is quite enough to pay five thousand pounds sterling for a treaty of commerce with this empire. I think it my duty, therefore, to keep the marine convention out of sight as long as possible, and to confine myself to the treaty of commerce, into which I have adopted the leading principles of the marine convention, and shall endeavor to conclude both points in one treaty. If I fail in this, I must fail in both, and shall immediately quit this Court. I must exercise my discretion in some things, and, as you have done, submit my conduct to the judgment of those whose right it is to decide upon it. If they furnish me not with the means, they must not expect the accomplishment of my mission. I pray you to give me your advice upon these matters with the utmost freedom, and as soon as possible. Though I have ventured not to follow it in this particular case, yet I give you my reasons for not doing it, that you might judge upon them, and I am not the less obliged to you for your advice.

I have not received an answer in form to my letter communicating my mission to the vice-chancellor, but only a verbal message in excuse of the delay for a time entirely past. I do not like this delay. The immediate assurances mentioned in my letter in which I informed you of this communication, came from a member of her Majesty’s private cabinet, who sought an interview with me for that occasion. But I refer you to a passage in my last letter,—“I am sick, &c.”—God send me speedily a happy deliverance from them.

Adieu, my dear sir, yours,

Francis Dana.

HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS.

London, 26 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

I was yesterday honored by the receipt of your letter of the 12th inst.

That the “noble lord” did boast is beyond all doubt; but I had the good fortune to give a check to his success, by propounding a question almost in terms with that which you have put. How does his Lordship know whether we conferred with, or what we communicated to, our ally? but, admitting the fact, which I do not admit, what then? Be assured that a disappointed and mortified Shelburne, maugre all pretensions to whiggism, has as good a stomach for such a “feat” as even a Hillsborough, a Germaine, or the other secretary, Sandwich had.

I coincide exactly in your opinion on the delay of the definitive treaty, the evacuation of New York, the tories, recommendations, &c.; and it is probable I have given a damp to the third edition “for the provisional establishment and regulation of trade, &c.” by framing a counter-bill supposed to be pending in each of the United States, for regulating the British trade, which I held up as a mirror to a noble lord and a few of the most eminent commoners. The picture alarmed them, and, if I judge right, a lead will be laid upon their bill.

“You cannot think our country will hang their ministers for being cheated into independence, fisheries, &c., &c.” I fancy not; but, be as grave as you please upon the subject, believe me, his Lordship boasted of having “cheated” us into those great benefits, and flattered himself with hopes that, upon the same ground, he would be able to “cheat” us out of them again. I hope his wings will be clipt. If the proper ministry should succeed, I have every reason to expect an honest and liberal proceeding with respect to us will immediately ensue. My opinion is founded upon the most explicit assurances from the very best hands. The tories, nicknamed loyalists, are execrated by the circle in which I sometimes move, and yet they say they must “make some provision for some of the poor devils for national honor’s sake.” I reply, make what provision you will, it would be impertinent in me to interfere in that business; but you must not attempt to cram them down our throats. It is time you should know that America will not be taxed without her own consent. I have uniformly discouraged all attempts to trade with the United States, until the definitive treaty shall be concluded, and the British forces by land and sea effectually withdrawn. The reasonings which I have urged, particularly personating the State of New York, have been acknowledged invincible; but some of the merchants are nevertheless mad, and will send their ships. Let them be mad. I trust the United States will be wise.

I am, dear sir, &c.

Henry Laurens.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 14 April, 1783.

Sir,—

You may easily imagine our anxiety to hear from America, when you know that we have no news to this hour, either of your reception of the news of peace, or of that of the treaty with Holland, four copies of which I put on board different vessels at Amsterdam, in October.

We have been in equal uncertainty about the turn which affairs might take in England. But by letters from Mr. Laurens we expect him every day, and Mr. David Hartley with him, in order to complete the definitive treaty. It would have been more agreeable to have finished with Mr. Oswald. But the present ministry are so dissatisfied with what is past, as they say, though nobody believes them, that they choose to change hands.

It will be proposed, I believe, to make a temporary arrangement of commercial matters, as our powers are not competent to a durable one, if to any. Congress will, no doubt, soon send a minister with full powers, as the treaty of commerce with Great Britain is of great importance, and our affairs in that country require an overseer.

It is confidently asserted, in letters from Holland, that M. Markow, the minister plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia, has received from his mistress a full power to come to Paris, to the assistance of the Prince Bariatinski, at a congress for a general pacification. There is, as yet, no answer received from the Emperor. If the two Imperial Courts accept of the mediation, there will be a congress; but I suppose it will relate chiefly to the affairs of Holland, which are not yet arranged, and to the liberty of neutral navigation, which is their principal point. I wish success to that republic in this negotiation, which will help to compose their interior disorders, which are alarming. I know not whether it will be insisted or expected that we should join in the congress, nor do I know what we have to do in it, unless it be to settle that point as far as it relates to us. There is nothing in difference between us and Great Britain which we cannot adjust ourselves without any mediation.

A spring passage to America is so great an object, that I should be very sorry to have the negotiations spun out to such a length as to oblige me to lose it; and I take it for granted, I shall now receive the acceptance of my resignation by the first ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 16 April, 1783.

Sir,—

In answer to the inquiry of M. Fagel, you will please to inform him that the letters of credence of M. Van Berckel should be addressed,—“To the United States of America in Congress assembled.” “Friends and Allies.”

The King of France, indeed, has added the word “great.” “Great friends and allies.” But I think it would be much better to leave out the word great and all other epithets. Congress have never assumed any other style; and I hope they never will assume or receive any other.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

THE SOCIETY OF LEEUWARDEN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Leeuwarde, 29 Avril, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Nous avons enfin la satisfaction de voir achevée la médaille que nous avions projeté et dédié aux nobles et puissants seigneurs, les États de Frise. Votre Excellence est instruite du but et du contenu de cette médaille par notre requête du 8 Mai de l’année dernière, dont votre Excellence a eu la bonté d’insérer la traduction dans le recueil de pièces concernant l’Amérique Septentrionale, que votre Excellence a publié.1

Nous prions respectueusement votre Excellence de nous permettre de lui présenter deux de ces médailles, l’une pour servir au cas que votre Excellence pût trouver bon de la présenter au congrès des treize États Unis de l’Amérique.

Nous sommes en attendant charmés de voir, que les États des autres provinces, et consequemment la république entière, ont, à l’exemple des États de Frise, reconnu la liberté et l’indépendance de l’Amérique; reconnoissance, qui, jointe aux bons offices que votre Excellence a employé, a déjà eu cette heureuse suite, qu’il a été conclu entre les deux états un traité d’amitié et de commerce, et qu’on a établi par là même, une base de bien-être et de prospérité réciproques. Nous avons l’honneur de féliciter votre Excellence de cet événement, et de souhaiter du fond de nos cœurs, que les travaux importants de votre Excellence dans les conférences actuelles pour la paix, puissent avoir une issue non moins heureuse; afin que la grande et courageuse nation qui honore votre Excellence de sa confiance, puisse obtenir dans peu pour prix de sa valeur et de sa constance une paix glorieuse et durable, et qu’elle croisse ensuite tellement en gloire et en puissance, qu’elle puisse être l’effroi des usurpateurs et des tyrans, et un refuge toujours assuré aux opprimés. Veuille le Dieu tout puissant répandre sa bénédiction sur ces souhaits et sur ces prières!

Nous prenons la liberté de nous recommander à la bienveillance de votre Excellence, et d’être avec le plus profond respect, monsieur, &c.

Les Membres de la Société Bourgeoise
établie à Leeuwarde sous la devise, “Par liberté et par zèle.”

Et pour tous,

W. Wopkens.

V. Cats.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Paris, 1 May, 1783.

Sir,—

I have received your favor of the 16th of March, and in answer to it, I do assure you that I do not intend to decline taking a seat in congress, if any State in the confederation should think it worth while to offer me one. I am grown very ambitious of being a limb of that sovereign. I had rather be master than servant, on the same principle that men swear at Highgate,—never to kiss the maid when they can kiss the mistress. I should be very happy to sit alongside of you upon one of those seats, and rise up now and then, and tell stories of our peregrinations, and of the robbers we have met with in the highway. But you must not quit, till you have made your treaty.

I beg you would consider what I write to you as hints, not as advice. The reasons that you give, for not taking some I gave you, are very conclusive, and had not occurred to me. The first vessel will, I hope, bring you elucidations upon those points.

Mr. Hartley is to finish with us, and we are making preparations; but cannot say how much time will be necessary. They talk of a congress and mediation, and Mr. Markow is coming; but there is no need of either on our affairs. Yet we may be invited to join it; and who would not be ambitious of sitting in such a council of the celestials? Or rather, who would not be curious “to know by what sort of men this world is governed.”

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, 1 May, 1783.

Sir,—

In answer to yours of the 25th ultimo, I can only say that I have no information of the United States having acceded to the armed neutrality. On the contrary, I have reasons to doubt it.

Is it not astonishing that we have no news from America? I cannot say when I shall be able to see you, because I know not when the definitive treaty will be signed. If we should have a congress to attend, it is impossible to foresee how long we shall be detained; for the delicacies, etiquette, and ceremonies of so many diplomatic sages, will not glide away with such rapidity as the provisional treaty with Mr. Oswald did. When men meet upon business, forenoon, afternoon, and evening, every day, they do a great deal, and do it well. But when they meet only two hours in a morning, once a week, they forget what was done at one meeting before another occurs.

I find that making treaties is very easy work when one has full powers, not too much shackled with instructions, and when there is but one minister on each side. If I were a king, which I would not be for a world, or a congress, a member of which I hope to be, I would not send more than one minister upon any one piece of service, nor confine him by any instructions which should not be absolutely necessary.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY ESTABLISHED AT LEEUWARDEN, UNDER THE DEVICE, “BY LIBERTY AND ZEAL.”

Paris, 10 May, 1783.

Gentlemen,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 29th day of last month, and the friendly sentiments it contains towards the United States of America deserve my warmest acknowledgments.

The resolutions of the States of Friesland, taken in the assemblies of February and April, 1782, do honor to that Province. The acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States of America, and the refusal of a separate peace by their High Mightinesses, the states-general, was one of those critical decisions which sometimes turn the tide of the affairs of men, and produce the unravelling of great scenes among nations. It seemed to open the eyes of the British nation, and to determine the fluctuating opinions of the whole world, and, consequently, contributed very much to accelerate the peace.

The medals you did me the honor to present me with this letter, are struck in great perfection, and express with a beautiful simplicity the two great events they were intended to commemorate. You will please to accept of my thanks for them. The first favorable opportunity shall be taken to present one of them to congress, as you desire.

Your republic, I am persuaded, will have no cause to repent of the part she has taken in favor of America; and may the friendship, correspondence, and alliance between the two nations be perpetual.

Permit me to add my best wishes for the prosperity of your society, and the felicity of your persons and families.

With great esteem and respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 21 May, 1783.

Sir,—

I am just now honored with yours of the 19th of January, by the way of London. We have not yet had the happiness to receive, as we should be disposed to do with open arms, our excellent old friend Jefferson, and begin to fear that the news of peace has determined him not to come.

I thank you, sir, for your polite congratulations; when the tide turned, it flowed with rapidity, and carried the vessel, as I hope, into a safe harbor.

As to the loan in Holland, I have never troubled you nor any one else in America with details of the vexations of various kinds which I met with in the negotiation of it; indeed, I never thought it prudent or safe to do it. If I had told the whole truth, it could have done no good, and it might have done infinite mischief. In general, it is now sufficient to say, that private interest, party spirit, factions, cabals, and slanders have obstructed, perplexed, and tortured our loan in Holland, as well as all our other affairs, foreign and domestic. But as there has been a greater variety of clashing interests,—English, French, Stadtholderian, Republican, and American,—mixing in the affair of our loan in Holland, it has been more puzzled than any thing else. If, in the bitterness of my soul, I had described the fermentation, and mentioned names, and drawn characters, I might have transmitted a curious tale; but it would have only served to inflame old animosities and excite new ones.

A great many things are said to me, on purpose that they may be represented to you or to congress. Some of these I believe to be false, more of them I suspect, and some that are true would do no good. I think it necessary, therefore, to employ a little discretion in such cases.

Messrs. Willink & Co. will write you from time to time, as they tell me they have done, the state of the loan. Mr. Grand wants all the money, but they wait your orders. The loan has been and will be damped by transmitting the money to France; but your necessities were so urgent, that you could not avoid it.

In my opinion, if you had a minister at St. James’s, and he were authorized to borrow money generally, in England or elsewhere, it would serve you greatly, by causing an emulation even in Holland, besides the money you would procure in London, which would not be a trifling sum.

I wish I were in congress, that I might assist you in persuading our countrymen to pay taxes and build ships.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 24 May, 1783.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies, to be laid before congress, of several papers. 1st. Mr. Hartley’s full powers of May 14th. 2dly. The order of the King of Great Britain in council, for regulating the American trade, of May 14th. 3dly. Articles proposed by the American ministers to Mr. Hartley, April 29th. 4thly. Mr. Hartley’s observations left with us May 21st. And 5thly. Mr. Hartley’s proposition of the same day. This proposition, however, upon inquiry, we find Mr. Hartley does not incline to subscribe to, before he sends it to his Court for their orders; so that we have not yet given him our opinion of it. He has sent a courier to London, before whose return we hope to have further intelligence from Philadelphia.

The present British ministry discover an indecision and timidity which indicate instability. Some persons from England imagine that my Lord Shelburne will come in again. The change would produce a longer delay, but I think would be no disadvantage to America. If he had continued in power, I think we should have finished, or been ready to finish, before now, with Mr. Oswald. Mr. Hartley’s dispositions, however, are very good, and, if left to his own judgment, would be liberal and fair.

The idea of reviving the trade, upon the plan of the laws of Great Britain before the war, although those laws were calculated so much for the advantage of that country, and so little for the advantage of ours, might be admissible for a few months, until ministers could be appointed on both sides to frame a treaty of commerce; provided no advantage should be ceded by it, in the negotiation of such treaty, and provided that such a temporary convention for trade should neither delay nor influence the definitive treaty. It is much to be wished that the definitive treaty of peace and a permanent treaty of commerce could be signed at the same time. This, however, seems now to be impossible; and, therefore, some temporary regulation of commerce seems unavoidable. But we are as yet too uncertain of the sentiments of the Court of St. James to be able to foresee whether we shall agree with them. Mr. Hartley has been here four weeks, and nothing has been done, although he was very sanguine, before he left London, that he should send home a convention in less than half of four days.

Congress will see by Mr. Hartley’s commission, that they are become the “good friends” of the King of Great Britain. Mr. Hartley, on his first arrival here, communicated to us in form an invitation from the ministers, with the knowledge and consent of the King, to all the American ministers to go to London, with the assurance that we should be there presented at Court, and treated in all respects like the ministers of any other sovereign state. He also communicated the desire of his Court, that the two powers should interchange ministers as soon as possible. I hope that the first ship will bring a minister for that Court, or a commission to some one to go there, because I think it would have been useful to us to have had one there three months ago, and that it would not be less useful now. The permanent treaty of commerce, nevertheless, should not be hastily concluded, nor before congress shall have had an opportunity to judge of the project, suggest their amendments, and transmit their orders.

No preliminaries are yet signed with the Dutch, and I am very anxious for their lot.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

WILLIAM ELLERY AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Newport, Rhode Island, 26 May, 1783.

Sir,—

Permit us, the Committee of the Second Congregational Church in Newport, to call your attention for a few moments from the weighty affairs of politics, in which you are so honorably and so usefully engaged, to a matter which respects a religious society, to whose constitution we consider you as a friend.

The early and active part which our congregation took in the opposition to the arbitrary and oppressive measures of Great Britain you may be acquainted with; but you may not be acquainted with our consequential sufferings. Our spirited conduct made us the object of ministerial and parliamentary vengeance. Sensible of the danger to which we were exposed, and finding that the British intended to take possession of Rhode Island, to avoid their implacable fury, and that we might be able to continue our exertions, both the minister and a great part of this society quitted the island. The British took possession of it in December, 1776, and held it until October, 1779, during which time our meeting-house and ministry-house were converted into barracks and hospitals; and afterwards, when the French army made a garrison of the town of Newport, those buildings were occupied in the same manner, and of course were left in a state of ruin; besides this, many of our houses were demolished or greatly damaged by the British army.

At our return, finding the town impoverished, nearly a third of its buildings destroyed, its commerce annihilated, and ourselves unable to sustain the expense of repairing our religious houses and resettling the congregation, we cast our eyes on our sister States; but many of their towns and places of public worship having suffered like injuries, no relief could be drawn from them. In this deplorable situation, we have been compelled to look to our foreign protestant brethren for assistance, and among them have thought it would not be improper to address the reformed churches in France.

Conscious of your attachment to religious liberty, in which our society is founded, and of your disposition and capacity to support that glorious cause, as well as the civil liberties of mankind, we have ventured to inclose that address to your patronage and care; and we request that you will be pleased to place it in the hands of such of the principal pastors of the reformed, as you shall think will be best disposed to circulate subscriptions and otherwise make collections for the purpose of repairing our ministry and meeting-house, and towards a ministerial fund. We would also request, that you appoint a proper person to receive the donations which may be made, and to transmit them to William Channing and Robert Stevens, Esquires, in Newport, and assign to him thereout such commission as you shall judge reasonable.

We should have made our address to the good people in France at large; but we were not sure that such an address would be well received by them or by government. But as our houses, devoted to religion, were used in the manner that hath been mentioned, by the French as well as British troops, and considering the kind reception the former met with in Newport, perhaps Generals Rochambeau, Chattelux, Count Noailles, and other French officers might countenance our address. The Marquis de Lafayette, who well deserved, and hath obtained all the honors the United States could confer upon him, who hath done service in Rhode Island, and whose generous spirit and principles forever prompt him to benevolent actions, we do not doubt would contribute to our relief. We have ventured this hint, as we have our address, and leave it entirely with you to do as you judge proper. We would only add here, that the general assembly of this State, at a late session, repealed an old law which excluded Roman Catholics from the privileges of citizenship.

Hoping to derive some assistance from our brethren in Holland, we have drawn an application to the ministers and churches of the reformed in Holland, which, as we are not acquainted with the proper mode of address, we have taken the liberty to send open to you, and would be much obliged to you, if you would cover it, address, and transmit it.

We would attempt an apology for thus intruding and interrupting a train of thinking employed upon more extensive subjects; but we are sure we shall find a powerful apologist in your generous breast.

We most sincerely congratulate you on your successful negotiations in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and on the share you have had in procuring preliminaries of peace so agreeable and so advantageous to the United States of America; and, heartily wishing you may enjoy a long, uninterrupted series of health and prosperity, we are, with the highest sentiments of respect, &c. &c.

William Ellery.

Henry Marchant.

Robert Stevens.

William Channing.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 30 May, 1783.

Sir,—

On the 28th of this month, I received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 13th of February, which arrived at the Hague, inclosed with the ratification of the treaty with their High Mightinesses, which will be exchanged by M. Dumas, as the conferences here for the definitive treaty will not admit of my taking so long a journey at this time.

This arrival, in season to exchange the ratifications before the departure of M. Van Berckel, which will be in three weeks, is fortunate. I hope that the first ships from America will bring my letter of recall from that republic, and another minister, or credence to some one now in Europe to take my place.

I am happy to find that any letters of mine in September last contained information that you think of consequence, although, not having my letter-book here, I am not able to recollect the subject. The final completion of the negotiation with Holland gives me a pleasure which will not be equalled but by that of the definitive treaty of peace, which languishes at present for want of decisive instructions from Mr. Hartley, in such a manner as gives cause to suspect that the present ministry are not firm in their seats.

The presence of a minister in Holland would encourage your loan of money there, but it would be quickened still more by your sending a minister to London with power to borrow money there. Emulation is the best spring; or call it rivalry or jealousy, if you will, it will get you money, if you put it in motion.

I have received two ciphers from you, sir,—one beginning with No. 1, and ending with No. 1011; the other beginning with Amsterdam, and ending with Provinces.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, 1 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

By the last post I sent an open letter for Mr. Livingston, under cover to you, to give you what further information I had received relative to the memorial. The week is past, and nothing more has yet taken place. This, considering how affairs are conducted here, is not really unexpected. Patience, much patience, indeed is necessary. If I was sure congress would support me in it, I would take another step, of the propriety of which I have personally no doubt. But, to support it, congress must resolve not to send another minister here, when I quit the ground. If half a score of such geniuses as you were there, I would infallibly take it at every hazard, if I have not a satisfactory answer to my memorial.

Touching the gentleman’s1 doubt, whether the credit was necessary, he may be assured I should not have written for it, if I had not been certain of the custom. It is a matter of too much consequence to be taken upon slight information. The sum to be paid is six thousand roubles for each signature, and there are generally four appointed on their part, which sum falls short of the credit I asked for, more or less, as the exchange varies. It will not go beyond it. I thought it advisable to have enough, as whatever remained might be carried by me to the credit of the United States. This is so settled a custom, that every power which has acceded to the neutral confederation has paid it. Thus much to clear up scruples. We should not have heard so much about the armed neutrality in this quarter, if the case had been otherwise. I have a curious tale to tell of this matter. It would be a very proper place to tell that and some other things in, where you wish now and then to “throw out some stories about our peregrinations, robbers, &c.” Neither you nor they know the real state of matters here, nor will they till my return, if then, which will depend upon contingencies. I fear only the effects of delusion.

It is a great satisfaction to me to find the reasons I have assigned for not making the communication you spoke of, are thought by you to be conclusive. Yet, for the weighty reason above mentioned, there is a design to keep the bubble up. It appears to be absolutely necessary for us to concern ourselves about it. This is my clear opinion; and if I was in that same place, I would give my reasons at large for it. Fear not, I will never engage you in any affair on account of your advice given as a friend to me. Where I ask it officially, and expressly so, the case is different. Your hints are always serviceable; if I do not follow them, they put me upon reflecting on the subject of them with more deliberation.

Mr. Hartley, you say, is to finish with you. Do you mean by this, as I suppose, to conclude the definitive treaty? The world tells us, and Mr. Fox seems to support it, that his business is a commercial treaty. I am ignorant, if you have such powers. I doubt it from what you last wrote me upon that subject. The West India trade, as tendered by Mr. Pitt’s bill, at least, must be secured. In this quarter of the world I see the whole importance of it. I wrote to Mr. Livingston upon that subject early last winter, and proposed the same plan to him, with this difference, that we should have full liberty to export the West India commodities to all parts of the world; by which means we should gain a most important commerce with Europe. The same duties only must be paid as their own subjects pay upon exportation to Great Britain. This is absolutely necessary to secure the advantage of a direct commerce with Europe. Without it, they might enhance the price of the commodities upon us, ad libitum.

As to the congress and mediation which you say are talked of, I agree fully with you, that there is no need of either on our affairs. But how are you to be invited to join it, if there was, when objections are raised here by one of the mediators against the reception of a minister from the United States? It would be a curiosity, indeed, if it should happen, and yet it would not surprise me, if it should. When we once depart from fixed principles there are no inconsistencies and absurdities we may not fall into. Besides, I should not be surprised if the other part of the business than what you mention, should be thrown into the hands of 121. For I know there is an extreme jealousy entertained by the 134. 57.1 about the treaty I have in contemplation. I have been told, more than once, we can have nothing in particular here that would render a treaty worth the expense of it. Indeed, there might be some advantage in a political connection. But this will be general to all nations. The only difference, by having a treaty, would be the paying of duties in the money of Russia instead of rix-dollars, and the expense would far exceed this advantage. I have constantly favored these ideas, and answered, congress are desirous of having a commercial treaty with this empire. They must be gratified, and it is my business to make it. If it cost them more than it is worth, it is none of my fault. Judge you, my friend, from this, and the confidential intelligence which I communicated to you in my letter by your son, upon some circumstances which may have fallen under your knowledge.

Yours, &c.

Francis Dana.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, 6 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

I yesterday received a letter from your son, dated Hague, May 12th, containing some account of his route from hence to Stockholm. The matter contained in my confidential letter which you will receive from him, I pray you most earnestly to keep a secret, even after your arrival in America or in congress. I have most substantial reasons for making this request.

I have additional reasons for thinking that jealousy, of which I have spoken towards the close of my last letter but one, exists in full force. Yesterday I was there upon a previous appointment, relative to my main matter; yet the same kind of conversation which you will find in that letter was renewed almost word for word. It was entered into indeed more minutely than ever. Nor is this all. 165. 37. who we had agreed should be invited to the consultation upon the main matter, evidently supported the same sentiments with all his ingenuity. However, they have not yet had my real sentiments upon the subject, nor shall they have them. I know, I flatter myself, the interests of our country, as well as they do, at least. I declare to you, at the same time, that very possibly the hare would not be worth hunting in the common course. I have long had in contemplation some special views in this business grounded in local knowledge. Whether I should be able to succeed in them is not certain. If I should not to a certain degree, it is always in my power to wave the whole business. It is kind in our friends to take so serious a concern in our interests, however.

I have not yet received any answer to my memorial; but I was yesterday informed, by my private friend, that I should have it on Monday or Tuesday next. By this delay, I am inclined to think they wait only for the accounts of the conclusion of the definitive treaty, when the idea of mediation will be done away. This is daily expected. The other objections may be then waved, and thus the matter be compounded. It would, perhaps be thought to be too humiliating to give them all up.

A safe voyage to you, &c.

Francis Dana.

TO EDWARD A. HOLYOKE.

Paris, 10 June, 1783.

Sir,—

Upon an intimation from my friend, Dr. Tufts, of Weymouth, that the Medical Society, of which you are president, desired to extend its connections in Europe, I ventured to apply to the chiefs of the Royal Society of Medicine, at Paris, and met with a more complaisant reception than I expected.

Inclosed, are copies of letters which have passed upon the occasion, and of the diploma, which is the result of them. The originals I shall bring with me, or send by a careful hand.

I hope the Medical Society will pardon my presumption, in going so far without their authority. But the proposition once hinted at, was received with so much earnestness, that I could not recede.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

(Three Letters inclosed in the Preceding.)

M. VICQ D’AZYR TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 3 Février, 1783.

Monsieur,—

La Société Royale de Médecine après s’être empressée de contracter une association de correspondance avec le collége de Boston (association qui la flatte infiniment) m’a chargé de vous adresser le diplôme qui constate l’union de ces deux compagnies. Elle vous prie de vouloir bien le faire parvenir aux membres illustres qui composent le collége de Boston.

Parmi le petit nombre d’exemplaires du Journal de Médecine militaire dont elle peut disposer, elle en a réservé un pour la Bibliothèque du Collége de Boston. Elle a désiré que je vous l’adresse pour cette compagnie, et elle la prie de l’agréer comme une marque de sa déférence et de son attachement. Je le joins ici. Cet exemplaire est le premier cahier pour l’année 1783. Les quatre premiers cahiers pour 1782 n’ont été données à la société qu’en nombre à peine suffisant pour ses membres résidens à Paris.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Vicq D’Azyr.

TO M. VICQ D’AZYR.

Paris, 28 February, 1783.

Sir,—

I have received the diploma of the royal society of Medicine, and the first part of the second volume of the Journal of Military Medicine, which you have addressed to me. I have the honor to thank you for them. I shall transmit both to the Medical College of Boston, the members of which will feel highly flattered by an association with this celebrated society, making them participate in its renown as well as in the benefits of its labors. They will find in its works the aid of which they stand in need, and the means of coöperating with its salutary purposes. They will be very earnest the moment they know all that has been done for them, to signify their gratitude and their respectful regard. In the interval, before they have the power of communicating their sentiments, I pray you, sir, to beg permission for me to assure the society of the respect with which I am, &c., &c.

John Adams.

M. LASSONE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 3 Juin, 1783.

Monsieur,—

Je me suis trouvé à la séance de la Société Royale de Médecine lorsque M. Vicq d’Azyr nous a fait part du désir que vous lui avez témoigné de voir établir une correspondance entre le Collége de Médecine de Boston et cette compagnie. Cette proposition étoit trop flatteuse pour la société pour qu’elle ne s’empressa point de vous en témoigner sa reconnoissance, par l’intermède de son secrétaire, comme j’apprends avec plaisir par votre lettre du 20 Décembre dernier, qu’il a eu soin de s’en acquitter. Soyez persuadé, monsieur, que la Société Royale, qui saisit toutes les occasions de rendre ses recherches plus généralement utiles par les liaisons qu’elle aime à contracter et à entretenir avec les différentes compagnies savantes, nationales et étrangères, ne laissera échapper aucune circonstance dans laquelle elle croira pouvoir donner au Collège de Médecine de Boston des preuves de son amitié et de son dévouement.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Lassone.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 16 June, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday afternoon the duplicate of your letter of the 14th of April, No. 16, was brought in to me with the postmark “Brest” upon it. As soon as I had read it, I went out to Passy, in hopes that other despatches had arrived there, but I found none. While I was there, a packet of newspapers addressed to us all was brought in, with the postmark of Brest on it. I still hope and believe that other despatches by the same conveyance will appear in a few days; but whether they are still in the post-office, or whether the Duc de Lauzun intends to bring them in person, is uncertain.

I think, sir, there is no room to doubt the justice of your opinion, that the latitude of the Canaries is meant, and, consequently, that hostilities ceased on the whole coast of the United States on the 3d of March.

I am well aware that a variety of questions may be started upon the provisional articles. The great points of sovereignty, limits, and fisheries, are sufficiently clear. But there are too many other things in much obscurity. No one of us alone would ever have put his hand to such a writing. Yet there is no one to blame. It must be confessed that it was done in haste, but that haste was inevitable. The peace depended absolutely upon the critical moment, when that treaty was signed. The meeting of parliament was so near, and the state of the ministry so critical, that if that opportunity had been lost there would have been at least another campaign. There were never less than three of us, and there were finally no less than three to be consulted on the other side. These inaccuracies are much to be lamented, but they were quite unavoidable. We shall endeavor to explain them in the definitive treaty, but I fear without success.

I hope, sir, you will excuse me, if I think your expressions fall short of the real merit of the Dutch. If they had accepted the Russian mediation for a separate peace, we should have seen a very formidable difference. The vast weight of the Dutch in the East Indies, being added to that of France, has influenced the minds of the natives in such a manner, as to turn the scale against England. The Cape of Good Hope was indispensable to France, and we are not yet informed what proportion of the expense of French operations in the East Indies is to be borne by the Dutch East India Company, at whose solicitations, by their agents, sent early to Versailles, they were undertaken. From twelve to fifteen British ships of the line, in the best condition, with the best officers and men, have been kept almost constantly in the North Seas to watch the Dutch, a momentous diversion which made the balance more clear in favor of the allies in the East and West Indies, as well as in the channel; and, it may be added, and that with strict truth, the battle of Doggerbank imprinted more terror on the imaginations of the British navy and nation than all the other sea engagements of the war.

Your observations of their unfortunate situation are, however, very just; and their exertions have not been such as they might and ought to have been. But this was the fault of the enemies of France in Holland, not of her friends; and, unhappily, those enemies are to be gratified by the terms of peace prescribed to that power, and those friends mortified. And this misfortune probably arises from the instructions in question, by which they made themselves of no importance, instead of acting the part of a sovereign, independent, and respectable power. If they had held their own negotiation in their own hands, they would probably have obtained better terms. I could mention many facts and anecdotes of much importance; but these have been communicated to me in confidence, and as this is a discussion that concerns us only indirectly, and as our instructions were parallel to theirs, although the execution of them was different, and the event different, I shall wave any further observations upon the subject.

We are happy to learn that congress have ratified the treaty, imperfect as it is, and that each side has released its prisoners. Mr. Hartley communicated to us officially, two days ago, that orders were gone to New York to evacuate the United States.

Dr. Franklin has never made any use of the bills for my salary, and I have never received any part of them. I shall easily settle that matter when I get home, which your letter encourages me to hope will be very soon. The connections I have formed in Holland may be of use to the public wherever I may be, in America or elsewhere, as well as even in that country itself. Those connections will readily become those of any minister congress may send there. It cost me all my happiness, and had very nearly cost me my life to form them; it cost me more; it has left me in an ill state of health which I never shall fully repair. I shall carry Holland in my veins to my grave. It will cost no man any thing to go there now. His mind will be at ease, and he will have spirits necessary to take care to preserve his health. To me it has become physically necessary, as well as a moral and religious duty, to join my family. This can be done only by going to them, or bringing them to me; and to bring them to Holland is what I cannot think of, both because that on account of my own health, as well as theirs, and on other considerations, I should not choose to live among those putrid lakes, and because I think I can do my country more and better service at home than there.

I will not disguise another motive, which would be altogether insurmountable, if it were alone. I do not think it consistent with the honor of the United States, any more than with my own, for me to stay in Holland, after the appointment of any other minister whatsoever to the mission upon which I came to Europe, and which has been taken from me without assigning any reasons. Congress are the sovereign judges for themselves and the public of the persons proper for all services, excepting that every citizen is a sovereign judge for himself. I have never adopted the principle, that it is a citizen’s duty to accept of any trust that is pointed out to him, unless he approves of it. On the contrary, I think it a right and a duty, that no law of society can take away, for every man to judge for himself, whether he can serve consistently with his own honor, and the honor and interest of the public.

When the existence of our country and her essential interests were at stake, it was a duty to run all risks, to stifle every feeling, to sacrifice every interest; and this duty I have discharged with patience and perseverance, and with a success that can be attributed only to Providence. But, in time of peace, the public in less danger abroad than at home, knowing I can do more good at home, I should do a very wrong thing to remove my family to stay in Holland, merely for the sake of holding an honorable commission, making and receiving bows and compliments, and eating splendid suppers at Court.

There is one piece of advice I beg leave to offer to the minister who may go to Holland, respecting a future loan of money. It is, to inquire whether the house of Hope would undertake a loan for us, either in conjunction with the houses who have the present one, or with any of them, or alone. In my private opinion, which ought to be kept as secret as possible, we might obtain a large loan in that way, and that we cannot in any other. The people in that interest have the money. I am not personally known to that house, nor any one of them to me; but I know they are all powerful in money matters, and I believe they would engage.

The happy turn given to the discontents of the army by the General, is consistent with his character, which, as you observe, is above all praise, as every character is whose rule and object are duty, not interest, nor glory; which I think has been strictly true with the General from the beginning, and I trust will continue to the end. May he long live, and enjoy his own reflections and the confidence and affections of a free, grateful, and virtuous people.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 23 June, 1783.

Sir,—

The British nation and ministry are in a very unsettled state; they find themselves in a new situation, and have not digested any plan. Ireland is in a new situation; she is independent of parliament, and the English know not how to manage her. To what an extent she will claim a right of trading with the United States, is unknown. Canada, too, and Nova Scotia are in a new situation; the former, they say, must have a new government. But what form to give them, and, indeed, what kind of government they are capable of, or would be agreeable to them, is uncertain. Nothing is digested.

There is a party, composed probably of refugees, friends of the old hostile system, and fomented by emissaries of several foreign nations, who do not wish a cordial reconciliation and sincere friendship between Great Britain and the United States, who clamor for the conservation of the navigation act and the carrying trade. If these should succeed so far as to excite parliament or the ministry to adopt a contracted principle, to exclude us from the West India trade, and from trading with Canada and Nova Scotia, and from carrying freely in vessels belonging to any one of the thirteen States, the production of any other to Great Britain, the consequences may be to perplex us for a time, may bind us closer to France, Spain, Holland, Germany, Italy, and the northern nations, and thus be fatal to Great Britain, without being finally very hurtful to us.

The nations of Europe, who have islands in the West Indies, have at this moment a delicate part to take. Upon their present decisions, great things will depend. The commerce of the West India Islands is a part of the American system of commerce. They can neither do without us, nor we without them. The Creator has placed us upon the globe in such a situation, that we have occasion for each other. We have the means of assisting each other, and politicians and artful contrivances cannot separate us. Wise statesmen, like able artists of every kind, study nature, and their works are perfect in proportion as they conform to her laws. Obstinate attempts to prevent the islands and the continent, by force or policy, from deriving from each other those blessings which nature has enabled them to afford, will only put both to thinking of means of coming together. And an injudicious regulation at this time may lay a foundation for intimate combinations between the islands and the continent, which otherwise would not be wished for or thought of by either.

If the French, Dutch, and Danes have common sense, they will profit of any blunder Great Britain may commit upon this occasion. The ideas of the British cabinet and merchants at present are so confused upon all these subjects, that we can get them to agree to nothing. I still think that the best policy of the United States is, to send a minister to London to negotiate a treaty of commerce, instructed to conclude nothing, not the smallest article, until he has sent it to congress, and received their approbation. In the mean time, congress may admit any British or Irish ships that have arrived, or may arrive, to trade as they please.

For my own part, I confess I would not advise congress to bind themselves to any thing that is not reasonable and just. If we should agree to revive the trade upon the old footing, it is the utmost that can, with a color of justice or modesty, be requested of us. This is not equal, but might be borne. Rather than go further, and deny ourselves the freight from the West Indies to Europe, at least to Great Britain, especially rather than give away our own carrying trade, by agreeing that the ships of one State should not carry to Great Britain the produce of another, I would be for entering into still closer connections with France, Spain, and Holland, and purchase of them, at the expense of Great Britain, what she has not wisdom enough to allow us for her own good.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 27 June, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself, met to prepare the definitive treaty, and made so much progress in it, that to-morrow we shall be ready to communicate to Mr. Hartley the result. But I have small hopes of obtaining any thing more by the definitive treaty.

The Duke of Manchester and Count d’Aranda have arranged every thing between England and Spain, and are ready to finish for their two courts. France, I presume, waits only for Holland, or perhaps for some other negotiation with the Imperial Courts. If all the other parties were now to declare themselves ready, we should be puzzled. In such a case, however, I am determined (and I believe, but do not know, that my colleagues would join me) to declare myself ready to sign the provisional treaty, totidem verbis, for a definitive treaty.

From all I can learn, I am persuaded we shall gain nothing by any further negotiation. If we obtain any thing by way of addition or explanation, we shall be obliged to give more for it than it is worth. If the British minister refuses to agree to such changes as we may think reasonable, and refuses to sign the provisional articles as definitive ones, I take it for granted, France will not sign till we do. If they should, we are still safe; for the provisional articles are to constitute the treaty as soon as France has made peace, and I should rather leave it on that footing than make any material alteration.

I have put these several cases, because I should be surprised at nothing from the present British ministry. If they have any plan at all, it is a much less generous one towards America than that of their immediate predecessors. If Shelburne, Townshend, Pitt, &c., had continued, we should have had every thing settled long ago, to our entire satisfaction and to the infinite advantage of Great Britain and America, in such a manner as would have restored good humor and affection, as far as in the nature of things they can now be restored.

After the great point of acknowledging our independence was got over, by issuing Mr. Oswald’s last commission, the Shelburne administration conducted themselves towards us like men of sense and honor. The present administration has discovered neither understanding nor sincerity. The present British administration is unpopular, and it is in itself so heterogeneous a composition, that it seems impossible it should last long. Their present design seems to be not to commit themselves by agreeing to any thing. As soon as any thing is done, somebody will clamor. While nothing is done, it is not known what to clamor about. If there should be a change in favor of the ministry that made the peace, and a dissolution of this profligate league, which they call the coalition, it would be much for the good of all who speak the English language. If fame says true, the coalition was formed at gambling tables, and is conducted as it was formed, upon no other than gambling principles.

Such is the fate of a nation which stands tottering on the brink of a precipice, with a debt of two hundred and fifty-six millions sterling on its shoulders; the interest of which, added to the peace establishment only, exceeds by above a million annually all their revenues, enormously and intolerably as they are already taxed. The only chance they have for salvation is in a reform, and in recovering the affection of America. The last ministry were sensible of this, and acted accordingly. The present ministry are so far from being sensible of it, or caring about it, that they seem to me to be throwing the last dice for the destruction of their country.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 3 July, 1783.

Sir,—

On the last ambassador’s day, which was last Tuesday, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself waited on M. de Vergennes, who told us he thought he had agreed with the Duke of Manchester, but that his Grace had not yet received the positive approbation of his Court. The Count advised us to make a visit all together to the ambassadors of the two Imperial Courts. Accordingly, yesterday morning, we went first to the Count de Mercy Argenteau, the ambassador of the Emperor of Germany and King of Hungary and Bohemia. His Excellency was not at home, so we left a card.

We went next to the Prince Bariatinski, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia; our servant asked if the Prince was at home, and received for answer, that he was. We were shown into the Prince’s apartment, who received us very politely. While we were here, Mr. Markow came in. He is also a minister plenipotentiary adjoined to the Prince in the affair of the mediation. I told him we proposed to do ourselves the honor of calling on him. He answered, “As you are an old acquaintance, I shall be very happy to see you.” Whether this was a turn of politeness, or whether it was a political distinction, I know not. We shall soon know, by his returning or not returning the visit. The Prince asked me where I lodged, and I told him. This indicates an intention to return the visit.

We went next to the Dutch ambassador’s, M. Lestevenon de Berkenrode. He was not at home, or not visible. Next, to the Baron de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Denmark; not at home. Next, to M. Markow. The porter answered, that he was at home. We alighted, and were going to his apartment, when we were told that he was not come in. We left a card, and went to the other Dutch ambassador’s, M. Brantzen, who was not at home; en passant, we left a card at the Swedish minister’s, and returned home, the heat being too excessive to pursue our visits any further.

Thus, we have made visits to all the ministers who are to be present at the signature of the definitive treaty. Whether the ministers of the Imperial Courts will be present, I know not. There are many appearances of a coldness between France and Russia, and the Emperor seems to waver between two opinions, whether to join in the war that threatens, or to avoid it. Perhaps the ministers of the Imperial Courts will write for instructions, whether to return our visit or not.

Although in your latest letters you say nothing of my resignation or the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it soon, and then I shall have an opportunity to settle the affair of my salary at Philadelphia.

After reading your letters to me, I went out to Passy to see those addressed to us all. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and myself (Mr. Laurens being still in England) read them all over together. We shall do all in our power to procure the advantages in the definitive treaty to which we are instructed to attend. The state of parties is such in England, that it is impossible to foresee when there will be a ministry who will dare to take any step at all. The coalition between Lord North and his connections, and Mr. Fox and his, is a rope of sand. Mr. Fox, by pushing the vote in the house of commons, disapproving the peace, and by joining so many of the old ministers in the new administration, has justly excited so many jealousies of his sincerity, that no confidence can be placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry that the most amiable men in the nation,—Portland and the Cavendishes,—should have involved themselves in the same reproach.

In short, at present, Shelburne, Pitt, Townshend, and the administration of which they were members, seem to have been the only ones who for a moment had just notions of their country and ours. Whether these men, if now called to power, would pursue their former ideas, I know not. The Bible teaches us not to put our trust in princes, and a fortiori in ministers of state.

The West India commerce now gives us most anxiety. If the former British ministry had stood, we might have secured it from England; and, in that case, France would have been obliged to admit us to their islands, se defendendo. The first maxim of a statesman, as well as that of a statuary or a painter, should be to study nature; to cast his eyes round about his country, and see what advantages nature has given it. This was well attended to in the boundary between the United States and Canada, and in the fisheries. The commerce of the West India Islands falls necessarily into the natural system of the commerce of the United States. We are necessary to them, and they to us; and there will be a commerce between us. If the governments forbid it, it will be carried on clandestinely. France can more easily connive at a contraband trade than England. But we ought to wish to avoid the temptation to this. I believe that neither France nor England will allow us to transport the productions of their islands to other parts of Europe.

The utmost we may hope to obtain, would be permission to import the productions of the French islands into France, giving bond to land them in some port of that kingdom, and the productions of the English islands into some port of Great Britain, giving bonds to land them there. It must, however, be the care of the minister who may have to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, to obtain as ample freedom in this trade as possible.

While I was writing the above, my servant announced the imperial ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He said, he was happy that the circumstances of the times afforded him an opportunity of forming an acquaintance with me, which he hoped would be improved into a more intimate one. I said, his Excellency did me great honor, and begged him to sit, which he did, and fell into a conversation of an hour. We ran over a variety of subjects, particularly the commerce which might take place between the United States and Germany, by the way of Trieste and Fiume and the Austrian Netherlands, and the great disposition in Germany to migration to America. He says he knows the country round about Trieste very well, having an estate there; that it is a very extensive and a very rich country which communicates with that maritime city, and that the navigation of the Adriatic Sea, though long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do with the Barbary powers. He said, he thought all the powers of the world ought to unite in the suppression of such a detestable race of pirates, and that the Emperor had lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the subject. I asked him, if he thought France and England would agree to such a project, observing that I had heard that some Englishmen had said, “if there were no Algiers, England ought to build one.” He said, he could not answer for England.

It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the conversation, which turned upon the sober, frugal and industrious character of the Germans, the best cultivators in Europe, and the dishonorable traffic of some of the German princes in men, a subject he introduced and enlarged on himself. I said nothing about it. Rising up to take leave, he repeated several compliments he had made when he first came in, and added, “the Count de Vergennes will do me the honor to dine with me one of these days, and I hope to have that of your company. We will then talk of an affair upon which the Count de Vergennes will speak to you beforehand.”

This shows there is something in agitation, but what it is I cannot conjecture; whether it is to induce us to make the compliment to the two Imperial Courts to sign the definitive treaty as mediators, whether there is any project of an association for the liberty of navigation, or whether it is any other thing, I cannot guess at present, but I will write you as soon as I know. Whatever it is, we must treat it with respect, but we shall be very careful how we engage our country in measures of consequence, without being clear of our powers, and without the instructions of congress.

I went out to Passy, and found from Mr. Jay, that he had made his visit there in the course of the day, but had said nothing to Dr. Franklin or him about the dinner with the Count de Vergennes. In the course of the day, I had visits from the Prince Bariatinski and M. de Markow, the two ministers of the Empress of Russia. The porter told these gentlemen’s servants that I was at home; but they did not come up. They only sent up their cards. While I was gone to Passy, Monsieur de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary from the King of Denmark, called and left his card. Thus the point of etiquette seems to be settled, and we are to be treated in character by all the powers of Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 5 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Your favors of the 12th and 29th of May were delivered to me on the 3d of this month by Captain Barney. Every assistance in my power shall be given to Mr. Barclay. Mr. Grand will write you the amount of all the bills which have been paid in Holland, which were accepted by me. You may banish your fears of a double payment of any one bill. I never accepted a bill without taking down in writing a very particular description of it, nor without examining the book to see whether it had been accepted before. I sent regularly, in the time of it, copies of these acceptances to Dr. Franklin, and I have now asked him to lend them to me, that I may copy them and send them to you. The doctor has promised to look up my letters, and let me have them. The originals are at the Hague, with multitudes of other papers, which I want every day.

Among the many disagreeable circumstances attending my duty in Europe, it is not the least, that instead of being fixed to any one station, I have been perpetually danced about from “post to pillar,” unable to have my books and papers with me, unable to have about me the conveniences of a housekeeper, for health, pleasure, or business, but yet subjected in many articles to double expenses.

Mr. Livingston has not informed me of any determination of congress upon my letter to you of the 17th of November, which distresses me much on Mr. Thaxter’s account, who certainly merits more than he has received, or can receive, without the favor of congress.

I thank you, sir, most affectionately, for your kind congratulation on the peace. Our late enemies always clamor against a peace, but this one is better for them than they had reason to expect after so mad a war. Our countrymen, too, I suppose, are not quite satisfied. This thing and that thing should have been otherwise, no doubt. If any man blames us, I wish him no other punishment than to have, if that were possible, just such another peace to negotiate, exactly in our situation. I cannot look back upon this event without the most affecting sentiments. When I consider the number of nations concerned, the complication of interests extending all over the globe, the characters of actors, the difficulties which attended every step of the progress, how every thing labored in England, France, Spain, and Holland, that the armament at Cadiz was upon the point of sailing, which would have rendered another campaign inevitable, that another campaign would have probably involved France in a continental war, as the Emperor would in that case have joined Russia against the Porte, that the British ministry was then in so critical a situation, that its duration for a week or a day depended upon its making peace, that if that ministry had been changed, it could have been succeeded only either by North and company or by the coalition, that it is certain that neither North and company, nor the coalition, would have made peace upon any terms that either we or the other powers would have agreed to, and that all these difficulties were dissipated by one decided step of the British and American ministers, I feel too strongly a gratitude to heaven for having been conducted safely through the storm, to be very solicitous whether we have the approbation of mortals or not.

A delay of one day might, and probably would, have changed the ministry in England, in which case all would have been lost. If, after we had agreed with Mr. Oswald, we had gone to Versailles to show the result to the Count de Vergennes, you would have been this moment at war, and God knows how or when you would have got out. What would have been the course? The Count de Vergennes would have sprinkled us with compliments, the holy water of a court. He would have told us, “you have done, gentlemen, very well for your country. You have gained a great deal. I congratulate you upon it, but you must not sign till we are ready; we must sign altogether here in this room.” What would have been our situation? We must have signed against this advice, as Mr. Laurens says he would have done, and as I believe Mr. Jay and I should have done, which would have been the most marked affront that could have been offered, or we must have waited for France and Spain, which would have changed the ministry in England, and lost the whole peace as certainly as there is a world in being. When a few frail vessels are navigating among innumerable mountains of ice, driven by various winds and drawn by various currents, and a narrow crevice appears to one, by which all may escape, if that one improves the moment and sets the example, it will not do to stand upon ceremonies, and ask which shall go first, or that all may go together.

I hope you will excuse this little excursion, and believe me to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 7 July, 1783.

Sir,—

We cannot as yet obtain from Mr. Hartley or his principals an explicit consent to any one proposition whatever. Yet England and France, and England and Spain are probably agreed, and Holland, I suppose, must comply. Our last resource must be to say, we are ready to sign the provisional treaty, totidem verbis, as the definitive treaty.

I think it is plain that the British ministry do not intend to sign any treaty till parliament rises. There are such dissensions in the cabinet, that they apprehend a treaty laid before parliament, if it did not obtain advantages, of which they have no hopes, would furnish materials to overthrow them. A new administration is talked of, under Lord Temple.

The West India commerce is now the object that interests us the most nearly. At dinner, with the Duc de la Vauguyon, on Saturday last, he told me that he believed the commerce between the French West India Islands and the United States would be confined to ships built in France, and navigated by French seamen. “So then, M. le Duc,” said I, laughing, “you have adopted the ideas of the British navigation act. But what if the United States should adopt them, too, and make a law, that no commerce should be carried on with any West India Islands,—French, English, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish,—but in ships built in America, and navigated with American seamen? We can import sugar from Europe. But give me leave to tell you, that this trade can never be carried on by the French; their vessels are all large and navigated by a great number of seamen, and your navigators are too slow. The trade itself was only profitable to us as a system; and little vessels, with a few hands, run away at any season of the year, from any creek or river, with a multitude of little articles collected in haste. Your merchants and mariners have neither the patience to content themselves with much and long labor, and dangerous voyages for small profits, nor have they the economy, nor can they navigate vessels with so few hands.” “Ay, but we think,” said the Duke, “if we do not try, we shall never learn to do these things as well and as cheap as you.” The Duke told me he had had, some days before, a great deal of conversation with the Count de Vergennes, and he found he had a great many good ideas of commerce. The Count himself told me, a few weeks ago, “in our regulations of the commerce between our islands and you, we must have regard to our shipping and our nurseries of seamen for our marine; for,” said he, smiling politely enough, “without a marine, we cannot go to your succor.”

In short, France begins to grow, for a moment, avaricious of navigation and seamen. But it is certain, that neither the form of government nor the national character can possibly admit of great success in it. Navigation is so dangerous a business, and requires so much patience, and produces so little profit among nations who understand it best, and have the best advantages for it, where property is most secure, lawsuits soonest and cheapest ended, and by fixed, certain laws, that the French can never interfere much with the Dutch or Americans in ship building or carrying trade. If any French merchants ever begin to carry on this commerce between America and the islands, they will break to pieces very soon, and then some new plan must be adopted. The English, for aught I know, will make a similar law, that the communication between us and their islands shall be carried on in British built ships, or ships built in Canada or Nova Scotia, and navigated by British seamen. In this case, we must try what we can do with the Dutch and Danes. But the French and English will endeavor to persuade them to the same policy; for the Duc de la Vauguyon told me that he thought it a common tie (lien commun). In this they will not succeed, and we must make the most we can of the Dutch friendship, for luckily the merchants and regency of Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their islands by the treaty. Happily, congress will have a Dutch minister with whom they may consult upon this matter, as well as many others; but I should think it would not be convenient to invite an English or French minister to be present at the consultation.

I am at a loss, sir, to guess what propositions made to us congress have been informed of, which they had not learned from us. None have been made to us. The Dutch ambassadors did once propose a meeting to us, and had it at my house. Dr. Franklin came, but Mr. Jay did not, and Mr. Laurens was absent. The ambassadors desired to know, whether we had power to enter into any engagements, provided France, Spain, and Holland should agree to any, in support of the armed neutrality. We showed them the resolution of congress, of the 5th of October, 1780, and told them that Mr. Dana had been since vested with a particular commission to the same effect. We never heard any thing further about it. Not seeing at the time any probability that any thing would come of this, nor intending to do any thing of any consequence in it, if we should hear further of it, without the further orders of congress, we did not think it necessary to write any thing about it, at least till it should put on a more serious appearance. If the Count de Mercy’s dinner, to which we are to be invited, with the Count de Vergennes, should produce any insinuations on this subject, (which I do not, however, expect) we shall inform you, and request the orders of congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 9 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Since the dangerous fever I had in Amsterdam, two years ago, I have never enjoyed my health. Through the whole of the past winter and spring, I have suffered under weaknesses and pains which have scarcely permitted me to do business. The excessive heats of the last week or two have brought on me a fever again, which exhausts one in such a manner as to be very discouraging, and incapacitates one for every thing. In short, nothing but a return to America will ever restore my health, if even that should do it. In these circumstances, however, we have negotiations to go through, and your despatches to answer.

The liberal sentiments in England, respecting the trade, are all lost for the present, and we can get no answer to any thing. It is the same thing with the Dutch. One of the Dutch ambassadors told me yesterday, at Versailles, that now, for five weeks, the English had never said one word to them, nor given them any answer. These things indicate that the ministry do not think themselves permanent.

The Count de Vergennes asked Dr. Franklin and me, yesterday, if we had made our visits. We answered, that we had, and that they had been promptly returned. “The thing in agitation,” said the Count, “is for you to determine whether your definitive treaty shall be signed under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, or not. Ours and the Spanish treaty with England are to be so finished, and if you determine in favor of it, you have only to write a letter to the ministers of the Imperial Courts who are here.” I told him, in the present case, I did not know what a mediation meant. He smiled, but did not seem to know any better than I; at least, he did not explain it. We told him we would determine upon it soon.

How we shall determine, I cannot say. For my own part, I see no harm in accepting the mediation, nor any other good, than a compliment to the two empires. In Europe it may be thought an honor to us, and, therefore, I shall give my voice, as at present informed, in favor of it, as it seems rather to be the inclination of the Count de Vergennes that we should.

Your late despatches, sir, are not well adapted to give spirits to a melancholy man, or to cure one sick with a fever. It is not possible for me, at present, to enter into a long detail in answer to them. You will be answered, I suppose, by all the gentlemen jointly. In the mean time, I beg leave to say to you a few words upon two points.

1st. The separate article never appeared to me of any consequence to conceal from this Court. It was an agreement we had a right to make; it contained no injury to France or Spain. Indeed, I know not what France has, or ever had, to do with it. If it had been communicated to this Court, it would probably have been by them communicated to Spain, and she might have thought more about it than it was worth. But how you could conceive it possible for us to treat at all with the English upon supposition that we had communicated every, the minutest thing, to this Court, when this Court were neither obliged, nor thought proper to communicate any thing whatever to us, I know not. We were bound by treaty no more than they to communicate. The instructions were found to be absolutely impracticable. That they were too suddenly published is very true.

2dly. A communication of the treaty to this Court, after it was agreed upon, and before it was signed, would have infallibly prevented the whole peace. In the first place, it was very doubtful, or rather, on the contrary, it is certain, the English minister never would have consented that we should communicate it. We might, it is true, have done it without his consent or knowledge; but what would have been the consequence? The French minister would have said, the terms were very good for us, but we must not sign till they signed; and this would have been a continuance of the war for another year, at least. It was not so much from an apprehension that the French would have exerted themselves to get away from us terms that were agreed on, that they were withheld. It was then too late; and we have reason to apprehend that all of this kind had been done which could be done. We knew they were often insinuating to the British ministers things against us, respecting the fisheries, tories, &c., during the negotiation, and Mr. Fitzherbert told me that the Count de Vergennes had “fifty times reproached him for ceding the fisheries, and said it was ruining the English and French commerce both.” It was not suspicion, it was certain knowledge, that they were against us on the points of the tories, fisheries, Mississippi, and the western country. All this knowledge, however, did not influence us to conceal the treaty. We did not in fact conceal it. Dr. Franklin communicated the substance of it to the Count and M. de Rayneval. So did I. In a long conversation with the Count and M. de Rayneval together, I told them the substance of what was agreed upon, and what we further insisted on, and the English then disputed.

But the signing before them is the point. This we could not have done, if we had shown the treaty, and told them we were ready. The Count would certainly have said to us, you must not sign till we sign. To have signed after this would have been more disagreeable to him and to us too. Yet we must have signed or lost the peace. The peace depended on a day. Parliament had been waiting long, and once prorogued. The minister was so pressed, he could not have met parliament and held his place, without an agreement upon terms at least with America. If we had not signed, the ministry would have been changed, and the coalition come in, and the whole world knows the coalition would not have made peace upon the present terms, and, consequently, not at all this year. The iron was struck in the few critical moments when it was of a proper heat, and has been moulded into a handsome vessel. If it had been suffered to cool, it would have flown in pieces like glass. Our countrymen have great reason to rejoice that they have obtained so good a peace, when, and as they did. With the present threatening appearances of a northern war, which will draw in France, if our peace was still to be made, we might find cause to tremble for many great advantages that are now secured. I believe the Count himself, if he were now to speak his real sentiments, would say he is very glad we signed when we did, and that without asking his consent.

The Duc de la Vauguyon told me and M. Brantzen together, last Saturday, “if you had not signed when you did, we should not have signed when we did.” If they had not signed when they did, D’Estaing would have sailed from Cadiz, and, in that case, nobody would have signed to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more disagreeable circumstances than we were. We are none of us men of principles or dispositions to take pleasure in going against your sentiments, sir, much less those of congress. But, in this case, if we had not done it, our country would have lost advantages beyond computation.

On Monday, sir, we pursued our visits, and to-day we finish. Yesterday, at Court, all the foreign ministers behaved to us without reserve, as members of the corps diplomatique, so that we shall no longer see those lowering countenances, solemn looks, distant bows, and other peculiarities, which have been sometimes diverting and sometimes provoking for so many years.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 10 July, 1783.

Sir,—

In the present violent heat of the weather and feverish state of my health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my pen, and must pray you to accept of a few short hints only.

To talk in a general style of confidence in the French Court, &c., is to use a general language which may mean almost any thing or almost nothing. To a certain degree, and as far as the treaties and engagements extend, I have as much confidence in the French Court as congress has, or even as you, sir, appear to have. But if by confidence in the French Court is meant an opinion, that the French office of foreign affairs would be advocates with the English for our rights to the fisheries, or to the Mississippi River, or our western territory, or advocates to persuade the British ministers to give up the cause of the refugees, and make parliamentary provision for them, I own I have no such confidence, and never had. Seeing and hearing what I have seen and heard, I must have been an idiot to have entertained such confidence; I should be more of a Machiavelian, or a Jesuit, than I ever was or will be, to counterfeit it to you or to congress.

M. Marbois’ letter is to me full proof of the principles of the Count de Vergènnes. Why? Because I know (for it was personally communicated to me upon my passage home, by M. Marbois himself) the intimacy and confidence there is between these two. And I know further, that letter contains sentiments concerning the fisheries diametrically opposite to those which M. Marbois repeatedly expressed to me upon the passage, namely: “That the Newfoundland fishery was our right, and we ought to maintain it.” From whence I conclude, M. Marbois’ sentiments have been changed by the instructions of the minister. To what purpose is it where this letter came from? Is it less genuine, whether it came from Philadelphia, Versailles, or London? What if it came through English hands? Is there less weight, less evidence in it for that? Are the sentiments more just or more friendly to us for that?

M. de Rayneval’s correspondence, too, with Mr. Jay. M. de Rayneval is a chef de bureau. But we must be very ignorant of all courts not to know that an under secretary of state dares not carry on such a correspondence without the knowledge, consent, and orders of the principal.

There is another point now in agitation, in which the French will never give us one good word. On the contrary, they will say every thing they can think of, to persuade the English to deprive us of the trade of their West India Islands. They have already, with their emissaries, been the chief cause of the change of sentiments in London, on this head, against us. In general, they see with pain every appearance of returning real and cordial friendship, such as may be permanent, between us and Great Britain. On the contrary, they see with pleasure every seed of contention between us. The tories are an excellent engine of mischief between us, and are therefore very precious. Exclusion from the West India Islands will be another. I hold it to be the indispensable duty of my station not to conceal from congress these truths. Do not let us be dupes under the idea of being grateful. Innumerable anecdotes happen daily to show that these sentiments are general. In conversation, a few weeks ago, with the Duc de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the West India trade, I endeavored to convince him that France and England both ought to admit us freely to their islands. He entered into a long argument to prove that both ought to exclude us. At last, I said the English were a parcel of sots to exclude us; for the consequence would be, that in fifteen or twenty years we should have another war with them. Tant mieux! tant mieux! je vous en félicite,” cried the Duke, with great pleasure. “Tant mieux pour nous,” said I; because we shall conquer from the English, in that case, all their islands, the inhabitants of which would now declare for us, if they dared. But it will not be the better for the English. They will be the dupes, if they lay a foundation for it. “Yes,” said the Duke, “I think you will have another war with the English.” And in this wish he expressed the vows of every Frenchman upon the face of the earth. If, therefore, we have it in contemplation to avoid a future war with the English, do not let us have too much confidence in the French that they will favor us in this view.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 10 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Upon the receipt of the despatches by Barney, I sent off your letters for Messrs. Willink & Co., and I received last night an answer to the letter I wrote them upon the occasion. They have engaged to remit Mr. Grand a million and a half of livres in a month, which has relieved Mr. Grand from his anxiety.

This Court has refused to Dr. Franklin any more money. They are apprehensive of being obliged to take a part in the northern war, and their own financiers have not enough of the confidence of the public to obtain money for their own purposes.

Your design of sending cargoes of tobacco and other things to Amsterdam, to Messrs. Willink & Co., is the best possible to support our credit there. The more you send, the more money will be obtained. Send a minister, too; residing there, he may promote it much. It is a misfortune that I have not been able to be there; but this post cannot be deserted. Instruct your minister to inquire, whether the house of Hope could be persuaded to engage with Willink in a new loan. This should be done with secrecy and discretion. If that house would undertake it, you would find money enough for your purpose; for, I rely upon it, the States will adopt a plan immediately for the effectual payment of interest. This is indispensable. The foundation of a happy government can only be laid in justice; and as soon as the public shall see that provision is made for this, you will no longer want money.

It is a maxim among merchants and moneyed men, that “every man has credit who does not want it.” It is equally true of states. We shall want it but little longer, if the States make provision for the payment of interest, and, therefore, we shall have enough of it. There is not a country in the world whose credit ought to be so good, because there is none equally able to pay.

Inclosed is a pamphlet of Dr. Price for your comfort. You will see by it, that the only nation we have reason to fear, wants credit so much, that she is not likely to have it always, and this is our security. By some hints from Mr. Hartley, he will probably return to London, and not be here again. The present ministry is so undecided and feeble, that it is at least doubtful whether they will make the definitive treaty of peace.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 11 July, 1783.

Sir,—

In my letter to you of yesterday, I hinted in confidence at an application to the house of Hope. This is a very delicate measure. I was induced to think of it, merely by a conversation which M. Van Berckel (who will soon be with you, as he sailed the 26th of June from the Texel,) had with M. Dumas. It would be better to be steady to the three houses already employed, if that is possible. You will now be able to converse freely with that minister upon the subject. I should not advise you to take any decisive resolution at Philadelphia, but leave it to your minister to act as shall appear to him best upon the spot. The houses now employed are well esteemed, and, I hope, will do very well. But no house in the republic has the force of that of Hope.

All depends, however, upon the measures to be taken by congress and the States for ascertaining their debts, and a regular discharge of the interest. The ability of the people to make such an establishment cannot be doubted; and the inclination of no man who has a proper sense of public honor can be called in question. The thirteen States, in relation to the discharge of the debts of congress, must consider themselves as one body, animated by one soul. The stability of our confederation at home, our reputation abroad, our power of defence, the confidence and affection of the people of one State towards those of another, all depend upon it. Without a sacred regard to public justice, no society can exist; it is the only tie which can unite men’s minds and hearts in pursuit of the common interest.

The commerce of the world is now open to us, and our exports and imports are of so large amount, and our connections will be so large and extensive, that the least stain upon our character in this respect will lose us in a very short time advantages of greater pecuniary value than all our debt amounts to. The moral character of our people is of infinitely greater worth than all the sums in question. Every hesitation, every uncertainty about paying or receiving a just debt, diminishes that sense of the moral obligation of public justice which ought to be kept pure, and carefully cultivated in every American mind. Creditors at home and abroad, the army, the navy, every man who has a well-founded claim upon the public, have an unalienable right to be satisfied, and this by the fundamental principles of society. Can there ever be content and satisfaction, can there ever be peace and order, can there ever be industry or decency without it? To talk of a sponge to wipe out this debt, or of reducing or diminishing it below its real value, in a country so abundantly able to pay the last farthing, would betray a total ignorance of the first principles of national duty and interest.

Let us leave these odious speculations to countries that can plead a necessity for them, and where corruption has arrived at its last stages; where infamy is scarcely felt, and wrong may as well assume one shape as another, since it must prevail in some.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 11 July, 1783.

Sir,—

As there are certain particulars in which it has appeared to me that the friendship of a French minister has been problematical at least, or rather, has not existed at all, I have freely mentioned them to congress; because I hold it to be the first duty of a public minister, in my situation, to conceal no important truth of this kind from his masters.

But ingratitude is an odious vice, and ought to be held in detestation by every American citizen. We ought to distinguish, therefore, between those points for which we are not obliged to our allies and those in which we are.

I think, then, we are under no particular obligations of gratitude to them for the fisheries, the boundaries, exemption from the tories, or for the progress of our negotiations in Europe.

We are under obligations of gratitude for making the treaty with us at the time when they did, for those sums of money which they have generously given us, and for those even which they have lent us, which I hope we shall punctually pay, and be thankful still for the loan, for the fleet and army they sent to America, and for all the important services they did. By other mutual exertions, a dangerous rival to them, and I may be almost warranted in saying, an imperious master both to them and us, has been brought to reason, and put out of the power to do harm to either. In this respect, however, our allies are more secure than we. The house of Bourbon has acquired a great accession of strength, while their hereditary enemy has been weakened one half, and incurably crippled.

The French are, besides, a good-natured and humane nation, very respectable in arts, letters, arms, and commerce, and, therefore, motives of interest, honor, and convenience join themselves to those of friendship and gratitude, to induce us to wish for the continuance of their friendship and alliance. The Provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia, in the hands of the English, are a constant warning to us to have a care of ourselves, and, therefore, a continuance of the friendship and alliance of France is of importance to our tranquillity, and even to our safety. There is nothing which will have a greater effect to overawe the English, and induce them to respect us and our rights, than the reputation of a good understanding with the French. My voice and advice will, therefore, always be for discharging, with the utmost fidelity, gratitude, and exactness, every obligation we are under to France, and for cultivating her friendship and alliance by all sorts of good offices. But I am sure that, to do this effectually, we must reason with them at times, enter into particulars, and be sure that we understand one another. We must act a manly, honest, independent, as well as a sensible part.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 13 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday, Colonel Ogden arrived with the originals of what we had before received in duplicates by Captain Barney. The ratification of the Dutch treaty had been before received and exchanged. The ratification of their High Mightinesses is in the safe custody of M. Dumas, at present at the Hague.

I believe we shall accept of the mediation of the two Imperial Courts at the definitive treaty, as it is a mere formality, a mere compliment, consisting wholly in the imperial ministers putting their names and seals to the parchment, and can have no ill effect. The inclination of the Count de Vergennes seems to be, that we should accept it; and, as he calls upon us to decide in the affirmative or negative, I believe we shall give an answer in the affirmative.

The Empress has promised to receive Mr. Dana as soon as the definitive treaty shall be signed, and he has prepared a treaty of commerce which will be valuable, if he can obtain it.

The Emperor of Germany has caused to be intimated several ways his inclination to have a treaty of commerce with us; but his rank is so high, that his house never makes the first formal advance. I should think it advisable that we should have a treaty with that power for several reasons.

1st. Because, as Emperor of Germany, and King of Bohemia and Hungary, he is at the head of one of the greatest interests and most powerful connections in Europe. It is true it is the greatest weight in the scale, which is, and has been, from age to age, opposite to the house of Bourbon. But, for this very reason, if there were no other, the United States ought to have a treaty of commerce with it, in order to be in practice with their theory, and to show to all the world that their system of commerce embraces, equally and impartially, all the commercial states and countries of Europe.

2dly. Because the present Emperor is one of the greatest men of this age. The wisdom and virtue of the man, as well as of the monarch, his personal activity, intelligence, and accomplishments, his large and liberal principles in matters of religion, government, and commerce, are so much of kin to those of our States (perhaps, indeed, so much borrowed from them, and adopted in imitation of them), that it seems peculiarly proper we should show this respect to them.

3dly. Because, that if England should ever forget herself again so much as to attack us, she may not be likely to obtain the alliance or assistance of this power against us. A friendship once established in a treaty of commerce, this power would never be likely to violate, because she has no dominions near us, and could have no interest to quarrel with us.

4thly. Because the countries belonging to this power upon the Adriatic Sea and in the Austrian Flanders are no inconsiderable sources of commerce for America. And if the present negotiations between the two Imperial Courts and the Porte should terminate in a free navigation of the Danube, the Black Sea, and the Archipelago, the Emperor’s hereditary dominions will become very respectable commercial countries.

5thly. Because, although we have at present a pleasant and joyful prospect of friendship and uninterrupted alliance with the house of Bourbon, which I wish may never be obscured, yet this friendship and alliance will be the more likely to continue unimpaired, for our having the friendship and commerce of the house of Austria. And (as in the vicissitudes of human affairs all things are possible) if, in future times, however unlikely at present, the house of Bourbon should deal unjustly by us, demand of us things we are not bound to perform, or any way injure us, we may find in the alliance of Austria, England, and Holland, a resource against the storm. Supernumerary strings to our bow, and provisions against possible inconveniences, however improbable, can do us no harm.

If we were not straitened for money, I should advise congress to send a minister to Vienna. But, as every mission abroad is a costly article, and we find it difficult at present to procure money for the most necessary purposes, I should think it proper for congress to send a commission to their minister at Versailles, London, Madrid, Petersburg, or the Hague, who might communicate it to the Court of Vienna by means of the imperial ambassador. The Emperor, in such a case, would authorize his ambassador at that Court to prepare and conclude a treaty, and in this way the business may be well done without any additional expense.

M. Favi, Chargé des affaires of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Emperor’s brother, has called upon me so often to converse with me upon this subject, that I doubt not he has been employed, or at least knows that it would be agreeable to his Court and their connections, although he has never made any official insinuations about it. This gentleman has been employed by the Republic of Ragusa to consult American ministers upon the subject of commerce, too. I have told him that the American ports were open to the Ragusan vessels, as well as to all others, and have given him the address by which they propose to write to congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 14 July, 1783.

Sir,—

A jealousy of American ships, seamen, carrying trade, and naval power, appears every day more and more conspicuous. This jealousy, which has been all along discovered by the French minister, is at length communicated to the English. The following proclamation,1 which will not increase British ships and seamen in any proportion as it will diminish those of the United States, will contribute effectually to make America afraid of England and attach herself more closely to France. The English are the dupes, and must take the consequences.

This proclamation is issued in full confidence that the United States have no confidence in one another; that they cannot agree to act in a body as one nation; that they cannot agree upon any navigation act which may be common to the thirteen States. Our proper remedy would be, to confine our exports to American ships, to make a law that no article should be exported from any of the States in British ships, nor in the ships of any nation which will not allow us reciprocally to import their productions in our ships. I am much afraid there is too good an understanding upon this subject between Versailles and St. James’s.

Perhaps it may be proper for congress to be silent upon this head, until New York, Penobscot, &c., are evacuated. But I should think that congress would never bind themselves by any treaty built upon such principles. They should negotiate, however, without loss of time, by a minister in London. A few weeks’ delay may have unalterable effects.

One of the most remarkable things in this proclamation is, the omission of salt fish, an article which the islands want as much as any that is enumerated. This is, no doubt, to encourage their own fishery and that of Nova Scotia, as well as a blow aimed at ours. There was, in a former proclamation concerning the trade between the United States and Great Britain, an omission of the articles of potash and pearlash. These omissions discover a choice love for New England. France, I am afraid, will exclude fish too, and imitate this proclamation but too closely; if, indeed, this proclamation is not an imitation of their system, adopted, as I believe it is, upon their advice and desire.

These, however, are important efforts. Without saying, writing, or resolving any thing suddenly, let us see what remedies or equivalents we can obtain from Holland, Portugal, and Denmark. Let us bind ourselves to nothing, but reserve a right of making navigation acts when we please, if we find them necessary or useful. If we had been defeated of our fisheries, we should have been wormed out of all our carrying trade, too, and should have been a mere society of cultivators, without any but a passive trade. The policy of France has succeeded, and laid, in these proclamations, if persisted in, the sure source of another war between us and Great Britain.

The English nation is not, however, unanimous in this new system, as congress will see by the inclosed speculations,1 which I know to have been written by a confidential friend of my Lord Shelburne; I mean Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. This minister is very strong in the house of lords, and Mr. Pitt, in the house of commons, has attached to him many members in the course of this session. If that set should come in again, we shall have a chance of making an equitable treaty of commerce. To this end a minister must be ready; and I hope, in mercy to our country, that such an opportunity will not be lost by delays, in compliance to our allies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 16 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday we waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, and showed him the project of a letter to the ministers of the two Imperial Courts, which he read and approved. We told him that we were at a loss what might be the effect of the mediation; possibly we might be involved in difficulties by it; possibly the British ministers might persuade the mediators to offer us their advice upon some points, respecting the royalists, for example, which we could not comply with. The Count said, that he had told them that as soon as he had fully agreed with England upon all points, their mediation should be accepted, and they should sign the treaty as such; and we might agree to it in the same manner. He said we were not obliged to this, but as they were to be present and sign one treaty, it would look better to sign both. It would be a very notorious, public, and respectable acknowledgment of us, as a power, by those Courts. Upon this footing we left the letter with him to be shown to the imperial ministers.

We asked the Count if he had seen the British proclamation of the 2d of July. He answered, that he had. I asked him, if the King had determined any thing on the subject of salt provisions and salt fish, whether we might import them into his islands. He said, we might depend upon it, they could not supply their islands with fish; that we had two free ports in their islands,—St. Lucia and a port in Martinique. By the thirty-second article of the treaty of commerce, these free ports are secured to us; nothing, he said, was determined concerning salt beef and pork, but the greatest difficulty would be about flour. I told the Count, that I did not think it would be possible either for France or England to carry on this commerce between the islands and continent; it was profitable to us only as it was a part of a system; that it could not be carried on without loss in large vessels, navigated by many seamen, which could sail only at certain seasons of the year, &c. Upon the whole, I was much pleased with this conversation, and conclude from it, that we shall do very well in the French West India Islands; perhaps the better in them, the worse we are treated by the English.

The Dutch and Danes will, I doubt not, avail themselves of every error that may be committed by France or England. It is good to have a variety of strings to our bow; and, therefore, I wish we had a treaty of commerce with Denmark, by which a free admission of our ships into their ports in the West Indies might be established. By means of the Dutch, Danes, and Pertuguese, I think we shall be able to obtain finally proper terms of France and England.

The British proclamation of the 2d of this month is the result of refugee politics; it is intended to encourage Canada and Nova Scotia and their fisheries, to support still the ruins of their navigation act, and to take from us the carriage even of our own productions. A system which has in it so little respect for us, and is so obviously calculated to give a blow to our nurseries of ships and seamen, could never have been adopted but from the opinion that we had no common legislature for the government of commerce.

All America, from the Chesapeake Bay to St. Croix, I know love ships and sailors; and those ports to the southward of that bay have advantages for obtaining them when they will; and, therefore, I hope the thirteen States will unite in some measures to counteract this policy of Britain, so evidently selfish, unsocial, and, I had almost said, hostile. The question is, what is to be done? I answer, perhaps it will be most prudent to say little about it at present, and until the definitive treaty is signed, and the States evacuated. But, after that, I think, in the negotiation of a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, congress should tell them that they have the means of doing justice to themselves. What are these means? I answer, let every State in the Union lay on a duty of five percent. on all West India articles imported in British ships, and upon all their own productions exported in British ships. Let this impost be limited in duration, until Great Britain shall allow our vessels to trade to their West Indies. This would effectually defeat their plan, and encourage our own carrying trade more than they can discourage it.

Another way of influencing England to a reasonable conduct is, to take some measures for encouraging the growth in the United States of West India articles; another is to encourage manufactures, especially of wool and iron, among ourselves. As tilt-hammers are now not unlawful, and wool may be water-borne, much more may be done now than could have been done before the war. But the most certain method is, to lay duties on exports and imports by British ships. The sense of a common interest and a common danger, it is to be hoped, will induce a perfect unanimity among the States in this respect. There are other ways of serving ourselves and making impressions upon the English to bring them to reason. One is, to send ships immediately to China. This trade is as open to us as to any nation, and if our natural advantages at home are envied us, we should compensate ourselves in any honest way we can.

Our natural share in the West India trade, is all that is now wanting to complete the plan of happiness and prosperity of our country. Deprived of it, we shall be straitened and shackled in some degree. We cannot enjoy a free use of all our limits without this; with it, I see nothing to desire, nothing to vex or chagrin our people, nothing to interrupt our repose or keep up a dread of war.

I know not what permission may be expected from Spain to trade to the Havana, but should think that this resource ought not to be neglected.

I confess I do not like the complexion of British politics. They are mysterious and unintelligible. Mr. Hartley appears not to be in the secret of his Court. The things which happen appear as unexpected to him as to us. Political jealousies and speculations are endless. It is possible the British ministers may be secretly employed in fomenting the quarrel between the two Imperial Courts and the Porte, and in secretly stirring up the French to join the Turks in the war. The prospect of seeing France engaged in a war, may embolden them to adopt a system less favorable to us. The possibility of these things should stimulate us, I think, to form, as soon as possible, treaties of commerce with the principal powers, especially the Imperial Courts, that all our questions may be decided. This will be a great advantage to us, even if we should afterwards be involved in a war. I put this supposition with great reluctance. But, if England should, in the course of a few years or months, have the art to stir up a general war in Europe, and get France and Spain seriously involved in it, which is at least a possible case, she may assume a tone and conduct towards us which will make it very difficult for us to avoid taking a part in it. If such a deplorable circumstance should take place, it will be still a great advantage to us, to have our sovereignty explicitly acknowledged by those powers against whom we may be unfortunately obliged to act. At present, they are all disposed to it, and seem desirous of forming connections with us, that we may be out of the question.

The politics of Europe are such a labyrinth of profound mysteries, that the more one sees of them, the more causes of uncertainty and anxiety he discovers.

The United States will have occasion to brace up their confederation, and act as one body with one spirit. If they do not, it is now very obvious that Great Britain will take advantage of it in such a manner as will endanger our peace, our safety, and even our very existence. A change of ministry may, but it is not certain that it will, give us better prospects.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 17 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Last evening Mr. Hartley spent two hours with me, and appeared much chagrined at the proclamation, which had never been communicated to him by his principals. He has too much contempt of the commercial abilities of the French, and consequently said that the French could derive but little benefit from this step of his Court; but he thought the Dutch would make a great advantage by it. I endeavored to discover from him, whether he suspected that his Court had any hand in stirring up the two Imperial Courts to make war upon the Turks. I asked him, what was the state of their Mediterranean trade and Levant trade. He said, it was dead, and that their Turkey company was dead, and, therefore, he did not think his Court cared much about either, or would ever do any thing to prevent the Empires. He thought it possible that they might rather encourage them.

I am quite of Mr. Hartley’s mind, that the Dutch will profit by all the English blunders in regulating the West India trade, and am happy that M. Van Berckel will be soon with congress, when its members and ministers may communicate through him any thing they wish to their High Mightinesses. They may inquire of him, What are the rights of the East and West India Companies? To what an extent our vessels may be admitted to Surinam, Curaçoa, Demerara, Essequibo, Berbice, St. Eustatia? What we may be allowed to carry there? and what bring from thence to the United States or to Europe? Whether we may carry sugars, &c., to Amsterdam, Rotterdam, &c.? There are at Rotterdam and Amsterdam one hundred and twenty-seven or eight refineries of sugar. How far these may be affected, &c.?

I lay it down for a rule, that the nation which shall allow us the most perfect liberty to trade with her Colonies, whether it be France, England, Spain, or Holland, will see her Colonies flourish above all others, and will draw proportionally our trade to themselves; and, I rely upon it, the Dutch will have sagacity to see it; and as they are more attentive to mercantile profit than to a military marine, I have great hopes from their friendship. As there will be an interval before the signature of the definitive treaty, I propose a journey of three weeks to Amsterdam and the Hague, in hopes of learning in more detail the intentions of the Dutch in this respect. I am in hopes, too, of encouraging the loan, to assist our superintendent of finance. The Dutch may be a great resource to us in finance and commerce. I wish that cargoes of produce may be hastened to Amsterdam, to Messrs. Willink & Co., for this will give vigor to the loan, and all the money we can prevent England and the two empires from obtaining in Holland, will not only be nerves for us, but, perhaps, be useful too to France in her negotiations.

I have spent the whole forenoon in conversation with the Duc de la Vauguyon. He thinks that England wishes to revive her trade to the Levant, to Smyrna, Aleppo, &c., and her carrying trade in Italy; and although she might be pleased to see France involved in a war with the Emperor and Empress, yet he thinks her funds are not in a condition to afford subsidies to either, and, therefore, that she will be perfectly neutral. Quære, however, whether, if by a subsidy or a loan of a million or two a year, she could make France spend eight or ten millions, she would not strive hard to do it? The Duke thinks that France will proceed softly, and endeavor, if possible, to avert the furious storm that threatens, and to compose the disputes of the three empires, if possible; but she will never suffer such a usurpation as the conquest of the Turkish Provinces in Europe. France will certainly defend Constantinople. He thinks, that the Empress of Russia has not revenues, and cannot get cash to march and subsist vast armies, and to transport great fleets, and that the Emperor has not revenues to support a long war.

This is, however, a serious business, and France lays it so much to heart, and looks upon the chance of her being obliged to arm, as so probable, that I presume this to be the principal motive of her refusal to lend us two or three millions of livres more.

As to our West India questions, the Duke assures me that the French ministry, particularly the Count de Vergennes, are determined to do every thing they can consistent with their own essential interests, to favor and promote the friendship and commerce between their country and ours. That they, especially the Count, are declared enemies of the French fiscal system, which is certainly the most ruinous to their commerce, and intend to do every thing they can to make alterations to favor commerce; but no change can be made in this, without affecting their revenues, and making voids, failures, and deficiencies which they cannot fill up. They must, therefore, proceed softly. That France would favor the commerce between Portugal and America, because it would tend to draw off that kingdom from her dependence on England. That England, by her commercial treaty with the Portuguese, in 1703, has turned them into an English Colony, made them entirely dependent, and secured a commerce with them of three millions value. France would be glad to see this, or as much of it as possible, turned to America.

The Duke agrees fully with me in the maxim, that those colonies will grow the most in wealth, improvement, population, and every sort of prosperity, which are allowed the freest communication with us, and that we shall be allowed to carry lumber, fish, and live stock to their islands; but that the export of their sugars to us, he thinks, must be in their own ships, because they are afraid of our becoming the carriers of all their commerce, because they know and say that we can do it cheaper than they can. These sentiments are different from those which he mentioned to me a few days ago, when he said the West India trade with us must be carried on in French bottoms.

The Duke said, the English had been trying to deceive us, but were now developing their true sentiments. They pretended for a while to abolish the navigation act and all distinctions, to make one people with us again, to be friends, brothers, &c., in hopes of drawing us off from France, but not finding success, they were now showing their true plan. As to the pretended system of Shelburne, of a universal, free commerce, although he thought it would be for the good of mankind in general, yet, for an English minister, it was the plan of a madman, for it would be the ruin of that nation. He did not think Shelburne was sincere in it; he only meant an illusion to us. Here I differ from the Duke, and believe that the late ministry were very sincere towards us, and would have made a treaty with us, at least to revive the universal trade between us upon a liberal plan. This doctrine of ruin, from that plan, to the English, has been so much preached of late in England by the French and the American refugees, who aim at establishments in Canada and Nova Scotia, and by the old Butean administration and their partisans, that I do not know whether any ministry could now support a generous plan. But if Temple, Thurlow, Shelburne, Pitt, &c., should come in, I should not despair of it. It is true, the Shelburne administration did encourage the ideas of cordial, perfect friendship, of entire reconciliation of affections, of making no distinction between their people and ours, especially between the inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia and us, and this, with the professed purpose of destroying all seeds of war between us. These sentiments were freely uttered by Fitzherbert, Oswald, Whitefoord, Vaughan, and all who had the confidence of that ministry; and in these sentiments they were, I believe, very sincere. And they are, indeed, the only means of preventing a future war between us and them; and so sure as they depart from that plan, so sure, in less than fifteen years, perhaps less than seven, there will break out another war. Quarrels will arise among fishermen, between inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia and us, and between their people and ours in the West Indies, in our ports, and in the ports of the three kingdoms, which will breed a war in spite of all we can do to prevent it. France sees this and rejoices in it, and I know not whether we ought to be sorry; yet I think we ought to make it a maxim to avoid all wars, if possible, and to take care that it is not our fault, if we cannot. We ought to do every thing which the English will concur in, to remove all causes of jealousies, and kill all the seeds of hostility, as effectually as we can; and to be upon our guard to prevent the French, Spaniards, and Dutch, from sowing the seeds of war between us; for, we may rely upon it, they will do it, if they can.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 18 July, 1783.

Sir,—

There is cause to be solicitous about the state of things in England. The present ministry swerve more and more from the true system, for the prosperity of their country and ours. Mr. Hartley, whose sentiments are at bottom just, is probably kept here, if he was not sent at first, merely to amuse us, and to keep him out of the way of embarrassing the coalition. We need not fear that France and England will make a common cause against us, even in relation to the carrying trade to and from the West Indies. Although they may mutually inspire into each other false notions of their interests, at times, yet there can never be a concert of operations between them. Mutual enmity is bred in the blood and bones of both, and rivals and enemies at heart they eternally will be.

In order to induce both to allow us our natural right to the carrying trade, we must negotiate with the Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, and even with the empires; for the more friends and resources we have, the more we shall be respected by the French and English; and the more freedom of trade we enjoy with the Dutch possessions in America, the more will France and England find themselves necessitated to allow us.

The present ministers in England have very bad advisers; the refugees, and emissaries of various other sorts; and we have nobody to watch, to counteract, to correct or prevent any thing. The United States will soon see the necessity of uniting in measures to counteract their enemies, and even their friends. What powers congress should have for governing the trade of the whole, for making or recommending prohibitions or imposts, deserves the serious consideration of every man in America. If a constitutional, legislative authority cannot be given them, a sense of common danger and necessity should give to their recommendations all the force upon the minds of the people which they had six years ago.

If the union of the States is not preserved, and even their unity, in many great points, instead of being the happiest people under the sun, I do not know but we may be the most miserable. We shall find our foreign affairs the most difficult to manage of any of our interests; we shall see and feel them disturbed by invisible agents and causes, by secret intrigues, by dark and mysterious insinuations, by concealed corruptions of a thousand sorts. Hypocrisy and simulation will assume a million of shapes; we shall feel the evil, without being able to prove the cause. Those whose penetration reaches the true source of the evil will be called suspicious, envious, disappointed, ambitious. In short, if there is not an authority sufficiently decisive to draw together the minds, affections, and forces of the States, in their common, foreign concerns, it appears to me, we shall be the sport of transatlantic politicians of all denominations, who hate liberty in every shape, and every man who loves it, and every country that enjoys it. If there is no common authority, nor any common sense to secure a revenue for the discharge of our engagements abroad for money, what is to become of our honor, our justice, our faith, our universal moral, political, and commercial character? If there is no common power to fulfil engagements with our citizens, to pay our soldiers and other creditors, can we have any moral character at home? Our country will become the region of everlasting discontents, reproaches, and animosities, and instead of finding our independence a blessing, we shall soon become Cappadocians enough to wish it done away.

I may be thought gloomy, but this ought not to discourage me from laying before congress my apprehensions. The dependence of those who have designs upon us, upon our want of affection to each other, and of authority over one another, is so great, that, in my opinion, if the United States do not soon show to the world a proof that they can command a common revenue, to satisfy their creditors at home and abroad that they can act as one people, as one nation, as one man, in their transactions with foreign nations, we shall be soon so far despised, that it will be but a few years, perhaps but a few months only, before we are involved in another war.

What can I say in Holland, if a doubt is started, whether we can repay the money we wish to borrow? I must assure them, in a tone that will exclude all doubt, that the money will be repaid. Am I to be hereafter reproached with deceiving the money-lenders? I cannot believe there is a man in America who would not disdain the supposition, and, therefore, I shall not scruple to give the strongest assurances in my power. But, if there is a doubt in congress, they ought to recall their borrowers of money.

I shall set off to-morrow for Holland, in hopes of improving my health, at the same time that I shall endeavor to assist the loan, and to turn the speculations of the Dutch merchants, capitalists, and statesmen towards America. It is of vast importance that the Dutch should form just ideas of their interests, respecting the communication between us and their islands and other colonies in America. I beg that no time may be lost in commencing conferences with M. Van Berckel upon this subject, as well as that of money; but this should not be communicated to the French nor the English, because, we may depend upon it, both will endeavor to persuade the Dutch to adopt the same plan with themselves. There are jealousies on both sides the pas de Calais, of our connections and negotiations with the Dutch. But while we avoid as much as we can to inflame this jealousy, we must have sense, and firmness and independence enough not to be intimidated by it from availing ourselves of advantages that Providence has placed in our power. There ever have been, and ever will be, suspicions of every honest, active, and intelligent American, and there will be, as there have been, insidious attempts to destroy or lessen your confidence in every such character. But, if our country does not support her own interests and her own servants, she will assuredly fall. Persons who study to preserve or obtain the confidence of America by the favor of European statesmen or courts, must betray their country to preserve their places.

For my own part, I wish Mr. Jay and myself almost anywhere else but here. There is scarce any other place where we might not do some good. Here, we are in a state of annihilation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 23 July, 1783.

Sir,—

On Saturday last I left Paris, and arrived here last night. This morning I sent M. Dumas to M. Van Berckel and M. Gyselaer, to inform them of my arrival, and to desire a conversation with them upon the subject of the commerce between the United States and the Dutch establishments in the West Indies.

M. Van Berckel told M. Dumas, “that St. Eustatia and Curaçao were open to the vessels of all nations and to the commerce of all the world; but that it was not the interest of the West India Company alone, but that of the whole State, that obliged them to confine the commerce of their sugars to themselves, because of the great number of their refineries of sugar. That all their own sugars were not half enough to employ their sugar-houses, and that at least one half of the sugars refined in Holland were the production of the French West India Islands.”

I suppose that some of these sugars may have been carried first to St. Eustatia, and brought from thence to Holland, and some others may have been purchased in the ports of France, and imported raw from thence. I do not know that Dutch vessels are permitted to purchase sugars in the French islands, and export them from thence. This matter deserves to be examined to the bottom. If France has not sugar-houses for the refinement of her own sugars, but is obliged to carry them, or to permit their being carried, to Amsterdam and Rotterdam for manufacture, why should she not be willing that the same sugars should be carried by Americans to Boston, New York, and Philadelphia? Surely France has no predilection for Holland rather than America. But, what is of more weight, all the sugars which America takes, will be paid for in articles more advantageous to the islands and to France than the pay that is made by the Dutch. If any sugars refined in Holland are afterwards sold in France, surely it would be more for the interest of France, or rather less against her interests, to have the same sugars refined in America, and afterwards sold in France, because the price of them would be laid out by us in France. There is this difference between us and the Dutch and all other nations,—we spend in Europe all the profits we make, and more; the others do not. But if the French sugars, refined in Holland, are afterwards sold in other parts of Europe, it would be just as well that we should sell them. We have sugar-houses as well as the Dutch, and ours ought not to be more obnoxious to French policy or commerce than theirs.

Sugars are a great article. There is a great consumption in America. It is not the interest of any nation that has sugars to sell, to lessen the consumption there. All such nations should favor that consumption, in order to multiply purchasers and quicken the competition, by which the price is raised. None of these nations, then, will wish to prevent our having sugar, provided we offer as high, or a higher price. How they will be able to arrange their plans, so that we may have enough for our own consumption, without having more, without having some for exportation, I do not know.

We have now St. Eustatia and Curaçao, St. Lucia and Martinique, St. Thomas and St. Martin’s, no less than six free ports in the West Indies; and perhaps England may be induced, necessitated indeed, to add two more to the number, and make eight. At these free ports it will be hard if we cannot find sugars, when we carry thither all our own productions in our own ships. And, if the worst should happen, and all the nations who have sugar islands should forbid sugars to be carried to America in any other than their own bottoms, we might depend upon having enough of this article at the free ports, to be brought away in our own ships, if we should lay a prohibition or a duty upon it in foreign ships. To do either, the States must be united, which the English think cannot be. Perhaps the French think so, too, and, in time, they may persuade the Dutch to be of the same opinion. It is to be hoped we shall disappoint them all. In a point so just and reasonable, when we are contending only for an equal chance for the carriage of our own productions and the articles of our own consumption, when we are willing to allow to all other nations even a free competition with us in this carriage, if we cannot unite, it will discover an imperfection and weakness in our constitution which will deserve a serious consideration.

M. Visscher, Pensionary of Amsterdam, who came in to visit me, when I had written thus far, showed me a list of the directors of the West India Company, and referred me to M. Bicker, of Amsterdam, as one of the most intelligent of them. He says, that the colonists of Surinam, Berbice, Essequibo, and Demerara have been in decay, and obliged to borrow money of the merchants at home, and have entered into contracts with those merchants to send them annually all the productions of their plantations, to pay the interest and principal of their debts; that this will make it difficult to open the trade.

Soon after M. Visscher went out, M. Van Berckel came in. I entered into a like conversation with him, and told him, that I thought the decay of their plantations in the West Indies had been owing to the rivalry of other nations, especially the English, whose islands had greater advantages, from a freer communication with North America; and I thought it might be laid down as a rule, that those islands would flourish most in population, culture, commerce, and wealth, which had the freest intercourse with us, and that this intercourse would be a natural means of attracting the American commerce to the metropolis. He thought so too.

I then mentioned to him the loan; and asked him, if he thought that the states-general, the States of Holland, or the regency of Amsterdam would be likely in any way to aid us? He said, no; that the country was still so much divided, that he could not depend upon any assistance in that way; that the council of Amsterdam was well enough disposed, but that the burgomasters were not so; that M. Temminck, M. Huygens, and M. Rendorp were not to be depended on in such an affair; that, therefore, our only resource was, to endeavor to gain upon the public opinion and the spirit of the nation, and that, in this respect, he would do me all the service in his power. He thought that the present uncertainty about the definitive treaty and the fate of the Republic would be an obstacle; but, the definitive treaty once signed, he thought our loan would succeed very well. I asked him, whether he thought that the junction of three houses in my loan was any obstruction to it? and whether any one of them, or whether any other house would do better? I told him what his brother (now I hope in Philadelphia) had said to M. Dumas, namely,—that the house of Wilhem and Jan Willink alone would succeed sooner than the three. I asked him, whether he thought the house of Hope, either alone, or in conjunction with that of the Willinks or any other, would undertake it. He said, this might well be, and that if they saw their interest in it they would, for those mercantile houses had no other object in view. He promised me to make inquiry into this matter, and let me know the result.

Upon this occasion, I must inform congress that it is absolutely necessary they should send another minister to this republic, without loss of time; because our three present houses, before they would undertake the loan, extorted a promise from me not to open another with any other house until the five millions should be full. This engagement I took for myself alone, however, and expressly premised that congress should not be bound by it, that congress should be perfectly free, and that any other minister they might send here should be perfectly free to open another loan, when and with whom they pleased. A new minister, therefore, may open a loan when he will, with Hope, Willink, or whom he will, and I am persuaded it would succeed to a good amount.

I made visits to-day, the 25th of July, to the grand pensionary, the Secretary Fagel, the president of the week, and M. Gyselaer; and returned visits to M. Van Berckel and M. Visscher. M. Gyselaer says, that at present there is no ready money (argent comptant) in the Republic, but in two months there will be, and the loan will go very well.

At noon I went to the house in the Grove, to make my court to the Prince and Princess of Orange.

The Prince either happened to be in a social humor, or has had some political speculations lately, for he thought fit to be uncommonly gracious and agreeable. He made me sit, and sat down by me, and entered into familiar conversation about the negotiations of peace. He asked many questions about it, and the probability of a speedy conclusion of the definitive treaty. At length he asked me, if Dr. Franklin was left alone. I answered, that Mr. Jay was with him. He asked, if I returned before the signature. I answered, that such was my intention. He asked, whether Dr. Franklin was an ambassador. I answered, that he was a minister plenipotentiary only. He asked, if none of us were ambassadors. I answered, that we all had the same rank of ministers plenipotentiary, and that congress had never yet made an ambassador. He said, he was astonished at that; that he had a long time expected to hear that we had displayed the character of ambassadors. I asked his Highness what reason he had for this, and what advantage there was in it. “Why,” said he, “I expected that your Republic would early assert her right to appoint ambassadors. Republics have been generally fond of appointing ambassadors, in order to be upon a footing with crowned heads. Our Republic began very early. We had eight ambassadors at the peace of Munster, one for each province, and one supernumerary. And we always choose to appoint ambassadors, for the sake of being upon an equality with crowned heads. There are only crowned heads, republics, and the electors of the empire, who have a right to send ambassadors; all others can only send envoys and ministers plenipotentiary. Princes cannot send ambassadors. I cannot, as stadtholder, nor as prince, nor in any other quality, send a minister of any higher order than an envoy or minister plenipotentiary.” He asked me, what was the reason the congress had not made use of their right. I answered his Highness, that really I did not know. It was a subject I had never much reflected on. Perhaps congress had not; or they might think it a matter of ceremony and of show, rather than substance; or might think the expense greater than the advantage. He said, it was very true the dignity of the rank must be supported; but he thought the advantage worth more than the expense.

I am utterly at a loss for his Highness’s motives for entering so minutely into this subject. Whether M. Van Berckel, before his departure, had mentioned it; whether he thought he should please me by it; whether he thought to please congress by it; whether he affected to interest himself in the honor of the United States; or whether any of the politicians of this or any other country have put him upon it, or whether it is mere accident, I know not. They are the words of a prince, and I have reported them very exactly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 25 July, 1783.

Sir,—

It is the general opinion here, both among the members of the States and at the Hôtel de France, that the delays of the definitive pacification are contrived by the Court of London, in order to set all their instruments at work in this Republic, to induce it to renew its ancient connections with Great Britain, particularly their alliance offensive and defensive, by which each power was bound to furnish the other, if attacked, a certain number of ships and troops. Against this the patriotic party is decided, and they are now very well satisfied with the grand pensionary, Bleiswyck, because he openly and roundly takes their side; and the Court is said to be discontented with him for the same reason. There is, no doubt, an intelligence and correspondence between the two Courts of London and the Hague to bring about this point. The grand pensionary told me yesterday that the Court of London desired it, and there were persons here who desired it, and he knew very well who they were; but that most certainly they would not carry their point. Van Berckel, Visscher, and Gyselaer all assured me of the same, and added, that the fear of this had determined them not to send a minister to London, but to go through with the negotiation at Paris, although they were all highly dissatisfied with the conduct of France, and particularly with that of the Count de Vergennes.

They all say he has betrayed and deserted them, played them a very bad trick (tour), and violated his repeated promises to them. They do not in the least spare M. Berenger and M. Merchant, who conduct the French affairs here in the absence of the Duc de la Vauguyon, but hold this language openly and freely to them. These gentlemen have sometimes found it hard to bear, and have winced, and sometimes even threatened; but their answer has been more mortifying still: “Do as you please. Drive the Republic back into the arms of England, if you will. Suppress all the friends of France, if you choose it.” And some of them have said, “we will go to America.” They all say that France had the power to have saved them; that the acquisition of Tobago was no equivalent to France for the loss of the Republic, &c., &c., &c. They are all highly pleased with the conduct of their own ambassador, Brantzen, with his activity, intelligence, and fidelity. They all say that they would send a minister to London to negotiate there, if they were sure of being able to carry an election for a man they could depend upon. But the Court here would have so much influence in the choice, that they would run a risk of sending a man who would insensibly lead them into a revival of the old ties with England, which, they say, is enslaving the Republic to that kingdom.

I learn here, from all quarters, a confirmation of what I had learned before at Paris from M. Brantzen and the Duc de la Vauguyon, namely,—that the Duke of Manchester had given them no answer, nor said a word to them for six weeks, in answer to the propositions they had made; among which was an offer of an equivalent for Negapatnam. They offered some establishments in Sumatra and Surat. Lately, the Duke of Manchester has received a courier, and has given an answer, that a real equivalent might be accepted. No answer is given to any other point, and this is vague; so that another courier must go to London and return. Parliament is now up, and perhaps the ministers may now be more attentive and less timorous.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, 28 July, 1783.

Sir,—

I find, upon inquiry, that there are in this Republic, at Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Dort, near one hundred and thirty sugar-houses. The whole of the raw sugars produced in Surinam, Berbice, Essequibo, and Demerara, are wrought in these houses; and, besides, raw sugars were purchased in Bordeaux and Nantes, after being imported from the French islands in French bottoms. Raw sugars were also purchased in London, which went under the general name of Barbadoes sugars, although they were the growth of all the English islands, and imported to London in British bottoms. I have learnt further, that great quantities of raw Brazil sugars were purchased in Lisbon, and that these were cheaper than any of the others. All these raw sugars were imported into Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Dort, and there manufactured for exportation. We must endeavor to obtain a share in this trade, especially with Lisbon or the Western Islands.

Since it is certain that neither Portugal, France, nor England, has been able to manufacture all its raw sugars, but each of them sold considerable quantities to the Dutch, I suppose that we may undoubtedly purchase such sugars in future in Lisbon, Bordeaux, Nantes, London, and perhaps Ireland, and carry them where we please, either home to America, or to Amsterdam, or to any part of Europe, and there sell them, and in this way promote our own carrying trade, as well as enable ourselves to make remittances. I cannot see why the English or French should be averse to their sugars going to America directly; and if they insist upon carrying them in their own ships, we may still have enough of them. The Dutch have the most pressing commercial motives to bring home their West India produce; yet they would really gain the most by opening a free communication with us, because they would the most suddenly make their colonies flourish by it.

Molasses and rum we shall have, probably, from all the islands,—English, French, and Dutch,—in our own bottoms, unless the three nations should agree together to keep the whole trade of their islands in their own ships, which is not likely.

I have made all the inquiries I could, and have sown all the seeds I could, in order to give a spur to our loan. Three thousand obligations have been sold, and the other two thousand are signed; but at this time there is a greater scarcity of money than ever was known. The scarcity is so great, that the agio of the bank, which is commonly at four or five per cent., fell to one and a half. The directors at length shut up the bank, and it continues shut. The English omnium, which at first was sold for eight or ten per cent. profit, fell to one and a half. The scarcity of money will continue until the arrival of the Spanish flotilla at Cadiz. Seven eighths of the treasures of that flotilla will come here, and make money plenty. Then we may expect that my obligations will sell.

In the mean time, I have great pleasure in assuring you, that there is not one foreign loan open in this Republic which is in so good credit, or goes so quick as mine. The Empress of Russia opened a loan of five millions about the same time that I opened mine. She is far from having obtained three millions of it. Spain opened a loan with the house of Hope at the same time for two millions only, and, you may depend upon it, it is very far from being full. Not one quarter part of the loan of France upon life-rents, advantageous as it is to the lender, is full. In short, there is not one power in Europe whose credit is so good here as ours. Russia and Spain, too, allow of facilities to undertakers and others, in disposing of their obligations, much more considerable than ours; yet all does not succeed. You will see persons and letters in America that will affirm that the Spanish loan is full, and that France and Spain can have what money they please here. Believe me, this is all stockjobbing gasconade. I have made very particular inquiries, and find the foregoing account to be the truth. Of all the sons of men, I believe the stockjobbers are the greatest liars. I know it has been given out that the Spanish loan which was opened at Hope’s was full the first day. This I know has been affirmed in the hearing of Americans, with a confidence peculiar, and with a design, I suppose, that it should be written or reported to congress. But I am now assured that it is so far from being true, that it is not near full to this hour. Let me beg of you, sir, to give Mr. Morris an extract of this, because I am so pressed for time that I cannot write to him.

Upon further inquiry concerning sugars, I find that the Dutch were used to purchase annually considerable quantities of the raw sugars of Spain, as well as of France, England, and Portugal. Some of these they obtained by a clandestine trade between Curaçao and Havana and St. Domingo; but the greater part were purchased at Cadiz. I suppose our merchants and masters of vessels will be as adroit at inventing and executing projects of illicit trade as others. But this is a resource that congress and the States cannot depend on, nor take into their calculations. Illicit trade will ever bear but a small proportion to that which is permitted. And our governments should take their measures for obtaining, by legal and honorable means, from Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, and Denmark, all the productions which our people may want for consumption, for manufacture, and for exportation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Amsterdam, 28 July, 1783.

Sir,—

Upon inquiry of those who best know, I see no probability of success from any application to authority in this country, for reasons which I have explained to our minister of foreign affairs. Our only resource is in the public opinion and the favor of the nation.

I know of nothing which would operate so favorably upon the public as the arrival of a few vessels with cargoes of American produce, addressed to your bankers, and appropriated to the payment of interest. The report of such an event would greatly augment our credit, by spreading the opinion of our ability and disposition to pay.

It would be presumption in me, at this distance, to undertake to advise you, who are upon the spot, and much better informed. But I beg leave to suggest the question, whether an application of congress to the States would not succeed. Suppose congress should represent to the States the necessity of an exertion, in order to obtain a loan at present, to enable you to satisfy the most urgent demands of the army and other public creditors, until the States can agree upon some permanent establishment, and should recommend to each State to furnish a cargo of its produce, in proportion to its rate upon the list. For example, South Carolina and Georgia a quantity of rice or indigo; Virginia and Maryland, of tobacco; Pennsylvania, of wheat or flour; and the northern States, of fish or any other thing. Suppose these cargoes, which need not be expensive for the thirteen States, should be sent to Amsterdam or anywhere else in Europe, the proceeds of sale to be remitted to Amsterdam to your bankers. The reputation of this, if well planned, adopted, and executed, would give a strong impulsion to your loan here.

I am but just arrived, and have not yet seen our bankers. Saturday and Sunday are usually spent at country seats. But before I leave this place, I shall be able to inform you more precisely, whether you may depend on any thing from hence. No pains of mine shall be spared. The British stocks are so low, that we may hope for something. If a minister is sent to London, you should give him a commission to borrow money. If he conducts the matter with secrecy and caution, he may probably obtain a considerable sum there. There are moneyed men in that country who wish us well. There are others who may easily be inspired with more faith in our funds than they can rationally have in their own. If, upon advising with proper persons, he should not judge it prudent to open a loan there, he might easily put things in a train for some individuals to purchase obligations in your loan in Amsterdam. So dismal are the prospects in England, that many men are on the wing to fly, and some would be willing to transfer their property across the Atlantic.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

St. Petersburg, 29 July, 1783.

My Dear Sir,—

’Tis done. The bolt of your Vulcan has hit its aim. The idea you mentioned to me some time since, relative to the use of the credit I had asked for, and which in reply I told you was not new to me, that the same had been repeatedly thrown out here by persons, whom to suspect of sinister or interested views would be deemed by some a most damnable, political heresy, has crossed the Atlantic, and gotten possession of congress. I am told, they will not buy a treaty at this day. But pray remark what I have said in my letter to you of the 21st of last May, relative to this subject, particularly in the last paragraph of it, beginning thus,—“Besides, I should not be surprised.”1 You may turn also to my letter of the 26th of the same month. But, contemptible beyond all contempt (pardon the expression) is the construction upon my instructions. Would it not put a pettifogger out of countenance to be detected in such a miserable thing? Pray, my friend, are you sufficiently versed in the diplomatic science to develop the whole meaning of the term “communicate,” and of the double &c.? These, Lord Coke observes, are very pregnant oftentimes. And that gentleman has read Lord Coke, and must, therefore, be an excellent commentator. But, lest he should not have read the text through, when he made his comment, I have laid it out at its full length before him. He may now comment upon it at leisure. I have thought it too plain to need any of mine.

Do not imagine, my friend, that I am angry, shall I say, at this Dutch commentator. No. I have other feelings respecting him and our much abused country. I recollect the cause of the instruction we received, relative to the fishery, at our departure. I recollect the fatal revocation of your power to conclude a commercial treaty with Great Britain. I call it fatal, because, if I am not deceived, we have lost forever the most important advantages of a free commerce with the British West Indies by that measure. We might have obtained every thing at the conclusion of our preliminary treaty, if our commissioners had had that power. This is evident from the bill of Mr. Pitt, the chancellor of the exchequer. This last stroke, I think, tops the system. A more favorable moment for negotiating a commercial treaty here, will, in all probability, never happen. The present views of Great Britain give us many advantages to draw forth convenient concessions. Can Russia see, with indifference, Great Britain holding out special favors for the encouragement of our naval stores? But I need not enter into particulars with you on these subjects, who have surveyed them on all sides. I send you inclosed my letter to Mr. Livingston.

I have several times acquainted congress of my wish and intention to return to America as soon as I had concluded a commercial treaty with her Imperial Majesty. In consequence of this, they have, by resolution, approved of my returning, “provided I should not be engaged in a negotiation with this Court at the time of receiving the resolution, in which case it is the desire of congress, that I should finish such negotiation before I return.” I am not engaged in any, as I have not yet had my audience; and to communicate, but not to sign, is beyond my comprehension, and, I believe, would surpass theirs also.1 If I should break through this cobweb, I should find myself stopped short by the other matter, which is essential. What is to be done in such circumstances? I answer, the wisest part it appears to me is to get out of them as soon as possible. But for this last difficulty, I would demand my audience as soon as the definitive treaty is concluded, enter immediately upon the negotiation of a treaty of commerce, and, maugre all comments, sign, ah, and seal, too, “the form and terms of a treaty” I should agree upon with her Majesty’s ministers. As it is, I say to myself, begone. I will be gone. And God grant, I may soon have the pleasure of meeting you in our country, and all friends well.

Yours, &c.

Francis Dana.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 31 July, 1783.

Sir,—

The last evening, at Court in the house in the Grove, where all the foreign ministers supped, the Count Montagnini de Mirabel, the minister plenipotentiary from the King of Sardinia, took an opportunity to enter largely into conversation with me. As he and I were at a party of politics, while the greatest part of the company were at cards, for two or three hours, we ran over all the world; but nothing occurred worth repeating, except what follows.

The Count said, that his advice to congress would be, to write a circular letter to every power in Europe, as soon as the definitive treaty should be signed, and transmit with it a printed copy of the treaty. In the letter, congress should announce, that on the 4th of July, 1776, the United States had declared themselves a sovereign State, under the style and title of the United States of America; that France, on the 6th of February, 1778, had acknowledged them; that the states-general had done the same on the 10th of April, 1782; that Great Britain, on the 30th of November, 1782, had signed with them a treaty of peace, in which she had fully acknowledged their sovereignty; that Sweden had entered into a treaty with them on the 5th of February, 1783; and that Great Britain had concluded the definitive treaty under the mediation of the two empires, if that should be the fact, &c. Such a notification to all the other powers would be a regular procedure, a piece of politeness which would be very well received, and the letter would be respectfully answered by every power in the world, and these written answers would be explicit and undeniable acknowledgments of our sovereignty. It might have been proper to make this communication in form, immediately after the declaration of independence; it might have been more proper to do it after the signature of the provisional treaty; but that it was expected it would be done after the definitive treaty; that these circular letters might be transmitted to your ministers for peace, or such of them as may remain, or to any of your ministers in Europe, to be by them delivered to the ministers at the Court where they are, or transmitted any other way; that congress must be very exact in the etiquette of titles, as this was indispensable, and the letters could not be answered nor received without it; that we might have these titles at the Count de Vergennes’s office with precision, &c.

The Count then proceeded to commerce, and said, that all the cabinets of Europe had lately turned their views to commerce, so that we should be attended to and respected by all of them. He thought we should find our account in a large trade in Italy, every part of which had a constant demand for our tobacco and salt fish at least. The dominions of the King, his master, could furnish us in exchange, oranges, citrons, olives, oil, raisins, figs, anchovies, coral, lead, sulphur, alum, salt, marble of the finest quality and gayest colors, manufactures of silk, especially silk stockings twenty per cent. cheaper than France, hemp, and cordage. He said, we might have great advantages in Italy in another respect. We had it in our power to become the principal carriers for the people of Italy, who have little skill or inclination for navigation or commerce. The (cabotage) carrying trade of Italy had been carried on by the English, French, and Dutch; the English had now lost it, the French had some of it, but the Dutch the most, who made an immense profit of it; for, to his knowledge, they sold in the Baltic, and even in Holland, many Italian productions at a profit of five or six for one; that we should have the advantage of them all. By bringing our tobacco and fish to Italy, we might unload at some of their ports, take in cargoes upon freight for other ports of Italy, and thus make coasting voyages, until we had made up our cargoes for return, or we might take in cargoes on freight for Germany or the Baltic. The Dutch, he said, would be the greatest losers by this rivalry, but as long as the Italians and Americans would be honestly gainers, neither need be anxious for that; that there was a very good port in his master’s dominions, which was perfectly free, where we might go in and out at pleasure, without being subject to duties, searches, or visits.

We then made a transition to Turkey. The Count could not, for his part, blame the Emperor for wishing to open the navigation of the Danube; his kingdom of Hungary was one of the finest countries in the world; it was one of the most fertile, producing in great abundance wines of various sorts, all excellent, though Tokay was the best; grains of every sort, in great quantities, metals of all sorts,—gold, silver, copper, iron, quicksilver; yet all these blessings of nature were rendered in a manner useless by the slavery of the Danube. The Emperor was very unfortunate, in having the Danube enslaved on one side, and the Scheldt on the other; and, in this age, when the liberty of navigation and commerce was the universal cry, he did not wonder at his impatience under it. He did not think that England would meddle in the dispute, as her trade to the Levant had declined. The Dutch had some still, but France had now the greatest part of it to Smyrna, Alexandria, Aleppo, in short, to all the trading towns of Turkey in Asia, for this is what is understood by the Levant trade. France, he thought, could not venture to engage in the war in earnest, in the present state of her finances.

I have learned, since I came here, that France is desirous that this Republic should declare herself concerning this Turkish war. But she will avoid it. Unhappily, France has lost much of her influence here. Her friends fear that the odium of losing Negapatnam will fall upon them, among the people. The English and the stadtholderians are endeavoring to detach the Republic entirely from France, and to revive the ancient connections, particularly the ancient alliance offensive and defensive, in the treaty of 1674. A Mr. Shirley, at Paris, has lately proposed to M. Boers and M. Van der Pere, two agents of the Dutch East India Company, who have been a year or two at Paris, and are reputed to be in the stadtholder’s interest, that England had the best dispositions towards the Republic, and would give them ample satisfaction, if they would treat distinctly from France, and renew the ancient, cordial friendship, and proposed an interview with the Dutch ambassadors upon this subject. The agents proposed it, but Brantzen refused, to the great satisfaction of the principal republicans. Yet M. Berenger tells me, that some of the republican members begin to be afraid, and to think they shall be obliged to fall in with the English.

Upon conversing with many people in government and out of it, in Amsterdam as well as the Hague, they all complain to me of the conduct of France. They all confess that the Republic has not done so much in the war as she ought; but this is the fault of the friends of England, they say, not those of France, and the worst evils of all, that befall the latter, are the reproaches of the former, who now say insultingly, “this comes of confiding in France; we always told you that you would be cheated,” &c. France ought, they say, to have considered this, and not have imputed to the Republic the faults of her enemies, because the punishment falls wholly on her friends.

I mention these things to you, because, although we are not immediately interested in them, they may have consequences which may affect us; and, therefore, you ought to know them. I think, however, upon the whole, the Republic will stand firm, and refuse to revive the alliance, though they sacrifice Negapatnam. France wishes to win the Republic into an alliance, but feels an awkwardness about proposing it, and, indeed, I doubt whether she would now succeed; she might have succeeded heretofore. But, in plain English, sir, the Count de Vergennes has no conception of the right way of negotiating with any free people or with any assembly, aristocratical or democratical. He cannot enter into the motives which govern them; he never penetrates their real system, and never appears to comprehend their constitution. With empires and monarchs and their ministers of state he negotiates aptly enough.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 1 August, 1783.

Sir,—

I had last evening some conversation with D. Joas Theolonico de Almeida, the envoy extraordinary of Portugal, who desired to meet me to-day at any hour at his house or mine. I promised to visit him at twelve, which I did.

He said, he had heard that the French minister had proposed to the Duke of Manchester, at Versailles, to reduce the duties upon French wines in England to the level of those upon Portugal wines, and begged of me to inform him if it were true, because, if it were, Portugal must endeavor to indemnify herself by opening a trade with America, or some other way, for such a project would be ruinous to the sale of their wines in England, which was their only market. I answered, that I had heard of such a project among multitudes of others in private conversation, but knew no authenticity for it. We have a treaty, said he, made in 1703, by which we have stipulated with the English, to permit the importation of their cloths, upon condition that they allow the importation of Portugal wines upon paying one third of the duty upon French wines; if they violate the treaty, we shall be rid of it.

I asked him, if his Court permitted the English or any other nation to go to the Brazils. In the last century, said he, between 1660 and 1670, we did agree with Charles II., who married a daughter of Portugal, that the English should go to the Brazils, and, after that, the Dutch sued for permission to go there too, and we granted it. But we found it inconvenient, and, in 1714 or 1715, at the treaty of Utrecht, we agreed upon an article with Spain, to exclude all nations from the Brazils, and as the English ambassadors were there, we have since held that nation bound, and have confiscated their vessels, as well as the Dutch, which ventured there. The English have sometimes made strong remonstrances, but we have always told them, if we admit you, we must admit the Dutch, too, and such has been their jealousy of the Dutch, and dread of their rivalry, that this has always quieted them, choosing rather to be excluded themselves, than that the Dutch should be admitted. So that this commerce has been a long time carried on in Portuguese ships only, and directly between the Brazils and Lisbon.

I asked him, whether we might not have free communication with all their Western Islands, and whether one or all of them might not be made a depot for the produce of the Brazils, so that Portuguese ships might stop and deposit cargoes there, and American vessels take them. He said he would write about it to his Court by the next post. At present, Brazil communicated only with Lisbon, and, perhaps, it might be difficult for government to secure the duties at the Western Islands. I asked, if there were any refineries of sugar at Lisbon. He said, none. Their sugars had all been brought here by the Dutch for refining; that all their carrying trade with other parts of Europe had been carried on by the English and Dutch; that their mercantile navigation (marine marchande), before this war, had been upon a very poor footing, but it was now much changed, and they began to carry on their trade in their own vessels. I observed, if their trade should continue to be carried on by others, it must be indifferent to them, whether it were done in English, Dutch, or American vessels, provided it was done to their equal advantage. But, if they should persist in the desire to conduct it in their own vessels, they might purchase ships ready built in America cheaper than they could build them or buy them elsewhere. All this, he said, was true. That they could supply us with sugars, coffee, cocoa, Brazil wood, and even with tea, for they had an island called Macao, near China, which was a flourishing establishment, and sent them annually a good deal of tea, which the Dutch usually bought very cheap at Lisbon to sell again.

He asked, whether Portugal wines had been much used in America. I answered, that port wines, common Lisbon, and Carcavallos had been, before the war, frequently used, and that Madeira was esteemed above all other wine; that it was found equally wholesome and agreeable, in the heats of summer and the colds of winter, so that it would probably continue to be preferred, though there was no doubt that a variety of French wines would now be more commonly used than heretofore. He said, they should have occasion for a great deal of our fish, grain, and perhaps ships or ship-timber, and naval stores and other things, and he thought there was a prospect of a very beneficial trade with us, and he would write largely to his Court upon it. I replied, that I wondered his Court had not sent a minister to Philadelphia, where the members and ministers of congress, and even the merchants of the city, might throw much light upon the subject, and assist in framing a treaty to the greatest possible advantage for both countries. He said, he would write for a commission and instructions to negotiate a treaty with me. I told him, that I believed his Court had already instructed their ambassador at Versailles to treat with Dr. Franklin; but that I thought that Philadelphia or Lisbon was the most proper place to treat, and that I feared mutual advantages might be lost by this method of striking up a bargain in haste in a distant country, between ministers who could not be supposed to have made of commerce a study.

In a letter from Paris yesterday, I am informed that a project of a treaty with Portugal, and another with Denmark, are to go home by Captain Barney. These projects have never been communicated to me nor to Mr. Jay. I hope that congress will not be in haste to conclude them, but take time to inform themselves of every thing which may be added, to the mutual advantage of the nations and countries concerned. I am much mistaken, if we have not lost advantages by a similar piece of cunning in the case of Sweden.

With great respect and esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 2 August, 1783.

Sir,—

M. Berenger, the secretary of the French legation, has this moment left me. He came in to inform me of the news. The Empress of Russia has communicated to the King of Prussia a treaty of alliance between the Emperor of Germany and her, defensive against the Christian powers, and offensive against the Turk. The King of Prussia has answered her, “that he is very sensible upon this communication, as one is upon the communication of things of great importance.” Thus wrapped up in an impenetrable reserve is this great warrior and statesman. We may discern by this answer, what all the world would know without it, namely,—that his Majesty has no joy in this new alliance. Still he expresses no sorrow, and maintains a perfect liberty to take which side he will, or neither, at his pleasure, and the same reserve he will probably hold to the end of the war.

M. Berenger says, if Prussia is neutral, France must be so, too, for she cannot cope by land with the two Empires; that this Republic is desired to declare, but does not choose it; that they are dissatisfied, and the republicans murmur a good deal, and are wavering, and that the other party will do nothing; that England, hitherto, has favored an accommodation between Russia and the Turk; that the British ambassador at Constantinople has coöperated with the French to bring about an accommodation; that the Turks have offered Russia the free navigation of the Black Sea and passage of the Dardanelles, and the same, with a free navigation of the Danube, to the Emperor, but they will not accept it, but are determined to drive the Turks from Europe; that France has determined to put her army upon a war footing, because it has been much neglected during the late war; that he believes France and Spain will shut the Mediterranean against a Turkish fleet, as Russia, Sweden, and Denmark excluded warlike vessels from the Baltic in the last war; that this state of things gives him great pain, and must embarrass the Count de Vergennes. It is a great and difficult question, whether France should take a side. If she does not, and the Empires should prevail, it will be an immense aggrandizement of the house of Austria, which, with Russia, will become two great maritime powers; that England will act an insidious part, pretend to favor peace, secretly foment war, and join in, at the end, if she sees a favorable opportunity to crush France. These are sensible observations of M. Berenger, who added, that a new difficulty in the way of the definitive treaty had arisen between England and Spain, respecting the Musquito shore, so that more couriers must go and return.

I confess myself as much in pain at this state of things as M. Berenger, and, therefore, I wish most ardently, that we may omit no proper means of settling our question with every Court in Europe, and especially our plan of commerce with Great Britain. If this is too long left in uncertainty, the face of things may soon change, so as to involve us in the complicated, extensive, and long war which seems to be now opening.

My advices from England are, that Lord Sheffield, with his friends,—Deane, Arnold, Skene, and P. Wentworth,—are making a party unfriendly to us; that the ministry adopt their sentiments and measures; that Fox has lost his popularity, and devoted himself to North, who has the King’s ear, and disposes of places; that Burke is mad with rage and passion; that the honest men are much disgusted that there is no parliamentary reform, the merchants that commerce does not revive, the moneyed men at their wit’s end on account of the conduct of the bank, and the army and navy disbanding in a spirit of revolt; that it is much to be feared that in a year there will be a convulsion in the State, and public credit ruined; that the present ministry cannot stand to the meeting of parliament, for that nothing has been or can be done by them.

The prospect of returning to Paris, and living there without my family, in absolute idleness, at a time when so many and so great things want to be done for our country elsewhere, is very disagreeable. If we must live there, waiting for the moving of many waters, and treaties are to be there negotiated with the powers of Europe, or only with Denmark and Portugal, I pray that we may all be joined in the business, as we are in the commission for peace, that, at least, we may have the satisfaction of knowing what is done, and of giving a hint for the public good, if any one occurs to us, and that we may not be made the sport and ridicule of all Europe, as well as of those who contrive such humiliations for us. I declare, I had rather be door-keeper to congress, than live at Paris as I have done for the last six months.

With the greatest respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 3 August, 1783.

Sir,—

The fiscal systems of the powers of Europe have such an ill influence on commerce, that they deserve the serious attention of congress and their ministers, whenever they have under consideration a treaty with any foreign power. In conversation yesterday with M. d’Asp, the chargé des affaires of Sweden, I inquired of him what imposts were payable in their ports upon the importation and exportation of merchandises, and observed to him, that I had lately seen in the gazettes that the King had taken off certain duties upon the importation of merchandises from America, in Swedish ships. He agreed that such a thing had been done. This ought to alarm us. All the powers of Europe who are called neutral, have felt a sudden increase of their navigation in the course of the late war, and the profits they have made have excited a desire to augment it still further. If they should generally exact duties of our ships, and none of their own, upon the importation of our produce, this will be as great a discouragement to our navigation as it will be an encouragement to theirs. Whether this has been attended to in the treaty with Sweden, I know not, for I have not seen it. But it ought to be carefully considered by those who negotiate the treaties with Denmark and Portugal, the Emperor and Empress, and all other powers. We have a good right to insist that no distinction shall be made in their ports between their ships and ours; that we should pay in their ports no higher duties than they pay in ours.

I should think it, therefore, advisable for congress to instruct their negotiators, to endeavor to obtain equity in this respect. This is the time for it, if ever. If we cannot obtain it by negotiation, we must think and talk of doing ourselves justice by making similar distinctions, in our own ports, between our vessels and theirs. But here again comes in the difficulty of uniting our States in such measures; a difficulty which must be surmounted, or our commerce, navigation, and marine will still be ruined, notwithstanding the conservation of the fisheries. It deserves to be considered by whom this new method of huddling up treaties at Paris is contrived, and for what purposes. It may well be conjectured, that it is done with the secret intention of preventing these things from being attended to; for there are persons who had rather that any other people should have navigation than the Americans. I have good reasons to believe that it was known at Versailles, that Mr. Dana had well digested his thoughts upon this subject, which was reason enough for some people to endeavor to take Sweden out of his hands, in whose department it was. Their success is much to be lamented.

I had, yesterday and the day before, long conversations with the Baron Van der Capellen de Pol and M. Gyselaer. They both complain to me, in the most pathetic terms, of the cruel situation of the friends of America and France in this Republic. They both say, that they are looking round every way like drowning men for support. The Province of Friesland, their great dependence, wavers, and many of their fellow-laborers are discouraged. They both inquired of me, very earnestly, if closer connections could not be formed with us; if we could not agree to warrant to each other the liberty of navigation, or enter into an alliance offensive and defensive. They see they shall be obliged to make a shameful peace, and that the blame of it will fall upon them, which will give a triumph to the Court, and put their persons even in danger. They say, the King of France, by his ambassador, in July, 1782, gave them a positive assurance that he would never separate his cause from theirs. In consequence of this, they had instructed their ambassadors never to separate their cause from his. On their part, the agreement had been sacredly observed, but not on the other. With Great Britain enraged against them, with a formidable party in the Republic furious against them, with the King of Prussia threatening them, and abandoned by France, their prospects are, they say, as disagreeable as can be conceived.

There are many appearances of designs to excite the people to seditions, and I think it probable that the Court of London studies delays of the definitive treaty in this hope. I still believe, however, that the people will be wise, and the Republic firm, and submit to the immense losses of the war, and that of Negapatnam, rather than renew their old submission to the Court and to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 10 August, 1783.

Sir,—

On the 6th I left the Hague, and last night arrived here. I had several interviews on some of the last days at the Hague, which I had not time to give you an account of, as a great part of my time was taken up with visits to take leave of the Court, the president, the grand pensionary, greffier, &c., ceremonies which must be repeated at every coming and going, and upon many other occasions, to the no small interruption of business of more importance.

I asked the Count de Sanafée, the Spanish minister, with whom I have always lived upon very good terms, whether it might not be possible to persuade his Court, that it would be good policy for them to allow to the citizens of the United States of America a free port, in some of their islands at least, if not upon the continent of South America. He said, he did not know; that he thought, however, his Court would be afraid of the measure, as free ports were nests of smugglers, and afforded many facilities of illicit trade (le commerce interlope).

I asked him further, whether measures might not be taken at Madrid, to the end that the sugars, coffee, cocoa, &c., of their Colonies might be carried to the free ports of France, Holland, and Denmark, in the West Indies, or one of them, in Spanish vessels, that they might be there purchased by Americans. He said, he was not able to foresee any objection against this. I asked him again, what objections there could be to admitting American vessels to the Spanish islands of Cuba and Hispaniola, to carry their produce and purchase molasses, as they did in the French and Dutch Colonies. Such a commerce would be useful and profitable both to them and to us. He said, that he could not pretend to give any opinion upon any of these points; but that we must negotiate them at Madrid. I hope congress will instruct their minister at the Court of Madrid to propose all these things, and endeavor to obtain them.

The Portuguese envoy, Don Almeida, returned my visit, and brought with him a copy of the treaty between Spain and Portugal, made at Utrecht, in 1715. This treaty was signed under the warranty of Great Britain, and one article of it is, that each nation shall confine the commerce with its possessions in America to its own subjects. I had much satisfaction in the conversation of this minister, who, though a young man, appears possessed of more than common intelligence, and a desire to inform himself of every thing which can affect his nation. He is, as he told me, a nephew of the present prime minister at the Court of Lisbon. He says, that the King, his master (a style which they continue to use, although the Queen is the sovereign, and her husband is but her subject) allows but sixty thousand Dutch guilders a year to his ambassador at Versailles, which not being sufficient for his expenses at that Court, he is continued there because he is very rich; but that he is not a man of business.

He again enlarged upon the subject of Portuguese navigation, which has been prettily increased (très joliment augmentée) during the late war, and would have been still doubled, if the war had continued another year; that their merchants and mariners had pushed their navigation with more spirit than skill; had sent their wines and other things in prize vessels purchased in France and Spain, all over Europe; but that their seamen not being experienced, many vessels had been lost, so that the price of insurance was ten per cent. with them, when it was not more than three or four with other neutral nations; that the profits had nevertheless been so considerable, as to excite a strong inclination still to increase their shipping and carrying trade. These observations are worth repeating to congress, because all the other neutral powers have felt a like advantage. The commerce of the northern powers was so increased, and had turned the course of business that way to such a degree, as occasioned to the Danish minister, at Versailles, for example, a loss of forty per cent. upon his salary. So much was exchange affected.

The late belligerent powers having observed this sudden increase of the commerce of the neutrals, and that it was owing to the sudden growth of their navigation, are alarmed. So that the attention of all the commercial nations is now turned to navigation, carrying trade, coasting trade, &c., more than ever. We should be apprised of this, and upon our guard. Our navigation and carrying trade is not to be neglected. We have great advantages for many branches of it, and have a right to claim our natural share in it.

This morning I went out to Passy, and found, from Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, that nothing farther had been done since my departure, but to deliver to Mr. Hartley a fair copy of the project of a definitive treaty which I had left with my colleagues; that Mr. Laurens had been here in my absence, and returned to England; that he was of opinion, the present British ministry would not remain a fortnight; that Mr. Hartley had been seven weeks without a letter from his principals, and then received only an apology for not having written, a promise to write soon, and authority to assure the American ministers that all would go well. These last are words of course. There are but three ways in which I can account for this conduct of the British ministry. 1. The fact is, that they foresee a change and do not choose to commit themselves, but wish to reserve every thing for the foundation of a future opposition, that they may attack the definitive treaty which may be made by a future ministry, as they attacked the provisional and preliminary one, made by the last. 2. That they are exciting secretly and insidiously the troubles in the north, in hopes of involving France, and then assuming a higher tone. 3. That they are in expectation that seditions may be excited in Holland, and the Dutch induced to renounce France, and renew the ancient alliance with England.

I see no more appearance of the definitive treaty than I have done these six months. Mr. Hartley, I am told by Mr. Jay, thinks that the French Court wish to delay the signature; that they do not wish to see the peace finished between England and America, while matters are uncertain in the north. There are so many considerations on both sides of the question, whether the French minister wishes to finish soon or not, that it is hard to decide it. Neither Court possibly is very zealous to finish, while so great a scene as the northern war lies under so much obscurity.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 13 August, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday I went to Court with Dr. Franklin, and presented to the Count de Vergennes our project of a definitive treaty, who told us he would examine it, and give us his sentiments upon it.

It was ambassadors’ day, and I had conversations with a number of ministers, of which it is proper I should give you an account.

The Dutch ambassador, Berkenrode, told me, that last Saturday the Count de Vergennes went to Paris, and dined with the imperial ambassador, the Count de Mercy, in company with the Duke of Manchester, the Count d’Aranda, the Prince Bariatinski, and M. Markow, with their secretaries; that, after dinner, the secretaries, in presence of all the ministers, read over, compared, and corrected the definitive treaties between France and Great Britain, and between Spain and Great Britain, and finally agreed upon both. So that they are now ready for signature by the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain, as principals, and by those of the two Imperial Courts as mediators.

The Duke of Manchester told me, that Mr. Hartley’s courier, who carried our project of a treaty, arrived in London last Saturday, and might be expected here next Saturday on his return.

In the evening, on my return from Versailles, Mr. Hartley called upon me at my house, and informed me, that he had just received a courier from Westminster, who had brought him the ratification of our provisional treaty, under the King’s own hand, and under the great seal of the kingdom, inclosed in a silver box, ornamented with golden tassels as usual, which he was ready to exchange to-morrow morning. He informed me, farther, that he had received very satisfactory letters from the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fox, and the strongest assurances that the dispositions of his Court were very good to finish immediately, and to arrange all things upon the best footing; that he had farther received plenary authority to sign the definitive treaty to-morrow or to-night, if we pleased; that he had received a draft ready formed, which he would show us.

We agreed to go together in the morning to my colleagues; and this morning we went out in Mr. Hartley’s carriage, exchanged the ratifications, and he produced to us his project of a definitive treaty. It is the provisional treaty in so many words, without addition or diminution. It is only preceded with a preamble, which makes it a definitive treaty. And he proposed to us, that all matters of discussion, respecting commerce or other things, should be left to be discussed by ministers, to be mutually appointed to reside in London and Philadelphia.

We told him, that it had been proposed to us, that the ministers of the two Imperial Courts should sign the treaty as mediators, and that we had answered that we had no objection to it. He said, he had unanswerable ones. First, he had no authority, and could not obtain any, certainly under ten days, nor probably ever. For, secondly, it would, he thought, give great offence to his Court, and they never would agree that any nation should interfere between them and America. Thirdly, for his part, he was fully against it, and should write his opinion to his Court. If he was about to marry his daughter, or set up a son in the world, after he was of age, he would never admit any of his neighbors to intervene, and sign any contract he might make, as mediators. There was no need of it.

We told him there was no need of warmth upon the occasion, or any pretence for his Court to take offence; that it had been proposed to us that the imperial ministers should sign as mediators. Our answer had been, that we had no objections; that we were willing and ready to consent to it, or even to request it. His Court had a right to consent or dissent, as it thought proper. To be sure, the mediation could not take place without their consent. That he might write to his Court the proposition, and if he received orders to consent or dissent, it would be equally well. In the mean time, we were ready to sign the definitive treaty, either with or without the mediation, whenever the other parties were ready to sign, according to his project just received from his Court, that is, simply a repetition of the provisional treaty.

We have agreed to this, because it is plain that all propositions for alterations in the provisional articles will be an endless discussion, and that we must give more than we can hope to receive. The critical state of things in England and at the Court of Versailles, and in all the rest of Europe, affords pressing motives to get this business finished.

Mr. Hartley told us from his Court, that they had expected an American minister at St. James’s these three months, and that all further matters might be there discussed. He also announced to us the birth of another princess, the fifteenth child of the Queen, upon which event he received our congratulations, which I hope congress will approve, and repeat by their minister in London; for these personal and family compliments are more attended to in courts, and have greater effects, than may be imagined.

I lament very much that we cannot obtain an explanation of the article respecting the refugees, and that respecting debts; but it is plain we must give more than they are worth for such explanations; and what is of more decisive importance, we must make a long delay, and put infinitely greater things at hazard by this means.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 13 August, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday, at Versailles, the Baron de Walterstorff came to me, and told me he had delivered to Dr. Franklin a project of a treaty between the Court of Denmark and the United States, and asked me, if Dr. Franklin had shown it to me. I answered him, that I knew nothing of it. He said, he wondered at that; he presumed it was because of my absence at the Hague, for that it had been shown to Mr. Jay. There, by the way, he was misinformed; for, upon my return from Versailles, I called upon Mr. Jay, on purpose to ask him, and he assured me he had not seen it. I asked Walterstorff, if his orders were to propose his project to us all. He said, no; this Court had been informed, that Dr. Franklin was the minister authorized and empowered by congress to treat with all the powers of Europe, and they had for this reason sent him orders to deliver the project to Dr. Franklin, but he supposed Dr. Franklin would consult his colleagues. The same information, I doubt not, has been given to the Court of Portugal and every other Court in Europe, namely,—that Dr. Franklin is alone empowered to treat with them; and, in consequence of it, very probably, propositions have been, or will be made, to him from all of them, and he will keep the whole as secret as he can from Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, and me.

Now I beg to be informed by congress, whether he has such authority or not. Having never been informed of such powers, I do not believe he has them. I remember there was, seven years ago, a resolution of congress, that their commissioners at Versailles should have power to treat with the other powers of Europe; but, upon the dissolution of that commission, this authority was dissolved with it; or, if not, it still resides in Mr. Deane, Mr. Lee, and myself, who were once in that commission, as well as Dr. Franklin. And if it is by virtue of this power he acts, he ought at least to communicate with me, who alone am present. I think, however, that neither he nor I have any legal authority, and, therefore, that he ought to communicate every thing of this kind to all the ministers here or hereabout; Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and myself, at least.

It is not from the vain wish of seeing my poor name upon a treaty, that I write this. If the business is well done, it is not of much importance in itself who does it. But my duty to my country obliges me to say, that I seriously believe this clandestine manner of smuggling treaties is contrived by European politicians on purpose that Mr. Jay and I may not have an opportunity of suggesting ideas for the preservation of American navigation, transport trade, and nurseries of seamen. But, in another point of view, it is of equal importance. This method reflects contempt and ridicule upon your other ministers. When all Europe sees that a number of your ministers are kept here as a kind of satellites to Dr. Franklin in the affair of peace, but that they are not to be consulted or asked a question, or even permitted to know the important negotiations which are here going on with all Europe, they fall into contempt. It cannot be supposed that congress mean to cast this contempt upon us, because it cannot be supposed they mean to destroy the reputation, character, influence, and usefulness of those to whom in other respects they intrust powers of so much consequence; and, therefore, I am persuaded that congress is as much imposed on by it as the Courts of Europe are.

I asked the Baron, what was the substance of the treaty. He said, his Court had taken for a model my treaty with Holland. I said nothing to him in answer to this, but I beg leave to say to congress, that the negotiation with Holland was in very different circumstances. We were then in the fiercest rage of the war. A treaty with that Republic was at that time of as much weight in the war as the captivity of Burgoyne or Cornwallis. A treaty with any power was worth a battle or a siege, and no moments of time were to be lost, especially in a country so divided, that, unanimity being necessary, every proposition was dangerous. At present, the case is altered, and we may take time to weigh and inquire. The Baron tells me that St. Thomas and St. John, two of their islands, are free ports, but that St. Croix, which is of more importance than both, is not; that foreign vessels, our vessels, are permitted to bring our produce and carry away half the value in sugar, &c. The island produces, communibus annis, twenty thousand hogsheads of sugar, and their molasses is better than that of the French, because they make only “sucres brutes.” He says, they have some sugar-houses at Copenhagen. But, notwithstanding this, I think it is worth while for congress to try if they cannot, by the treaty, obtain a right to take away cargoes to the full value of those they bring. It is worth while to try, too, if we cannot obtain a tariff, to ascertain the duties to be paid on exportation and importation. It is worth while, too, to endeavor to get the duties ascertained in the Danish ports in Europe, at least that we may not pay in their ports more than they pay in ours; or that our vessels may not be obliged to pay more than theirs, especially when we import our own produce. I pretend not to be a master of these commercial subjects, but I think that Dr. Franklin has not studied the subject more than myself; that both of us need the advice of Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay, and that all of us want that of American merchants, and especially of congress. I am, therefore, against this secret and hasty method of concluding treaties, at this time, when they may be more maturely reflected on.

I know very well to what ill-natured remarks these reflections are liable, but they shall not hinder me from doing my duty. I do seriously believe, there are clandestine insinuations going about to every commercial nation in the world, to excite them to increase their own navigation and seamen at the expense of ours, and that this smuggling of treaties is one means of accomplishing the design, although Dr. Franklin may not be let into the secret of it. For, from long experience and observation, I am persuaded that one minister at least and his dependents would prefer that the navigation of any nation in the world, even that of the English, should grow, rather than ours. In the last Courier de l’Europe, it is said that all the commercial powers are concerting measures to clip the wings of the eagle, and to prevent us from having a navy. I believe it. That is to say, I believe measures are taken with them all to bring them into this system, although they are not let into the secret design, and do not know from whom the measures come, nor with what views promoted.

With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 15 August, 1783.

Sir,—

France, England, Spain, and America are all agreed; but Mr. Hartley is sanguine that the treaty will not be signed, because, he says, the Count de Vergennes does not mean to sign it. His reasons for this opinion I know not, and I think he is mistaken. It is very certain, however, that the French minister is embarrassed, and would not, perhaps, be sorry to find good reasons for postponing the signature for some time.

Congress may judge in some degree of the situation of things, by the following conversation which I had this morning with M. Brantzen, the ambassador extraordinary from the States-General, to whom I returned the visit he made me yesterday, when I was abroad.

He told me, “that he was as far, and indeed farther than ever, from an agreement with the Duke of Manchester. He had given up, he said, all pretensions to a compensation for the unjust damages of the war, and he had in a manner waved his claim of the restitution of Negapatnam. But the Duke of Manchester now insisted peremptorily upon, not only all the ancient salutations from the Dutch flag to the English, but an unlimited liberty of navigation in all the seas of the East Indies. He had despatched an express to the Hague the day before yesterday, who would arrive to-day; but the grand pensionary was sick, and the states of Holland not sitting; so that there must be some time before he could have an answer. Concerning the salutes to the flag, there would be different opinions, but they would be all of a mind against the liberty of navigation in the Indies. He could not, therefore, expect from their High Mightinesses permission to sign, and the Count de Vergennes would be embarrassed. All the other powers were ready, and to make them wait would raise a cry.

“To sign without Holland would raise a terrible storm in Holland against the Count, and no small one in France. And even if the States should authorize him to sign a shameful peace, this would raise no less clamor in Holland and France against the Count. He will, therefore, not know what to do, and will seek to postpone; for the parties of the Marquis de Castries and of M. de Breteuil will take advantage of every clamor against the Count, as these parties wish M. de Breteuil in his place. I am persuaded, therefore, that the Count himself looks upon his own situation as very hazardous. It has been so a long time. It was his instability in his place that made him sign the preliminaries, for money to carry on the war could not be obtained without M. Necker, and M. Necker would not come in with the Count, as they were and are sworn enemies to each other. He was, therefore, reduced to the dilemma to make peace or go out. I have good reasons to believe that the Maréchal de Castries disapproves of the Count’s conduct towards our Republic. He certainly deceived me. The states-general did very wrong to bind me to leave so much to the French minister; but I thought him an honest man, and that I could trust him; so I left things to him, according to my instructions, depending on his word, and at last I found myself the dupe. No, not a dupe, for I am always upon my guard not to be a dupe. But he deceived me; and when one whom I have reason to believe an honest man deceives me, I cannot call myself a dupe, for I can do no other than believe an honest man, when he gives me his word.”

In several of your letters, sir, you have insisted on my reciting to you my conversations with foreign ministers. You must not esteem them infallible oracles. They are often mistaken in their facts, and sometimes wrong in their reasonings. But these sentiments of M. Brantzen are of so much importance, that I thought proper to recite them. It will, indeed, be necessary for your foreign ministers to be more inquisitive than we have been, and to transmit to congress more information concerning the intrigues of courts than we have done. If the Maréchal de Castries and M. de Breteuil, who is now in the council, and M. Necker, are not friends to the Count de Vergennes, and all the world here agree they are not, congress ought to know it. Although I would have so much respect to the Queen, as not to name her Majesty upon unnecessary occasions, yet, upon this, when she is sister to the Emperor, and the question at Court is, whether there shall be a war with her brother, it is obviously a matter of so much importance, as to make it a duty to communicate to congress her sentiments, which all men here agree are favorable to de Castries and Breteuil, but not partial to the present minister of foreign affairs. I said, in a former letter, if this minister continues, there will be war; but I am told by some, if there is war, he cannot continue; for neither he nor his friends can raise the money. M. de Rayneval, however, affirmed positively to Mr. Hartley, that nothing but death could remove the Count.1

All these things show the critical and uncertain constitution of this Court, and the uncertainty when the definitive treaty will be signed, notwithstanding that four powers are agreed, and, therefore, I can give congress no clear information upon that head. This is a great chagrin to me, both on account of the public and myself, because I am as uncertain about my own destiny as that of the public.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 5 September, 1783.

Sir,—

On Wednesday, the 3d day of this month, the American ministers met the British minister at his lodgings at the Hôtel de York, and signed, sealed, and delivered the definitive treaty of peace between the United States of America and the King of Great Britain. Although it is but a confirmation or repetition of the provisional articles, I have the honor to congratulate congress upon it, as it is a completion of the work of peace, and the best that we could obtain. Nothing remains now to be done, but a treaty of commerce; but this, in my opinion, cannot be negotiated without a new commission from congress to some one or more persons. Time, it is easy to foresee, will not be likely to render the British nation more disposed to a regulation of commerce favorable to us, and, therefore, my advice is, to issue a commission as soon as may be.

There is another subject on which I beg leave to represent to congress my sentiments, because they seem to me of importance, and because they differ from many sanguine opinions, which will be communicated to the members of that assembly from partisans both of England and France.

In the late deliberations concerning an acceptance of the mediation of the Imperial Courts, the British minister refused it, and in the conferences we had with the Count de Vergennes upon this subject, it was manifest enough to me that he was not fond of our accepting it; for, although he maintained a perfect impartiality of language, neither advising us for nor against the measure, yet, at last, when it was observed that Mr. Hartley was averse to it, he turned to Dr. Franklin, and said that we must agree with Mr. Hartley about it, with such a countenance, air, and tone of voice (for from these you must often collect the sentiments of ministers) as convinced me he did not wish the mediation should take place.

It was not a subject which would bear insisting on, either way. I therefore made no difficulty. But I am, upon recollection, fully of opinion that we should have done wisely to have sent our letter to the imperial ministers, accepting the mediation on our part. The signature of these ministers would have given us reputation in Europe and among our own citizens. I mention these, because I humbly conceive that congress ought, in all their proceedings, to consider the opinion that the United States or the people of America will entertain of themselves. We may call this national vanity or national pride, but it is the main principle of the national sense of its own dignity, and a passion in human nature, without which nations cannot preserve the character of man. Let the people lose this sentiment, as in Poland, and a partition of their country will soon take place. Our country has but lately been a dependent one, and our people, although enlightened and virtuous, have had their minds and hearts habitually filled with all the passions of a dependent and subordinate people; that is to say, with fear, with diffidence, and distrust of themselves, with admiration of foreigners, &c. Now, I say, that it is one of the most necessary and one of the most difficult branches of the policy of congress to eradicate from the American mind every remaining fibre of this fear and self-diffidence on one hand, and of this excessive admiration of foreigners on the other.

It cannot be doubted one moment that a solemn acknowledgment of us by the signature of the two Imperial Courts would have had such a tendency in the minds of our countrymen. But we should also consider upon every occasion how our reputation will be affected in Europe. We shall not find it easy to keep up the respect for us that has been excited by the continual publication of the exploits of the war. In the calm of peace, little will be said about us in Europe unless we prepare for it, but by those who have designs upon us. We may depend upon it, every thing will be said in Europe and in the gazettes which anybody in Europe wants to have repeated in America, to make such impressions upon the minds of our citizens as he desires. It will become us, therefore, to do every thing in our power to make reasonable and just impressions upon the public opinion in Europe. The signature of the two Imperial Courts would have made a deep and important impression in our favor upon full one half of Europe, as friends to those Courts, and upon all the other half, as enemies.

I need not explain myself further. I may, however, add, that Americans can scarcely conceive the decisive influence of the governments of Europe upon their people. Every nation is a piece of clockwork, every wheel is under the absolute direction of the sovereign as its weight or spring. In consequence of this, all that moiety of mankind that are subject to the two Imperial Courts and their allies, would, in consequence of their mediation, have been openly and decidedly our friends at this hour, and the other half of Europe would certainly have respected us the more for this. But, at present, the two Imperial Courts, not having signed the treaty, all their friends are left in a state of doubt and timidity concerning us. From all the conversations I have had with the Count de Mercy and M. Markow, it is certain that the two Courts wished, as these ministers certainly were ambitious, to sign our treaty. They and their sovereigns wished that their names might be read in America, and there respected as our friends. But this is now past. England and France will be most perfectly united in all artifices and endeavors to keep down our reputation at home and abroad, to mortify our self-conceit, and to lessen us in the opinion of the world. If we will not see, we must be the dupes; we need not, for we have in our own power, with the common blessing, the means of every thing we want. There is but one course now left to retrieve the error, and that is, to send a minister to Vienna with power to make a treaty with both the Imperial Courts. Congress must send a minister first, or it will never be done. The Emperor never sends first, nor will England ever send a minister to America until congress shall have sent one to London.

To form immediate commercial connections with that half of Europe which ever has been, and with little variations ever will be, opposite to the House of Bourbon, is a fundamental maxim of that system of American politics which I have pursued invariably from the beginning of this war. It is the only means of preserving the respect of the House of Bourbon itself; it is the only means in conjunction with our connections with the House of Bourbon, already formed, to secure us the respect of England for any length of time, and to keep us out of another war with that kingdom. It is, in short, the only possible means of securing to our country that peace, neutrality, impartiality, and indifference in European wars, which, in my opinion, we shall be unwise in the last degree, if we do not maintain. It is, besides, the only way in which we can improve and extend our commercial connections to the best advantage.

With great respect, I am,

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 8 September, 1783.

Sir,—

Yesterday morning, Mr. Jay informed me, that Dr. Franklin had received, and soon after the Doctor put into my hands the resolution of congress of the 1st of May,1 ordering a commission and instructions to be prepared to those gentlemen and myself for making a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. This resolution, with your Excellency’s letter, arrived very seasonably, as Mr. Hartley was setting off for London with information from us that our powers were executed.

I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this resolution of congress, and of the great importance of the business committed to our care; and shall not, therefore, hesitate to take a part in it. I can attend to this business, and at the same time have some care of your affairs in Holland; and in case the present loan should be full in the course of the next winter, I can open a new one, either by going to Amsterdam, or by having the obligations sent to me in Paris to be signed. In this way there will be no additional expense to the public, as I have informed M. Dumas that there must be no expense made at the Hague on my account, or on account of congress, but that all his expenses must be borne by himself, or he must at least settle them with congress. I have so much regard for this gentleman, and such an opinion of his worth and merit, that I cannot but recommend him upon this occasion to congress, for the commission of secretary of that legation; but as economy is and ought to be carefully attended to, I presume not to point out the salary which will be proper. There are so many ways of pillaging public men in Europe, that it will be difficult for congress to conceive the expenses which are unavoidable in these countries.

If the principle of economy should restrain congress from sending ministers to Vienna, Petersburg, Copenhagen, and Lisbon, they will probably send a commission to Paris to negotiate treaties there, because I think it will appear to be of great importance, both in a political and commercial light, to have treaties with those powers. If this should be the case, as three of us will be now obliged to attend at Paris the tedious negotiation with England, we can all at the same time, and with the same expense, attend to the negotiations with the other powers, which will afford to all an opportunity of throwing in any hints which may occur for the public good, and will have a much better appearance in the eyes of Europe and America. I do not hesitate, therefore, to request, that if such a commission or commissions should be sent, all your ministers in Europe may be inserted in it. If the arrangement should make any difficulty in America, it will make none with me; for, although I think there was good reason for the order in which the names stand in the new commission for peace, and in the resolution for a new commission for a treaty of commerce, that reason will not exist in any future commission.

Mr. Hartley’s powers are sufficient to go through the negotiation with us, and I suppose it will be chiefly conducted at Paris; yet we may all think it proper to make a tour to London, for a few weeks, especially in case any material obstacle should arise. We are told that such a visit would have a good effect at Court and with the nation; at least, it seems clear it would do no harm.

With the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 8 September, 1783.

Sir,—

As the resolution of congress of the 1st of May has determined it to be my duty to remain in Europe at least another winter, I shall be obliged to say many things to your Excellency by letter, which I hoped to have had the honor of saying upon the floor of your house. Some of these things may be thought at first of little consequence, but time, and inquiry, and consideration, will show them to have weight. Of this sort is the subject of this letter.

The views and designs, the intrigues and projects of courts, are let out by insensible degrees, and with infinite art and delicacy, in the gazettes. These channels of communication are very numerous, and they are artificially complicated in such a manner, that very few persons are able to trace the sources from whence insinuations and projects flow. The English papers are an engine by which every thing is scattered all over the world. They are open and free. The eyes of mankind are fixed upon them. They are taken by all courts and all politicians, and by almost all gazetteers. Of these papers, the French emissaries in London, even in time of war, but especially in time of peace, make a very great use; they insert in them things which they wish to have circulated far and wide. Some of the paragraphs inserted in them will do to circulate through all Europe, and some will not do, in the Courier de l’Europe. This is the most artful paper in the world; it is continually accommodating between the French and English ministry. If it should offend the English essentially, the ministry would prevent its publication; if it should sin against the French unpardonably, the ministry would instantly stop its circulation; it is, therefore, continually under the influence of the French ministers, whose underworkers have many things translated into it from the English papers, and many others inserted in it originally, both to the end that they may be circulated over the world, and particularly that they may be seen by the King of France, who reads this paper constantly. From the English papers and the Courier de l’Europe many things are transferred into various other gazettes,—the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Deux Ponts, the Courier d’Avignon, and the Gazette des Pays Bas. The gazettes of Leyden and Amsterdam are sometimes used for the more grave and solid objects, those of Deux Ponts and Avignon for popular topics, the small talk of coffee-houses, and still smaller and lower circles.

All these papers and many others discover a perpetual complaisance for the French ministry, because they are always in their power so entirely, that if an offensive paragraph appears, the entrance and distribution of the gazette may be stopped by an order from Court, by which the gazetteer loses the sale of his paper in France, which is a great pecuniary object. Whoever shall hereafter come to Europe in any public employment, and take in the papers above enumerated, will acknowledge his obligations to me for mentioning them. He will find them a constant source of amusement, and sometimes of useful discoveries. I may hereafter possibly entertain congress with some curious speculations from these gazettes, which all have their attention fixed upon us, and very often honor us with their animadversions, sometimes with their grave counsels, but oftener still, with very subtle and sly insinuations.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 10 September, 1783.

Sir,—

As I am to remain in Europe for some time longer, I beg leave to take a cursory view of what appears necessary or expedient to be further done in Europe; for I conceive it to be not only the right, but the duty of a foreign minister, to advise his sovereign, according to his lights and judgment, although the more extensive information and superior wisdom of the sovereign may frequently see cause to pursue a different conduct.

With Spain, no doubt, congress will negotiate by a particular minister, either the present one or another, and perhaps it would be proper that the same should treat with Naples. With the two Empires, Prussia, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia, and Tuscany, I humbly conceive, it might be proper to negotiate, and perhaps with Hamburg; but there are other powers with whom it is more necessary to have treaties than it ought to be; I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli.

I presume that congress will not think it expedient to be at the expense of sending ministers to all these powers, if to any. Perhaps in the present state of our finances, it may not be worth while to send any. Yet the present time is the best to negotiate with all. I submit it to consideration, then, whether it is not advisable to send a commission to such ministers as you judge proper, with full powers to treat with all, to the ministers now in Paris, or to any others. But I humbly conceive, that if powers to treat with all or any of these States are sent to any of your ministers now here, it would be for the public good, that they should be sent to all. If congress can find funds to treat with the Barbary powers, the ministers here are the best situated, for they should apply to the Court of Versailles and their High Mightinesses in the first place, that orders should be sent to their consuls, according to treaties, to assist us. Ministers here may carry on this negotiation by letters, or may be empowered to send an agent, if necessary. I have no private interest in this business. My salary will be the same, my expenses more, and labor much increased by such a measure. But, as it is of public importance, I think that no unnecessary delicacies should restrain me from suggesting these hints to congress. Whatever their determination may be, it will be satisfactory to me.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

Your Excellency’s, &c.

John Adams.

ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783.

Sir,—

I have been duly honored with your Excellency’s favors of the 5th, 10th, and 11th of July.1 I have taken the liberty to make some extracts from the two latter, which are transmitted in a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy whereof is inclosed. Permit me, sir, to give my feeble approbation and applause to those sentiments of wisdom and integrity which are as happily expressed as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of strengthening our confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal constitution, begins to be most seriously felt. But, unfortunately for America, the narrow and illiberal prejudices of some have taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove impracticable to remove them.

I agree with you, sir, in opinion, that the late peace was not, all circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is, undoubtedly, a peace equally glorious to, and necessary for, America. All ranks of men in this country feel, as well as perceive, the benefits of it, and the fault-finders (for such men there always will be) are borne down by the general torrent of applause.

I was happy to learn, by the Washington packet, that you intended a short trip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and abilities; I shall ask no greater.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

Robert Morris.

(Inclosed.)

ROBERT MORRIS TO THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783.

Sir,—

I should do injustice to my own feelings, if I did not inclose you the extracts of letters I have lately received under date of the 10th and 11th July, from a wise and virtuous citizen of your State. The sentiments on public credit, contained in these letters, so just and forcible in themselves, must receive a double weight from the consideration, that Mr. Adams, during his late important negotiations, has been in a situation to see, feel, and know the importance of the subject on which he writes, and to search, scrutinize, and examine it to the bottom.

I am, sir, &c.

Robert Morris.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 16 October, 1783.

Sir,—

Some time having elapsed since we had the honor of addressing your Excellency, we now take the liberty of informing you, sir, of our having received letters from Mr. Morris, giving us intelligence of certain drafts which he had partly already made on us, and which he should yet make, though the total amount together was much more than we now have in cash for the United States of America. His Excellency is in the idea that before this time we should have provided that for which M. Grand may have occasion, though, not exactly knowing what that may be, we have given the necessary advice to M. Grand, that he must place no reliance upon being furnished by us; and we thought it advisable, also, to give your Excellency the same notice.

It is exceedingly painful for us to be obliged to say that the success of the loan, since the month of August, is not such as we had reason to expect, when in the summer we had the honor of conversing with your Excellency. Besides the uncommon scarcity of money, a principal cause of the loan not succeeding is the great number of accounts received of disputes in America between the particular States and congress. It is true, this intelligence is mostly communicated by the English newspapers, and is worthy of little or no credit, even as we ourselves look upon it; but it makes more impression upon the money-lenders, who always incline to mistrust without cause, especially at a time when, through a great concurrence of loans, they are not at a loss with their money. We are constantly hoping we shall be able, by receiving direct intelligence from America, to evince the falsehood of the English accounts, or that your Excellency or the other ministers would do it but to this time is this hope not realized. If your Excellency was in possession of authentic intelligence upon this matter, we think the publication of it would do much service in procuring a better success to our continual endeavors for selling of the bonds.

In sentiments of the greatest respect, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nich. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Princeton, 1 November, 1783.

Sir,—

I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your several public letters, under the dates of June the 23d to July the 18th inclusive, by Captain Barney. Nothing is done, in consequence of these letters, but what is contained in the instructions inclosed in my official letter by this opportunity to the commissioners jointly.

Congress have not come to any further determination on your last letters relative to your resignation, on account of the peace arrangement not being yet settled. Perhaps there will be but very few ministers employed in Europe, and these in the character of residents or simply ministers.

The conduct of Great Britain does not appear yet very conciliating, and her measures on this side the water have rather tended to irritate than otherwise. Congress will not be in a hurry to send a minister to the Court of London till they see how the definitive treaty will end. We have an account this day from Colonel Ogden, that it was signed on the 3d of September, and that Mr. Thaxter is on his way with it, whom we long to see.

Your letters on the subject of our credit abroad, and the strengthening and cementing the union at home, came at a happy moment, and have had a very good effect. Your countrymen were running wild on this subject, but your observations and opinion have helped to check them, and the legislature of Massachusetts have passed the five per cent. impost recommended by congress.

M. Van Berckel is arrived, and yesterday received his first public audience of congress. His address and our answer I send to the commissioners jointly. He appears to justify the high opinion we had formed of the wisdom of the states of the United Netherlands. Their choice of a minister so consonant to the temper and manners of the citizens of these States, shows their judgment and prudence. We are much pleased with this gentleman, and, as far as I can judge from present appearances, I may venture to predict that he will cement the union of the two Republics.

I shall leave the chair of congress on Monday, and return to private life at Elizabethtown, after almost eight years spent in the service of my country. I rejoice to have seen the end of all our labors so happily accomplished, and shall ever revere those great men who have lent a helping hand to the glorious work. In private or public life, I shall be always glad of the honor of a line from you, sir, if but to announce your health and welfare.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Elias Boudinot.

ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, 5 November, 1783.

Sir,—

I am honored with your Excellency’s favor of the 28th of July, from Amsterdam, for which I pray you to accept my acknowledgments. I am perfectly in sentiment with you, that it is best to avoid government interference in the affair of our loan. If there were no other reason, I should not like the demand of grateful acknowledgment which would be erected on that foundation. We hear enough already of our national obligations, and I most heartily wish, for my own part, that we could at once acquit them all, even to the uttermost farthing; for I seriously believe that both nations and individuals generally prove better friends, when no obligations can be charged, nor acknowledgments and retributions claimed on either side.

I am also very strongly in opinion with you, that remittances from this country would greatly uphold our credit in Europe, for, in mercantile life, nothing vivifies credit like punctuality and plenteousness of remittance. The plan you propose to obtain them, might also be attended with some good consequences; but there are impediments in the way of its success, which it would be tedious to detail, and which indeed you could not be so perfectly master of without being on the spot. I shall not, therefore, go into that matter at present, and the more especially as we have now good hopes that the plan of congress will be adopted by the States. Last evening I received advice that Massachusetts had acceded, and I have a double pleasure in announcing this to you, as they certainly would not have come in but for the sentiments contained in your letters.

Let me then, my dear sir, most heartily congratulate you on those virtuous emotions which must swell your bosom at the reflection that you have been the able, the useful, and, what is above all other things, the honest servant of a Republic, indebted to you in a great degree for her first efforts at independent existence. That you may long live to enjoy those pleasing reflections which flow from the memory of an active and beneficial exercise of time and talents, is the sincere wish of your most obedient and humble servant,

Robert Morris.

E. A. HOLYOKE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Salem, 6 November, 1783.

Sir,—

Your Excellency’s favors done to the Massachusetts Medical Society call for their most grateful acknowledgments;1 and it is at their desire I now inclose to your Excellency the copy of a vote from their records, expressive of the gratitude they feel and the obligations they are under to your Excellency for your kind attention to their interests, and for the honor done them by introducing them to an acquaintance with so respectable a body as the Société Royale de Médecine at Paris, to which, permit me, sir, to add my own personal thanks; and as while we continue to prosecute the ends of our institution, we are promoting the cause of science and humanity, so we shall still hope for the continuance of your Excellency’s good offices.

I have the honor to be, &c.

E. A. Holyoke.

(Inclosure.)

At a meeting of the Massachusetts Medical Society in Boston, October 15, 1783,—

Voted, unanimously, that the thanks of this Society be returned to his Excellency John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States of America, for his early attention to the interests and honor of the Massachusetts Medical Society, and for his assiduous endeavors to introduce the institution to the notice of the Royal Society of Medicine at Paris.

A true copy from the records.

N. W. Appleton,Secretary.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

London, 9 November, 1783.

Sir,—

About the 14th of September I was seized at Paris with a fever, which proved to be a dangerous one, and brought me very low, so that I was unable to attend to any business for some time. On the 20th of October, in pursuance of the advice of my friends, I set out from Auteuil, a village in the neighborhood of Passy, for London, which city I reached by slow journeys the 26th. I found my strength increase as I advanced, and my health is so much improved that I am persuaded the last sickness has been of service to me, having never enjoyed, since my great sickness at Amsterdam, so good health as at present. Mr. Jay had set off for London about ten days before me, and, since my arrival, we have been much together, and have found every thing agreeable, notwithstanding the innumerable and incessant lies and nonsense of the newspapers.

As I came here in a private capacity altogether, I have not visited any one of the ministers, nor any one of the foreign ambassadors, and I am inclined to think, upon the whole, that I shall not, unless we should receive the commission to treat of commerce which congress resolved on the 1st of last May, while I stay here.

The whig part of the present administration are much embarrassed with the tory part and their refugees; so that the spirit of the present administration, I must in duty say, is not so friendly to the United States as it ought to be; for want of powers, however, we can reduce nothing to a certainty. We expect every day to receive our commission and instructions.

Mr. Hartley thinks himself empowered to finish the business with us by his former commission. The ministry are of the same opinion; and it is no doubt true; so that as soon as our commission and instructions arrive we shall enter upon the conferences. But whether we shall go to Paris, or Dr. Franklin will come here, at present I know not. The negotiation, I am persuaded, would succeed better here than at Paris.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO WILLIAM ELLERY AND OTHERS.

London 12 November, 1783.

Gentlemen,—

I duly received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 26th of May,1 with two addresses inclosed,—one to the ministers and churches of the reformed in Holland, the other to those in France,—and it should have been answered sooner, had not a long sickness prevented. I am duly sensible of the honor you do me, gentlemen, by confiding this benevolent office to my care; and it would give me great pleasure to be able to give you encouragement to hope for success.

But solicitations of this kind are considered so differently in America and in Europe, that an appointment which would be considered as very honorable in the former, is regarded in the latter in a different light. This diversity of sentiment is so real and so serious, that, in the opinion of others, as well as in my own, it is inconsistent with the public character I have at present the honor to hold under the United States, for me to accept of this. It is agreed on all hands, that my name appearing in this business would do a great injury to the loan of which I have the care in Holland, so that I must beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to make my apology to the Second Congregational Church in Newport for declining a trust which my regard to their constitution, as well as their welfare and my personal respect for you, would have induced me to accept with pleasure, had it been compatible with my duty.

On occasion of a great fire in Charlestown formerly, and of the application of Dartmouth College lately, I have seen that there is such a degree of ridicule attends such solicitations of benevolence in Europe, that I cannot advise you to expect any relief this way. If you were to send an agent on purpose, in my opinion, he would not obtain enough to pay his expenses.

With great respect and esteem,

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

London, 13 November, 1783.

Sir,—

If any one should ask me what is the system of the present administration, I should answer, “to keep their places.” Every thing they say or do, appears evidently calculated to that end, and no ideas of public good, no national object, is suffered to interfere with it.

In order to drive out Shelburne, they condemned his peace, which all the whig part of them would have been very glad to have made, and have gloried in the advantages of it. In order to avail themselves of the old habits and prejudices of the nation, they now pretend to cherish the principles of the navigation act, and the King has been advised to recommend this in his speech, and the lords have echoed it in very strong terms.

The coalition appears to stand on very strong ground; the lords and great commoners, who compose it, count a great majority of members of the house of commons who are returned by themselves, every one of whom is a dead vote. They are endeavoring to engage the Bedford interest with them, in order to strengthen themselves still more, by persuading Thurlow to be again chancellor, and Mr. Pitt, whose personal popularity and family weight with the nation are very desirable for them, is tempted with the place of chancellor of the exchequer, which Lord John Cavendish, from mere aversion to business, wishes to resign.

While they are using such means to augment their strength, they are manifestly intimidated at the sight of those great national objects which they know not how to manage. Ireland is still in a state of fermentation, throwing off the admiralty, post-office, and every other relic of British parliamentary authority, and contending for a free importation of their woolen manufactures into Portugal, for the trade to the East Indies, to the United States of America, and all the rest of the world, in as ample manner as the English enjoy these blessings. The Irish volunteers are also contending for a parliamentary reform, and a more equal representation in their house of commons, and are assembling, by their delegates, in a congress at Dublin, to accomplish it. This rivalry of Ireland is terrible to the ministry; they are supposed to be at work to sow jealousies and divisions between the Protestants and Catholics in Ireland.

The East Indies exhibit another scene which will be formidable to the ministers. Here centre the hopes of England; and it is certain that no system can be pursued which will give universal satisfaction. Some require the government to take that whole country into their own hands; others demand aids in cash, and troops to the company. Opposition will be first formed probably upon Indian affairs.

Public credit is the greatest object of all. The necessary annual expense, comprehending the interest of the whole national debt, funded and unfunded, and the peace establishment, will amount to near seventeen millions. The annual receipts of taxes have never yet amounted to thirteen millions. Here will be a deficiency, then, of near four millions a year, which will render an annual loan necessary, until the debt will be so increased, and the stocks so sunk, that no man will lend his money. The judicious will call upon ministers for a remedy, and will embarrass them with their reproaches; but the stockjobbers are more numerous than the judicious, and more noisy. These live upon loans, and as long as ministers borrow twelve millions a year, and employ the stockjobbers to raise it, however certainly the measure tends to ruin, their clamors will be for ministers. An enormous loan is the most popular thing a statesman can undertake; so certain is the bankruptcy of this country! Opposition will declaim upon this topic, but will make no impression.

The United States of America are another object of debate. If an opposition should be formed and concerted, I presume that one fundamental of it will be a liberal conduct towards us. They will be very profuse in professions of respect and esteem and affection for us; will pretend to wish for measures which may throw a veil over the past, and restore, as much as possible, the ancient good will. They will be advocates for some freedom of communication with the West Indies, and for our having an equitable share of that carrying trade, &c. Administration, on the other hand, I am confident, will with great difficulty be persuaded to abandon the mean, contemptible policy which their proclamations exhibit.

In my humble opinion, the only suitable place for us to negotiate the treaty in, is London. Here, with the most perfect politeness to the ministry, we may keep them in awe. A visit to a distinguished member of the opposition, even if nothing should be said at it about public affairs, would have more weight with ministers than all our arguments. Mr. Jay is, I believe, of the same opinion. But we shall not conduct the negotiation here, unless Dr. Franklin should come over. Indeed, if congress should join us in a commission to treat with other powers, in my opinion, we might conduct the business better here than in Paris. I shall, however, cheerfully conform to the sentiments of my colleagues. The delay of the commission is to me a great embarrassment; I know not whether to stay here, return to Paris or the Hague; I hope every moment to receive advices from congress which will resolve me.

I received yesterday a letter from Mr. Hartley, with the compliments of Mr. Fox, and that he should be glad to see me, proposing the hour of eleven to-day, which I agreed to. Mr. Jay saw him one day this week. Mr. Jay made him and the Duke of Portland a visit on his first arrival; they were not at home. But he never heard from them until my arrival, ten days or a fortnight after. Informed of this, I concluded not to visit them, and did not; but after a very long time, and, indeed, after Mr. Hartley’s return from Bath, messages have been sent to Mr. Jay and me, that Mr. Fox would be glad to see us. It is merely for form, and to prevent a cry against him in parliament for not having seen us, for not one word was said to Mr. Jay of public affairs, nor will a word be said to me.

The real friendship of America seems to me the only thing which can redeem this country from total destruction. There are a few who think so here, and but a few, and the present ministers are not among them; or at least, if they are of this opinion, they conceal it, and behave as if they thought America of small importance. The consequence will be, that little jealousies and rivalries and resentments will be indulged, which will do essential injury to this country as they happen, and they will end in another war, in which will be torn from this island all her possessions in Canada, Nova Scotia, and the East and West Indies.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 2 December, 1783.

Sir,—

The relation in which we have the honor to stand with your Excellency, concerning the American loan, makes it our duty to inform your Excellency of the following circumstances.

We received, some time since, a letter from Mr. Morris, dated 5th August, by which he advised us, that he had determined to value upon us by his drafts till the amount of half a million florins. We calculated, at that time, that the balance we had in hands, with the net proceeds of the cargo of tobacco of the ship Sally, would not be sufficient to pay those drafts; and that in case we should have no opportunity to sell one or two hundred bonds at least, we were exposed to a disbursement of about the amount of that value. Notwithstanding this, we took the resolution to honor the mentioned drafts, and determined that we should advance the deficient money, if, at the time of their payment, we should not have so much cash. We did not hesitate to give assurances of this in our answer to Mr. Morris, exposing, however, at the same time, the very disagreeable circumstances in the business of the loan. This our letter to Mr. Morris was dated 11 July, and we hope he will have received the same speedily. Our next and following letters were no less discouraging, because, notwithstanding our repeated endeavors, we could not make an engagement, nor dispose of any quantity of bonds.

When this happened in Europe, Mr. Morris must, at the same time, have been in the best expectation about the business, since he advises us by his letter of the 1st October that he was informed (though through an indirect channel) that your Excellency’s journey to Holland had given a new spring to the American credit, and that the loan was going on well. This being the case, he determined to value on us to the amount of half a million more, which, together with the other half million, makes a whole million of florins, for payment of which we have only in cash (the net proceeds of the sold tobacco included) near four hundred thousand florins.

We received this advice last Sunday, and assembled in the afternoon to agree with one another what we should do in those circumstances. We were very much mortified about it, apprehending that those drafts might soon be offered for acceptance, and knowing the very little appearance, or almost impossibility, of a better success in the loan, within the time when the drafts will become due. And we are sorry to inform your Excellency that our apprehensions were but too well founded, since already, the next day, about two hundred thousand florins were offered.

In this disagreeable position, we determined to send immediately an express to his Excellency B. Franklin, at Paris, with a letter, whereby we informed him of what was going on, and desired that he should inform, whether perhaps M. Grand had a balance in favor of the United States, and that he should order that balance kept at our disposal. But if there should be no balance in the hands of M. Grand, or if the balance should not be of such a large sum, then we desired that Mr. Franklin should give his ministerial word to provide us, or to do honor to our drafts to the amount of, half a million of florins, in case we should come into the necessity to make use of such an operation, which will very likely, or almost certainly, be unavoidable. The express went the same evening, and we take the liberty to send your Excellency here inclosed a copy of our letter to Mr. Franklin for your perusal.

We are very sorry that Mr. Morris gives so much credit to an indirect advice, the authenticity of which we are ignorant of, because it is certain that thereby he exposes the whole American credit in Europe. For in case the answer of Mr. Franklin should not be quite satisfactory, and that, by consequence, we should be put to the necessity of declining the acceptance of the drafts, we fear it will cause a great cry and give a discredit to America. We hope it will not happen; and that in the mean time your Excellency and congress will look upon our offer to Mr. Franklin to honor Mr. Morris’s drafts upon his promise and guaranty, and also upon the expediting of the express, as proofs of our zeal and endeavors to remove every thing that might do any mischief to the American credit.

We have the honor to remain, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

P. S. After having written our letter to your Excellency, the greatest part of the holders of Mr. Morris’s drafts, being Jews, whom it doth not suit to wait for the acceptance of their remittances, have determined to make them protested, which we could not prevent. We have given for answer, that we had not received the advice, and that we desired the bills should be offered again for payment when due, which we thought to be the best answer to preserve the credit of the drafts as much as we possibly could. The amount of those protested bills is about one hundred and seventy thousand florins.

We are sorry to observe a second time, that Mr. Morris promised not to distribute his drafts till some time after the advice, and that, a few days after, they come up. The first time was by his letter of 5 August, when he had determined to draw two hundred thousand florins, or perhaps till five hundred thousand, but he would only dispose of the bills as occasion might require, which must have been soon after, as we observed by the appearance of the bills. Now, by his letter of 1 October, the bills for the amount of the second half million of that date were lying in his hands to be disposed of during that month and the succeeding, or even perhaps in December, and by the numbers of the bills we presume that almost the whole sum must have been disposed of before the 26 of October, which, as far as we know, is the date of the last letters from Philadelphia. This is very disagreeable to us, and it seems but reasonable, that Mr. Morris should have waited some time longer, after his advice, with the distribution of his drafts, by which means it might have been possible to make some arrangement here in Europe, and to prevent the misfortune to which he has now exposed his drafts.

We have again the honor, &c.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

London, 5 December, 1783.

Sir,—

Commodore Jones is just arrived from Philadelphia with despatches. Those directed to the ministers I opened. One contained nothing but newspapers and proclamations. The other contained a letter “to the commissioners” and a set of instructions. The letter bears date the 1st of November; the instructions, the 29th of October. A remaining packet is directed to you alone, but probably contains a commission to us all to treat of commerce with Great Britain.

Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens are at Bath, and the bearer is inclined to go on to Paris. I shall send on the despatches, and depend upon your sending us the earliest intelligence, if you find a commission, in the packet to you, in pursuance of the resolution of the 1st of May last, because that parliament must do something before they rise respecting the trade, and their proceedings may probably be somewhat the less evil for knowing beforehand that there is in Europe a power to treat.

I shall wait with some impatience to hear from you, because, if there is no commission under cover to you, in which I am named, I shall go to the Hague, and there take up my abode for some time. I have just received a letter from Willink & Co., which shows that money is exhausted, and credit too. He incloses me his letter to you, but I fear you will not be able to assist him.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

London, 7 December, 1783.

Dear Sir,—

The night before last, Commodore Jones arrived with despatches from congress. Two packets were directed to “the ministers,” and one larger one to Dr. Franklin. The two first I opened; one of them contained nothing but newspapers, the other contained a private letter from the president, and a set of instructions to the ministers for peace. These I copied, and sent on the originals to Passy, together with the packet to Franklin unopened. If it is found to contain a commission to us in conformity to the resolution of the 1st of last May, the Doctor will inform us by the first post, if not by express.

In the mean time, I wish to consult with you, if it were possible, upon our new instructions, which chalk out some new business for us. I would send you a copy of them, if I were not afraid of ministerial curiosity. Mr. Bingham makes me think you will soon be here.

I inclose herewith a letter from the president to you, and another to Mr. Laurens, which I must beg the favor of you to deliver to him, as I do not know his address.

Mifflin is the new president, and congress have adjourned to Annapolis, and are to sit, after some time, one year at Georgetown on Potomac, and one year on the Delaware. Colonel Ogden had arrived with the news of the signature of the definitive treaty, but Thaxter had not in the first week in November.

Barney’s destination is Havre-de-Grace, and his orders are positive to sail in three weeks for Philadelphia.

Mr. Morris has drawn so many bills upon my bankers in Amsterdam, that a number have been protested for non-acceptance; so that if Mr. Grand cannot assist in preventing the protest for non-payment, the catastrophe must now come on. This you will not mention at present.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

London, 14 December, 1783.

Gentlemen,—

I have received your letter of the 2d of December, and am extremely sorry to learn that a number of Mr. Morris’s bills have been protested.

You did very prudently in writing immediately to Mr. Franklin, to inquire if M. Grand could afford you any assistance. I hope you have received a favorable answer. I am waiting for answers from Mr. Franklin to letters written to him, to determine whether I am to return to Paris or the Hague. But I do not know that I could be of any service to you, if I were in Holland.

With much esteem, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 23 December, 1783.

Sir,—

We do ourselves the honor, in answer to your Excellency’s esteemed favor of 14 December, to hand you copies inclosed of the letters both of Dr. Franklin and M. Grand, by which you will be pleased to observe that the contents are by no means favorable to our purpose.

By the Washington packet, we have again been favored with his Excellency Robert Morris’s letters, with advice of new drafts to the amount of seven hundred and fifty thousand florins, which is nothing less than an augmentation of the difficulties we labor under to dispose the undertakers and moneylenders to take obligations, which is all to no purpose, since they seem informed that the Emperor and Russia, after the example of Sweden, will augment the interest; which expedient France actually sets on foot with its loan to open in January, of one hundred million of livres. This has already induced us to offer them some higher premium, to which we thought ourselves fully authorized by the circumstances and the drafts of Mr. Morris. To prevent their being protested (when due) for non-payment, which his Excellency writes us to prevent at all events, we have taken into consideration, whether it was not proper to apply to the regency of our city to obtain for the undertakers some facilities, by which means we might move them to take obligations enough to enable us to do due honor to all the drafts of the superintendent of finance. We are, therefore, sorry to see your Excellency is uncertain whether you will come to Holland, since we suppose that a proper application made in your especial quality to our regency might prove not unsuccessful.

However, as no time can be lost, to leave space to our regency for deliberating on this subject, and to have their resolution before the bills become due, we take the liberty to pray your Excellency, in case you are not to come here very soon, to favor us with a letter in your public capacity, for our pensionary, Van Berckel, by which you pray him to dispose favorably of the request we present to the regency, to promote the course of the loan, which condescension will be looked upon by congress as a real proof of our city of their friendship to the United States, who will not fail to put the right value on the same.

If this expedient should not prove successful by this application to the magistrate, there remains one way left, and the only one; that your Excellency be pleased to authorize us to make a new loan of four millions of florins, of which the interest comes out to six per cent. per annum, in which case we should not be destitute of hopes of succeeding. But, without doubt, we fear to be obliged to allow to the undertakers some more premium, which we shall not do, except from the greatest necessity, and with particular economy.

And as Mr. Morris mentions to us that he pays said interest in America, we venture to suppose that he can have no objection to allow us the same here; and the more, as not only all his drafts would be honored by it, and a considerable sum over become at his disposal, whilst there is no prejudice to credit in augmenting the interest. This is only following the example other powers have given, and to which our state, admiralties, East India Company will be obliged to come, to find money for the large loans they stand in need to make. Hence we conclude that those powers who resolve the first to augment the interest will succeed, and leave it very uncertain for those who follow to be equally happy.

In case your Excellency approve of our ideas, and judge it proper to send us at all events an authorization, we pray to add an assurance to it, that the loan done in consequence will be duly approved and ratified by congress. We shall inform his Excellency Mr. Morris, of this our application to your Excellency, and hope to convince hereby both you and him of our uninterrupted endeavors for the interest of congress.

We have the honor to be, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 26 December, 1783.

Sir,—

At the beginning of this week, having many letters to despatch relating to the business of the United States, we agreed together upon their contents, and every one of us charged himself with part of the work. Mr. Willink promised to write a letter to your Excellency, and a short time before the departure of the mail, he sent it to the other houses for signing. We observed, he had not been very fortunate in the expression of our common ideas; however, there being no time for composing another letter, we put our names under his composition.

But, being in doubt whether your Excellency will sufficiently understand the meaning, and the matter being very interesting for the United States, we hope your Excellency will excuse us if we endeavor to supply the defect of that letter. If the matter was of less importance, we would not do it, for reasons which will be very apparent to your Excellency; but we presume that those reasons ought to be postponed, when there is danger that, by too much delicacy, the interests of the United States might suffer. We venture this step without the knowledge of our companions, in the intent only to serve your Excellency; we depend, therefore, upon your friendship, that you will do us the favor not to mention any thing about this address in your letters to the three houses.

Your Excellency is informed, that, by the present situation concerning the loan, and the dispositions of the treasurer, we have been in the very disagreeable necessity to decline the acceptance of half a million guilders, and again of seven hundred and fifty thousand guilders. We are informed, that if the last mentioned sum should return through want of payment, congress is not to pay any charges upon the return, in consequence of an agreement made with the houses who took the bills. But we presume, that, notwithstanding this, it will be a great advantage to the States, if we are able to pay them; and we know that the expenses attending the return of the half million, and the disappointment resulting from it, will be of such consequences, that we do not doubt but we are not only authorized to exert our utmost endeavors to dispose of a quantity of bonds, but even to allow some more remedium to the undertakers than we stipulated at the beginning with your Excellency. It is almost impossible at this time to obtain an engagement with these gentlemen, unless we should make such stipulations, which, however, we look upon as very prejudicial.

Considering this, and besides, that the not paying of the drafts would occasion a stagnation of commerce in the spring, because several bills are remitted to certain people, who are to send out goods for their amount, we thought it merited the attention of our government, and we have therefore mentioned the matter to a couple of very patriotic members of our magistracy, and desired their assistance for such encouragements as might facilitate the business. We had the satisfaction to find that they were fully convinced of the fatal consequences of the return of the bills, and that they promised to assist us in a further application, which, on this assurance, we have determined to make. We are in hopes it will be effectual, but we believe, at the same time, that your Excellency being present and approving of our idea, would give a great weight to our address; and, therefore, we should wish that, in case your other important business would permit that step, your Excellency would make a trip to this country. However, considering the present season, and that perhaps other important things concerning the United States may make it impossible for your Excellency to comply with our desire, we request you will write a letter to M. Van Berckel, Pensionary of this city, to recommend the business, and we have reason to think this will do very well.

Mr. Willink has added another scheme of a new loan for four millions at six per cent. It is true that the interests of loans are rather augmented since the time you opened the loan for the United States, and we do not decline that plan, in case we should have the misfortune of a disappointment from the magistracy. However, we, for our private opinion, should prefer first to complete the former loan at five per cent. Besides, we think it necessary to inform your Excellency, that whenever you shall give the preference to this scheme, and authorize us to put it in execution, it will not be done without granting a remedium to the undertakers.

We have the honor to be, &c.

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst.

[1 ]This alludes to the following passage in a letter of Mr. Laurens:—

“Mr. S. will communicate as much of the state of public affairs in this country as probably I know. My knowledge extends not much beyond appearances. These do not please me; but I am told that I shall be better pleased in a few days. Meantime, a certain noble lord, now a little beclouded, has not failed to take the necessary advantage of his success in obtaining the ‘provisional treaty’ without ‘the knowledge or the participation of the great and good ally of America.’ For argument’s sake, I admit the fact. What then? John Adams & Co. may be hanged, but no damage will arise to the United States. I shall endeavor honestly to defeat his Lordship’s pious designs. I suspected his Lordship’s goodness, when he offered to make me a present of myself.”

[1 ]No trace of this medal remains among the effects of Mr. Adams.

[1 ]Dr. Franklin.

[1 ]The key to Mr. Dana’s cipher is missing. Most probably, the figures stand for Dr. Franklin and the French ministry.

[1 ]

Proclamation at the Court of St. James, the 2d of July, 1783.

Present, the King’s Most Excellent Majesty in Council.

“Whereas, by an act of parliament, passed this session, entitled an ‘act for preventing certain instruments from being required from ships belonging to the United States of America, and to give his Majesty, for a limited time, certain powers for the better carrying on trade and commerce between the subjects of his Majesty’s dominions and the inhabitants of the said United States;’ it is amongst other things enacted, that, during the continuance of the said act, ‘it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty in council, by order or orders to be issued and published from time to time, to give such directions, and to make such regulations, with respect to duties, drawbacks, or otherwise, for carrying on the trade and commerce between the people and territories belonging to the Crown of Great Britain and the people and territories of the said United States, as to his Majesty in council shall appear most expedient and salutary, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding;’ his Majesty doth, therefore, by and with the advice of his privy council, hereby order and direct, that pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp, and flax; masts, yards, and bowsprits, staves, heading, boards, timber, shingles, and all other species of lumber; horses, neat cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry, and all other species of live stock and live provisions; peas, beans, potatoes, wheat, flour, bread, biscuit, rice, oats, barley, and all other species of grain, being the growth or production of any one of the United States of America, may, until further order, be imported by British subjects, in British built ships, owned by his Majesty’s subjects, and navigated according to law from any port of the United States of America to any of his Majesty’s West India Islands; and that rum, sugar, molasses, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento may, until further order, be exported by British subjects in British built ships, owned by his Majesty’s subjects, and navigated according to law from any of his Majesty’s West India Islands to any port or place within the said United States, upon payment of the same duties on exportation, and subject to the like rules, regulations, securities, and restrictions, as the same articles by law are, or may be, subject and liable to, if exported to any British colony or plantation in America. And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, and the lords commissioners of the admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.

Stephen Cottrell.”

[1 ]This paper is missing.

[1 ]See page 65.

[1 ]To understand the allusions in this letter, it will be necessary to recur to Secretary Livingston’s despatch to Mr. Dana, dated 1 May, 1783, in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. viii. p. 437.

[1 ]This prediction proved to be correct. But much light is shed upon the facts stated in this letter, and the action of the Maréchal de Castries, by the fifth volume of the Mémoires Historiques et Politiques du Règne de Louis XVI., by J. L. Soulavie. The memoir, reviewing the policy of Count de Vergennes, read in the cabinet by De Castries, is there given in full, vol. v. pp. 9-96.

[1 ]“Ordered, that a commission be prepared to John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, authorizing them, or either of them, in the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties, previous to its final conclusion; and, in the mean time, to enter into a commercial convention, to continue in force one year.”

[1 ]See pp. 81, 91, and 92, of this volume.

[1 ]See pp. 68-70 of this volume.

[1 ]See page 61 of this volume.

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1 Jan. 1783: TO M. DUMAS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 8 (Letters and State Papers 1782-1799) [1853]

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TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,—

My best respects to all, &c.

TO J. G. HOLTZHEY.

Sir,—

With great respect, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

TO M. DUMAS.

Sir,—

With great regard, &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Je suis, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Vous connoissez toute la vérité, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Sir,—

With great esteem,

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Je suis, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Je suis, &c.

TO M. DUMAS.

Sir,—

Believe me, your friend,

TO THE TRUSTEES OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

Gentlemen,—

With the greatest respect,

B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS. (Extract.)

Dear Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

P. J. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. (Extract.)

Monsieur,—

Je suis, &c.

TO P. J. VAN BERCKEL.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Extract.)

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Extract.)

(Three Letters inclosed in the Preceding.)

M. VICQ D’AZYR TO JOHN ADAMS.