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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

ANSWER. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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ANSWER.

The two Imperial Courts cannot flatter themselves that they can conduct the mediation to a happy conclusion, if they do not provide against the subterfuges, the subtleties, and the false interpretations which any of the belligerent powers may employ, for understanding according to its views the preliminary propositions. There is the difficulty which would infallibly occur, if we do not determine beforehand the sense of the expressions which relate to the Americans. The Court of London, who will elude as much and as long as she can, any direct and indirect avowal of the independence of the United States, will take advantage of the general terms we employ in speaking of them, to maintain that she is not obliged to treat with her ancient Colonies, as with a free and independent nation; that she is not, consequently, in a situation to admit a plenipotentiary on their part; that she is the mistress, to see nothing in their representative but the deputy of a portion of her subjects, who appear to sue for pardon; from which it would result, when the mediation should be in activity, and the question should be to open and commence the negotiations, that they would begin to contest concerning the character which the American plenipotentiary may display; that the King of England will not regard him, but as his subject, while the congress shall demand that he be admitted as the representative of a free people; by which means the mediation will find itself arrested in its first step.

To prevent this inconvenience, it seems that, before all things, the character of the American agent ought to be determined in a manner the most precise and positive, and that the congress ought to be invited to confide its interests to the mediation. This invitation is so much the more indispensable, as the negotiations relative to America must march with an equal step with that which the Courts of Versailles and Madrid will pursue; and, by consequence, these two negotiations, although separate, must be commenced at the same time.

But who will invite the congress to treat with England? The King cannot do it, because the preliminary articles exclude him from the negotiation. This task, then, cannot be fulfilled but by the mediators themselves. All that the King can do, and that he will do, with equal pleasure and good faith, is, to exhort the Americans to make peace, and to give all the facilities to that end which they shall believe compatible with their essential interests. But that the King may take this step with safety, with the hope of success, and with a certainty of not rendering himself suspected by the Americans, it is necessary that he should know beforehand the determinations of the mediators concerning the observations which are here submitted to their consideration, and that such determination be proper to assure the American Provinces concerning their political existence. The two high mediators and their ministers are too enlightened not to perceive that, without these previous conditions, the congress will send nobody to Vienna; and that the King cannot make any attempts to persuade them to send any one, without running the risk of compromising himself. By means of which, as has already been observed, the mediation would find itself at a full stop from its first attempt at motion. This reflection seems to merit the most serious attention on the part of the mediating Courts.

As to the propositions of an armistice and of a disarmament, let it be observed that, even supposing that all parties were agreed upon these two points, there still will remain another, which is not less important, and that is the statu quo. Neither France nor Spain have cause to reject it, as it concerns them personally; but it is not so with the Americans. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to cast an eye upon the points which the English forces occupy at present upon the continent of North America. It will be necessary to have the consent of the United States, and this consent cannot be demanded of them but by the two mediating Courts, for the reasons which have already been explained.