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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,

Two days ago arrived by Captain Barney, the letters you did me the honor to write me, the 22d, 29th, triplicate of 30th May, 4th of July, 29th of August, and 15th of September.

I was unconditionally received in Holland, and promised, upon record, conferences and audiences, whenever I should demand them, before I entered into any treaty, and without this I should never have entered into any; and full powers were given to the committee of foreign affairs, before I entered into any conference with them. I have ventured to act upon the same principle in the affair of peace, and uniformly refused to come to Paris, until our independence was unconditionally acknowledged by the King of Great Britain. Mr. Jay has acted on the same principle with Spain, and with Great Britain. The dignity of the United States being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland and Great Britain; not indeed as yet in Spain, but we are in a better situation in relation to her, than we should have been if the principle had been departed from. The advice of the Count de Vergennes has been contrary; but however great a minister he may be in his own department, his knowledge is insufficient, and his judgment too often erroneous in our affairs, to be an American minister.

Intelligence from Holland is impossible through France. Events in Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When they happen, they are inserted in the gazettes, transferred to the Courier de l’Europe, the English and French gazettes, and get to America before it is possible for me to transmit them directly. Besides, sir, I have sometimes thought that my time was better employed in doing business that might produce other events, than in multiplying copies and conveyances of despatches, which could contain nothing but what I knew the newspapers would announce as soon. My reputation may not be so well husbanded by this method, but the cause of my country is served. I am not insensible to reputation; but I hope it has not been a principal object, perhaps it has not been enough an object. I see so much of the omnipotence of reputation, that I begin to think so. I know very well, however, that if mine cannot be supported by facts, it will not be by trumpeters.

If it were in my power to do any thing for the honor of the department or minister of foreign affairs, I would cheerfully do it, because I am a friend to both; and to this end, you will, I am sure, not take it amiss if I say, that it is indispensably necessary for the service of congress, and the honor of the office, that it be kept impenetrably secret from the French minister, in many things. The office will be an engine for the ruin of the reputation of your ministers abroad, and for injuring our cause in material points, the fishery, the western lands, and the Mississippi, &c., if it is not.

I thank you, sir, for the hint about the English language. I think with you, that we ought to make a point of it; and after some time, I hope it will be an instruction from congress to all their ministers.

As to the negotiations for peace, we have been night and day employed in them ever since my arrival on the 26th of October. Doctor Franklin, without saying any thing to me, obtained of Mr. Jay a promise of his vote for Mr. W. T. Franklin, to be secretary to the commission for peace1 ; and as the Doctor and his secretary are in the same house, and there are other clerks enough, I suppose he will transmit to congress details of the negotiations. I shall be ready to lend them any assistance in my power; and I will endeavor, as soon as I can, to transmit them myself; but after spending forenoon, afternoon, and evening, in discussions, it is impossible to transmit all the particulars. No man’s constitution is equal to it.

The English have sent Mr. Oswald, who is a wise and good man, and, if untrammelled, would soon settle all, and Mr. Strachey, who is a keen and subtle one, although not deeply versed in such things; and a Mr. Roberts, who is a clerk in the board of trade, and Mr. Whithead, who is a private secretary to Mr. Oswald. These gentlemen are very profuse in their professions of national friendship; of earnest desires to obliterate the remembrance of all unkindnesses, and to restore peace, harmony, friendship, and make them perpetual, by removing every seed of future discord. All this, on the part of Mr. Oswald personally, is very sincere. On the part of the nation, it may be so in some sense at present; but I have my doubts, whether it is a national disposition, upon which we can have much dependence, and still more, whether it is the sincere intention of the earl of Shelburne.

He has been compelled to acknowledge American independence, because the Rockingham administration had resolved upon it, and Carleton and Digby’s letter to general Washington had made known that resolution to the world; because the nation demanded that negotiations should be opened with the American ministers, and they refused to speak or hear, until their independence was acknowledged unequivocally and without conditions; because Messrs. Fox and Burke had resigned their offices, pointedly, on account of the refusal of the king, and my lord Shelburne, to make such an acknowledgment, and these eloquent senators were waiting only for the session of parliament, to attack his lordship on this point; it was, therefore, inevitable to acknowledge our independence, and no minister could have stood his ground without it. But still I doubt whether his lordship means to make a general peace. To express myself more clearly, I fully believe he intends to try another campaign, and that he will finally refuse to come to any definitive agreement with us, upon articles to be inserted in the general peace.

We have gone the utmost lengths to favor the peace. We have at last agreed to boundaries with the greatest moderation. We have offered them the choice of a line through the middle of all the great lakes, or the line of 45 degrees of latitude, the Mississippi, with a free navigation of it at one end, and the river St. Croix at the other. We have agreed that the courts of justice be opened for the recovery of British debts due before the war; to a general amnesty for all the royalists, against whom there is no judgment rendered, or prosecution commenced. We have agreed, that all the royalists, who may remain at the evacuation of the States, shall have six months to sell their estates, and to remove with them.

These are such immense advantages to the minister, that one would think he could not refuse them. The agreement to pay British debts, will silence the clamors of all the body of creditors, and separate them from the tories, with whom they have hitherto made common cause. The amnesty and the term of six months, will silence all the tories, except those who have been condemned, banished, and whose property has been confiscated; yet I do not believe they will be accepted.

I fear they will insist a little longer upon a complete indemnification to all the refugees, a point which, without express instructions from all the States, neither we nor congress can give up; and how the States can ever agree to it, I know not, as it seems an implicit concession of all the religion and morality of the war. They will also insist upon Penobscot as the eastern boundary. I am not sure that the tories, and the ministry, and the nation, are not secretly stimulated by French emissaries, to insist upon Penobscot, and a full indemnification to the tories. It is easy to see, that the French minister, the Spanish and the Dutch ministers, would not be very fond of having it known through the world, that all points for a general peace were settled between Great Britain and America, before all parties are ready. It is easy to comprehend, how French, Spanish, and Dutch emissaries, in London, in Paris, and Versailles, may insinuate, that the support of the tories is a point of national and royal honor, and propagate so many popular arguments in favor of it, as to embarrass the British minister. It is easy to see, that the French may naturally revive their old assertions, that Penobscot and Kennebec are the boundary of Nova Scotia, although against the whole stream of British authorities, and the most authentic acts of the governors, Shirley, Pownall, Bernard, and Hutchinson. Mr. Fitzherbert, who is constantly at Versailles, is very sanguine for the refugees. Nevertheless, if my Lord Shelburne should not agree with us, these will be only ostensible points. He cares little for either. It will be to avoid giving any certain weapons against himself, to the friends of Lord North and the old ministry.

The negotiations at Versailles, between the Count de Vergennes and Mr. Fitzherbert, are kept secret, not only from us, but from the Dutch ministers; and we hear nothing about Spain. In general, I learn, that the French insist upon a great many fish. I dined yesterday with M. Berkenrode, the Dutch ambassador, and M. Brantzen, his colleague. They were both very frank and familiar, and confessed to me, that nothing had been said to them, and that they could learn nothing as yet, of the progress of the negotiation. Berkenrode told me, as an honest man, that he had no faith in the sincerity of the English for peace, as yet; on the contrary, he thought that a part of Lord Howe’s fleet had gone to America, and that there was something meditated against the French West India Islands. I doubt this, however; but we shall soon know where my Lord Howe is. That something is meditated against the French or Spaniards, and that they think of evacuating New York for that end, I believe. Berkenrode seemed to fear the English, and said, like a good man, that in case any severe stroke should be struck against France, it would be necessary for Holland and America to discover a firmness. This observation had my heart on its side; but without an evacuation of New York, they can strike no blow at all, nor any very great one, with it.

Mr. Oswald has made very striking overtures to us; to agree to the evacuation of New York; to write a letter to General Washington, and another to congress, advising them to permit this evacuation; to agree, that neither the people nor the army should oppose this evacuation, or molest the British army in attempting it; nay, further, that we should agree, that the Americans should afford them all sorts of aid, and even supplies of provisions. These propositions he made to us, in obedience to an instruction from the minister, and he told us their army were going against West Florida, to reconquer that from the Spaniards. Our answer was, that we could agree to no such things; that General Washington could enter into a convention with them, for the terms upon which they should surrender the city of New York, and all its dependencies, as Long Island, Staten Island, &c., to the arms of the United States. All that we could agree to was, that the effects and persons of those who should stay behind, should have six months to go off; nor could we agree to this, unless as an article to be inserted in the general peace.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

[1 ]A mistake. See vol. iii. p. 299, note, for the correction.