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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS.

My Dear Sir,

Soon after I had despatched a letter to you this morning, under the 25th instant, I was honored by yours of the 18th, but too late for an answer by this day’s mail.

The copy of Mr. Fitzherbert’s commission shall be transmitted to congress by a vessel to Boston in a day or two.

I think an answer to your question on “quorumcunque statuum,” was anticipated in my last, but, if you did not know it before, please to remember I am a very indifferent Latinist; as well, however, as without assistance, I can hammer out a construction upon the sentence taken altogether, there is no difficulty on your side. If the British ministers sit down with, they acknowledge you—acknowledge you to be a state interested, or “whom it doth concern,” and the late act of parliament, for enabling the King to make peace, &c., lame as it is, affords a sanction (but, remember, I plead ignorance); in that case, you may rest tranquil, regardless of Lord Shelburne’s “mind.” But I still see it possible that a general peace may be agreed upon by a treaty or treaties which shall terminate the war, independence tacitly or formally assured to the United States, France and America at liberty to lay down their arms, and you gentlemen commissioners not called upon to sit down about the business, except, by the Court of France, for your formal consent. This I know was not the meaning of our ally in 1778, and I have already said it is inconsistent with the honor and the interest of the Court of France to subject the United States to such an affront; wherefore, I am not apprehensive on that score; there is, nevertheless, a possibility. If the formal consent is refused, what then? I have given the answer. Congress, in that year, or the next, bound themselves by a declaratory and explanatory resolve, which only proves that on their side there were doubts. Our ally was pleased by that act, but I know of no mutual obligation. Be this as it may, unless Great Britain has a deep design,—first, to make a general peace, submitting to the letter of our eighth article, then, to pick a quarrel with us, and renew hostilities, she must come to us in the general treaty, or separately, but hand in hand with the other. France will look at this with a jealous eye, and we have enough in reserve; but the United States should be on their guard, and not too suddenly “lay down their arms.” I have spoken of possibilities of what may happen, founded on a certain ground of suspicion that the King of Great Britain aims at effecting a general peace, without a direct participation by his revolted subjects. Thence, the apparent ambiguity of the words you have quoted. I have said the Court of France will not, or will not suddenly gratify his humor; there is another Court to whom we are not yet known as an independent nation. You will receive light from the first serious convention. I repeat that I would not so freely commit myself to every man.

“Do not you wish yourself one of the peacemakers?” I have long since given a positive answer, and have only to add, the business is in very good hands; three, especially at this time, is a more convenient and safe number than four; the fourth might prove an incumbrance, but could add no weight of abilities. Proceed quietly; do not be embarrassed by appearances; make a good peace; and you shall partake of the blessing you have pronounced.

Mynheer Brantzen gives time for the surrender of Gibraltar and the recapture of St. Christopher’s, &c., for the evacuation of Charleston and New York, events, some of which we may hear of about the day he is to commence his journey diplomatic. To be sure he will enter with a better grace, and have the better ground for demanding restitution and indemnification, but I should have received more satisfaction, had I been assured that yourself and that gentleman were already at Paris.

God bless you and give you success.

Henry Laurens.

The next time a packet from you comes directed to his Excellency, Henry Laurens, &c., Mr. Laurens will disclaim it.