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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JOHN JAY. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO JOHN JAY.

Dear Sir,

The public papers announce Fitzherbert’s commission to be to treat with “the four powers at war with Great Britain.” But whether they mean Hyder Ali or the Mahrattas, is uncertain.

I have obtained intelligence of a paper addressed lately from the Court of St. James to the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg, as well as that of Paris, in which are the following words, namely,—

“Sa majesté Britannique dit qu’il ne préjuge, ni ne veut préjuger aucune question quelconque, et qu’il ne prétend exclure personne de la négotiation qu’on a en vue, qui pourrait s’y croire interessé, soit qu’il soit question des états généraux, soit qu’on y veuille faire entrer les colonies Américaines.”

You, perhaps, may have seen the whole; if you have, I beg a copy.

For my own part, I am not the minister of any “fourth state” at war with Great Britain, nor of any “American Colonies,” and, therefore, I should think it out of character for us to have any thing to say with Fitzherbert, or in the congress at Vienna, until more decently and consistently called to it. It is my duty to be explicit with you, and to tell you sincerely my sentiments. I think we ought not to treat at all, until we see a minister authorized to treat with “the United States of America,” or with their ministers. Our country will feel the miserable consequence of a different conduct, if we are betrayed into negotiations, in or out of a congress, before this point is settled; if gold and diamonds, and every insidious intrigue and wicked falsehood, can induce anybody to embarrass us, and betray us into truces, and bad conditions, we may depend upon having them played off against us. We are, and can be, no match for them at this game. We shall have nothing to negotiate with, but integrity, perspicuity, and firmness. There is but one way to negotiate with Englishmen, that is, clearly and decidedly; their fears only govern them. If we entertain an idea of their generosity or benevolence towards us, we are undone. They hate us, universally, from the throne to the footstool, and would annihilate us, if in their power, before they would treat with us in any way. We must let them know that we are not to be moved from our purpose, or all is undone. The pride and vanity of that nation is a disease, it is a delirium, it has been flattered and inflamed so long by themselves, and by others, that it perverts every thing. The moment you depart one iota from your character, and the distinct line of sovereignty, they interpret it to spring from fear or love of them, and from a desire to go back.

Fox saw we were aware of this, and calculated his system accordingly. We must finally come to that idea, and so must Great Britain. The latter will soon come to it, if we do not flinch. If we discover the least weakness or wavering, the blood and treasures of our countrymen will suffer for it in a great degree. Firmness! firmness and patience for a few months, will carry us triumphantly to that point where it is the interest of our allies, of neutral nations, nay, even of our enemies, that we should arrive. I mean a sovereignty universally acknowledged by all the world. Whereas, the least oscillation will, in my opinion, leave us to dispute with the world, and with one another, these fifty years.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.