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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO B. FRANKLIN. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO B. FRANKLIN.

Sir,

I had yesterday, at Amsterdam, the honor of receiving your Excellency’s letter of June 2.

The discovery that Mr. Grenville’s power was only to treat with France, does not surprise me at all. The British ministry are too much divided among themselves, and have too formidable an opposition against them in the King and the old ministers, and are possessed of too little of the confidence of the nation, to have courage to make concessions of any sort, especially since the news of their successes in the East and West Indies.

What their pride will end in, God only knows. For my own part, I cannot see a probability that they will ever make peace, until their finances are ruined, and such distresses brought upon them as will work up their parties into a civil war. I wish their enemies could, by any means, be persuaded to carry on the war against them in places where they might be sure of triumphs, instead of insisting upon pursuing it where they are sure of defeats. But we must take patience, and wait for time to do what wisdom might easily and soon do.

I have not as yet taken any engagements with the Dutch not to make a peace without them, but I will take such engagements in a moment, if the Dutch will take them, and I believe they will cheerfully. I shall not propose it, however, until I have the concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguyon, who will do nothing without the instructions of his Court. I would not delay it a moment from any expectation that the English will acknowledge our independence and make peace with us, because I have no such expectations. I confess it would be with infinite reluctance that I should see a peace made between England and any of her enemies, unless it is made with all. If France, Spain, and America should make peace with England, and leave Holland alone at war, she would be at her mercy, and she would find the tenderest of it cruelty. The permanent and lasting friendship of the Dutch may be easily obtained by the United States; that of England, never; it is gone with the days before the flood. If we ever enjoy the smallest degree of sincere friendship again from England, I am totally incapable of seeing the character of a nation or the connections of things, which, however, may be the case for what I know. They have brought themselves by their frenzy into such a situation,—Spain has such pretensions, Holland has such pretensions, America has such pretensions, the armed neutrality has such pretensions,—that where is the English minister or member of parliament that dares to vote for the concession to them? The pretensions of France, I believe, would be so moderate, that possibly they might be acceded to. But I fear that Spain, who deserves the least, will demand the most. In short, the work of peace appears so impracticable, that I am happy in being restrained to this country by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my head much about it. I have a letter from America, which informed me that Mr. Jay had refused to act in the commission for peace; but if he is on his way to Paris, as you suppose, I presume my information must be a mistake, which I am very glad of. Mr. Laurens did me the honor of a very short visit in his way to France; but I was very sorry to learn from him, that in a letter to your Excellency he had declined serving in the commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment respecting our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all things which I saw in him in congress.

What is the system of Russia? Does she suppose that England has too many enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too high? Does she seek to embroil affairs and to light up a general war in Europe? Is Denmark in concert with her or any other power? Her conduct is a phenomenon. Is there any secret negotiation or intrigue on foot to form a party for England among the powers of Europe, and to make a balance against the power of the enemies of England?

The States of Holland and several other Provinces have taken the resolution against the mediation for a separate peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its system and in the common cause.

My best respects and affections to my old friend, Mr. Jay, if you please.

Yours, &c.

John Adams.