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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the Hôtel des États-Unis de l’Amérique, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival, and an avowed, natural, hereditary enemy, to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate, affectionate friend, and a faithful ally of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the republic, interested in English funds and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see that they are not annihilated; and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties that I almost despair of obtaining any thing. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill-will of enemies. I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a school of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words and boasts of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may, by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the republican interest, the stadtholderian interest, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand to bookkeepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the states-general, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circumstance which will be fatal to my hopes at this time is this,—there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent. above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but, before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr. Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America to send him a commission as secretary to this legation, and chargé des affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me, in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr. Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jenings of Brussels has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service; and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months than any other man in Europe?

It is Mr. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the Tableau de l’Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, of the Politique Hollandois, and many other writings in high esteem, by birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and perhaps some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and reëchoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.

Congress must be very sensible that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of continental agents, or in any other way to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making promises or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship and simple civility, to any man; having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of congress, as having rendered important services to our country, and able to render still greater, I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many millions which have been wasted by the most worthless of men could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time, it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud, imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do every thing, does nothing but mischief.

The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.