Home

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Author: John Adams
Editor: Charles Francis Adams

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.

Copyright information:

The text is in the public domain.

Fair use statement:

This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.

BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Zwol, 6 Janvier, 1782.

Votre Excellence saura de Monsieur de Neufville que j’ai l’intention de placer encore douze mille florins dans les fonds de l’Amérique. Peut-être que je serais en état d’y ajouter encore cinq mille; mais ceci n’est pas encore décidé. Je préfere l’emprunt dont votre Excellence est chargé, à celui qui se fait sous la garantie de la France et de cette république, parceque je ne prétends pas être si ridicule que mes compatriotes, qui jusqu’à cette heure n’oseroient confier leur argent à l’Amérique sans une telle caution! Aussi puis-je assurer votre Excellence que leur conduite, a tout égard, commence a me choquer. Je commence a me sentir pour eux plus que de l’indifférence. J’ai honte d’être Hollandois, et je suis faché de la peine que j’ai si souvent prise, même avec cette chaleur qui fut l’effet de mon attachement pour les deux peuples, afin de prévenir que votre Excellence ne se formât une idée, que je croyois alors trop désavantageuse, du caractère de la nation. Je vois que j’aurois plutot dû me rappeler la réponse de Statilius à Brutus. Sapientis non esse propter malos et stultos in periculum et turbas se dare. Je ne regrette point le sacrifice d’une des plus belles occasions pour faire une fortune éclatante. Je ne veux point de fortune. Mais je regrette le sacrifice de mon repos, et cela propter malos et stultos! Voilà tous ces marchands, qui jadis firent tant de bruit, et qui par leurs sérieuses requêtes pourroient forcer la faction Anglaise, du moins l’embarrasser extrêmement; voilà cette classe de citoyens laquelle scule est en possession de s’assembler pour délibérer sur leurs intérêts communs, sans que l’on ose leur en faire un crime; ne voit on pas tous ces négocians, même ceux qui sont ruinés, se taire comme s’ils avoient des cadenas à la bouche. Si un petit reste d’attachement pour un pays que je crois perdu sans ressource pourroit encore me faire souhaiter quelque événement, qui put servir en guise de remède que l’on donne à un mourant, ce seroit de voir votre Excellence demander d’un ton convenable à la grandeur de l’Amérique Unie et à l’indignité de l’acceuil que l’on a fait à son ambassadeur, une réponse catégorique au mémoire, que votre Excellence a présenté de sa part à leurs Hautes Puissances. Un tel pas, dans les circonstances actuelles, feroit éclat. Beaucoup de gens éclairés le souhaitent, et vraiment il n’est plus temps de temporiser. C’est en toujours temporisant que certaine grande ville n’a jamais fait rien qui vaille. Sa conduite, surtout durant cette guerre, me paroit très peu politique. Comme les Espagnols devant Gibraltar, elle s’épuise et perd son temps en de vains efforts contre certain gros personnage, au lieu qu’avec beaucoup moins de ces mêmes efforts elle auroit pu nous procurer une alliance avec la France et l’Amérique, mesure dont la necessité est reconnue de tout le monde, tandis qu’il y a toujours eu des gens, qui étoient bien éloignés d’approuver cet autre pas. D’ailleurs la retraite de ce certain personnage auroit été une suite nécessaire d’une telle alliance. Messieurs de la grande ville ont donc, à mon avis, tiré leur poudre aux moineaux!

Mais il sied très mal à un ex-politique de se mêler des affaires d’État. Je demande pardon d’avoir si longtemps occupé votre Excellence, et j’ai l’honneur d’être avec tout le respect possible, de votre Excellence le très humble, &c.

J. D. Van der Capellen.

TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.

Amsterdam, 14 January, 1782.

Sir,—

Returning last evening from the Hague, I had the pleasure to find your kind favor of the 6th of this month, and am very glad to hear of your intention to place twelve thousand florins in the American funds. I am also much pleased to find that you prefer the loan with which I am intrusted, to that made under the warranty of France and this republic, because it is a more frank and manly acknowledgment of our first pretensions, and it is treating America more in her true character.

From the decent reception I met with in the course of the last week, from all the ministers of the republic, and the deputies of all the cities of Holland, and the affectionate and friendly reception from several of them, I am much encouraged to believe, that the final resolutions of the States, although they may be too long delayed, will yet be finally just both towards this country and America. I hope I may not be mistaken. The longer a decision is delayed, the less important it will be to America, most certainly, and the more important to the republic; for it may be depended on that the cause of America will grow every day stronger, and that of her enemies every day weaker, wherever or however this nation may declare itself.

Is the answer of Statilius to Brutus perfectly just? Is it not the duty of a wise man sometimes to expose himself to dangers, even for the good of fools and knaves? Is not the sentiment in another ancient writing more just, that a whole city is worth saving for the sake of ten honest men, for five, or even for two? It is certain that a statesman can never do good to his country or city, without conferring a benefit upon some of very worthless, and even of detestable character. I am, however, far from thinking, that worthy men are in this nation so rare. It is most certain that the time approaches very fast, when the republic must decide. I agree perfectly with you, that a certain great city might have accomplished a treaty with France and America, with half the efforts which they have made in vain against a certain personage. I am a stranger to the great city, and to the characters that govern it; but if common fame is not more than commonly impudent upon this occasion, self love is the same there as I have often seen it elsewhere; and the private ambition of an individual is everywhere capable of obstructing for a time the wisest plans and most generous efforts of disinterested men. Yet I have generally observed, that well-disposed men have redoubled their ardor and exertions, upon finding themselves embarrassed by such motives of individuals.

A gentleman has had the goodness to read to me in French the preface to a certain collection lately printed in Dutch, which is a masterly composition.

With great esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, 14 January, 1782.

Sir,—

Having received the advice of several gentlemen, members of the States, and also the opinion of the Duc de la Vauguyon, and the Comte de Vergennes, I went to the Hague on Tuesday, the 8th day of this month, and the next morning, at ten, waited on the president of their High Mightinesses, M. Van den Sandheuvel, of Dort, a city of Holland, to whom I made a verbal requisition in the following words:—

“The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference with the president of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed him that I had received a commission from the United States of America, with full powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and the United Provinces of the Netherlands. I had the honor in the same conference to demand an audience of their High Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting my credentials and full powers. The president assured me, that he would report every thing that I had told him, to their High Mightinesses, so that the matter might be transmitted to the several members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their deliberation and decision. I have not yet been honored with an answer; and for this reason I have the honor of addressing myself to you, sir, to demand from you, as I do demand, a categorical answer, which I may transmit to my sovereign.”

The president assured me, that he would not fail to make report to their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent a servant to the Grand Pensionary Bleiswyck, to know at what hour I should have the honor of a little conversation with him. The answer returned to me, with the compliments of the grand pensionary, was, that he was sick, unable to attend the assembly of the States, and to receive any visits at home from anybody; but if my business was of a public nature, I might communicate it to his secretary, which would be as well as to himself. Upon this, I requested M. Dumas to call upon the secretary, and communicate my intentions to him, which he did.

I went next morning, at ten, to the secretary of their High Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him the step I had taken the day before, who told me that he had already been informed of it, for that the president, according to his promise, had made his report to their High Mightinesses; that it was true, that the Baron de Lynden de Hemmen had made his report to their High Mightinesses, on the 4th of last May, of my proposition to him, and that it had been forthwith taken ad referendum by all the Provinces, but that no member of the sovereignty had yet returned any answer at all, either in the affirmative or negative; that my proposition of yesterday had in like manner been taken ad referendum by all the Provinces, and that it was necessary to wait to see what answer they would give.

The secretary, who is perfectly well with the court, as his ancestors and family have been for a long course of years, and who is as complaisant to England as any man in this country, received me with perfect politeness, and when I took leave, insisted upon accompanying me through all the anti-chambers and long entries quite to my chariot door in the street, where he waited until we entered and drove off.

After this, I went to the house of Dort, the pensionary of which city, M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence and affection; told me, that all he could say to me in his public character was, that he thanked me for the communication I had made to him, and would communicate it to the deputation and to the regency of his city, and that he hoped I should have as friendly an answer as I desired, for that he personally saw me with great pleasure, and very readily acknowledged my character, and that of my country.

I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the house of Haerlem, where I was received by the whole deputation, consisting of two burgomasters, two schepens, and a pensionary. Here passed a scene, which really affected my sensibility, and gave me great pleasure. The five gentlemen were all aged and venerable magistrates, who received me with an affection and cordiality, which discovered, in their air and countenance, the sincerity and satisfaction they felt in the words of their pensionary, when he told me, that they were only deputies; that by the constitution of Haerlem, like all the others in the republic, the sovereignty resided in their constituents, the regency; that they thanked me for the communication I had made to them, that they would communicate it to the regency of their city, and that for themselves, they heartily wished it success; for that the United States, as sufferers for, and defenders of the great cause of liberty, might depend upon the esteem, affection, and friendship, of the city of Haerlem, and that they heartily wished a connection between the two republics, and they congratulated us on the capture of Lord Cornwallis, to which we returned to them a congratulation for the recapture of St. Eustatia, and took our leave.

At the house of Leyden, we were received by the pensionary, who told us he had the orders of his burgomasters to receive me, to thank me for the communication, and to promise to communicate it to their regency.

At the house of Rotterdam, we were received by the whole deputation, consisting of two burgomasters, two schepens, or judges, and the pensionary. We received thanks for the communication, and a promise to lay it before the regency.

At the house of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception and the same answer. At another house, where the deputies of five small cities lived together, the same answer. At the house, where the deputies of Alcmaer and Enkhuisen reside we were received by the whole deputations, obtained the same answers, with the addition of professions of esteem, and wishes that in time there might be closer connections between the two nations.

Thus I had been introduced to the ministers of the republic, and to the deputies of all the cities of Holland, except Amsterdam. In my messages to the deputations, I had followed the order of the cities, according to the rank they held in the confederation. I had sent to the house of Amsterdam in its course. The messenger, the first time, found only one of the burgomasters at home, M. Rendorp, who returned for answer, that the gentlemen were not then together, but that they would send me word at what time they would receive me; but no answer came for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found only the same burgomaster, who returned the same answer. On Friday morning, having no answer, I sent a third time. The answer from the same burgomaster was, that the gentlemen were then setting off for Amsterdam, being obliged to return upon business, and could not then see me, but would send me word. Upon this, I concluded to return to Amsterdam too, and to make the communication there in writing to the regency; but reflecting that this step would occasion much speculation and many reflections upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait on M. Vischer, the pensionary, who remained in town, and consult with him. The result was, that I made my visit to the house of Amsterdam, and made the communication to M. Vischer, who received me like a worthy minister of the great city.

It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing, that every city is considered as an independent republic. The burgomasters have the administration of the executive, like little kings. There is in the great council, consisting of the burgomasters and counsellors, a limited legislative authority. The schepens are the judges. The deputies are appointed by the regency, which consists of the burgomasters, counsellors, and schepens; and in the large cities, the deputies consist of two burgomasters, two schepens or counsellors, and one pensionary. The pensionary is the secretary of state, or the minister of the city. The pensionaries are generally the speakers upon all occasions, even in the assembly of the States of the Province.

These operations at the Hague have been received by the public with great appearance of approbation and pleasure, and the gazettes and pamphlets universally cry against the mediation of Russia, and for an immediate alliance with France and America. But the leaders of the republic, those of them I mean who are well intentioned, wish to have the two negotiations, that for peace under the mediation of Russia, and that for an alliance with France, Spain, and America, laid before the States and the public together, not so much with an expectation of accomplishing speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as with a hope of checking the English party, and preventing them from accepting a peace with England, or the mediation of Russia to that end, upon dangerous or dishonorable terms. If it was in any other country, I should conclude from all appearances, that an alliance with America and France, at least, would be finished in a few weeks; but I have been long enough here to know the nation better. The constitution of government is so complicated and whimsical a thing, and the temper and character of the nation so peculiar, that this is considered every where as the most difficult embassy in Europe. But at present, it is more so than ever; the nation is more divided than usual, and they are afraid of everybody, afraid of France, afraid of America, England, Russia, and the northern powers, and, above all, of the Emperor, who is taking measures, that will infallibly ruin the commerce of this country, if they do not soon change their conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 25 January, 1782.

Sir,—

Your letter of the 11th, with a copy of that of M. le Comte de Vergennes, of 31st of December, I had the honor to receive by the last post. By your leaving it to me to judge how far it is proper for me to accept further drafts on Mr. Laurens, with any expectation of your enabling me to pay them, I am somewhat embarrassed. If I accept any bill at all, it must be in full confidence of your paying it, for there is not a possibility of my getting any money here.

I lately applied to one of the first houses, an old Dutch house which has traded to America a hundred years, and whose credit is as clear and solid as any one in the republic. I asked him frankly, if he would undertake a loan for me. His answer was, sir, I thank you for the honor you do me; I know the honor and profit that would accrue to any house from such a trust; I have particular reasons of my own, of several sorts, to be willing to undertake it, and I will tell you frankly, I will make the necessary inquiries, and give you an answer in two days; and if I find it possible to succeed, I will undertake it; but there are four persons who have the whole affair of loans through the republic under their thumbs; these persons are united; if you gain one you gain all, and the business is easy; but without them, there is not one house in this republic can succeed in any loan. After the two days he called on me to give me an account of his proceedings. He said he first waited on one of the regency, and asked him if it was proper for him to put in a requête, and ask leave to open such a loan. He was answered he had better say nothing to the regency about it, for they would either give him no answer at all, which was most probable, or say it was improper for them to interfere, either of which answers would do more hurt than good. It was an affair of credit which he might undertake without asking leave; for the regency never interfered to prevent merchants getting money. With this answer he went to one of the undertakers, whose answer was, that at least until there was a treaty it would be impossible to get the money; as soon as that event should happen, he was ready to undertake it.

I have been uniformly told that these four or five persons had such a despotic influence over loans; I have heretofore sounded them in various ways, and the result is, that I firmly believe they receive ample salaries, upon the express condition that they resist an American loan. There is a phalanx formed by British ministry, Dutch Court, proprietors of English stocks, and great mercantile houses in the interest of the British ministry, that support these undertakers and are supported by them.

We may therefore reckon boldly that we shall get nothing here, unless in the form of the late five millions lent to the King of France, and warranted by the republic, until there is a treaty.

I believe, however, I shall venture to accept the bills, of which I have given you notice, in hopes of your succeeding better than your fears.

Yesterday was brought me one more bill drawn on Mr. Laurens on the 6th July, 1780, for five hundred and fifty guilders, No. 145. I have asked time to write to your Excellency about this too, and shall wait your answer before I accept it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 12 February, 1782.

Sir,—

I received the honor of yours dated the 7th instant, acquainting me with the presentation of several more bills drawn on Mr. Laurens. I think you will do well to accept them, and I shall endeavor to enable you to pay them. I should be glad to see a complete list of those you have already accepted. Perhaps, from the series of numbers and the deficiencies, one may be able to divine the sum that has been issued, of which we have never been informed as we ought to have been. Ignorance of this has subjected me to the unpleasant task of making repeated demands which displease our friends by seeming to have no end. The same is the case with the bills on Mr. Jay and on myself. This has, among other things, made me quite sick of my Gibeonite office,—that of drawing water for the whole congregation of Israel. But I am happy to learn from our minister of finance, that after the end of March next no further drafts shall be made on me, or trouble given me by drafts on others.

The Duke de la Vauguyon must be with you before this time. I am impatient to hear the result of your states on the demand you have made of a categoric answer, &c. I think with you that it may be wrong to interrupt or perplex their deliberations by asking aids during the present critical situation of affairs.

I understood that the goods had all been delivered to Mr. Barclay, and I punctually paid all the bills. That gentleman now writes me that those purchased of Gillon are detained on pretence of his debts. These new demands were never mentioned to me before. It has been, and will be a villanous affair from beginning to end.

With great esteem and respect, &c.

B. Franklin.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, 14 February, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October was brought to me; the original is not yet arrived. It is with great pleasure I learn that a minister is appointed for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing into that department an order, a constancy, and an activity which could never be expected from a committee of congress, so often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs, however excellent their qualifications or dispositions. Indeed, sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments of congress; yet I have never known them in any detail or with any regularity since I have been in Europe. I fear congress have heard as little from me since I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way of St. Eustatia and by several private vessels and by the South Carolina have been vastly unfortunate.

My situation, sir, has been very delicate; but as my whole life, from my infancy, has been passed through an uninterrupted series of delicate situations, when I find myself suddenly translated into a new one, the view of it neither confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible, however, that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My health is still precarious. My person has been thought by some to have been in danger; but at present I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.

This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain it upon honorable terms, but upon no other. They cannot obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to France, and England will not make peace upon such conditions. I shall, therefore, probably remain here in a very insipid and insignificant state a long time without any affront or answer. In the parties which divide the nation I have never taken any share. I have treated all men of all parties whom I saw alike, and have been used quite as well by the Court party as their antagonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular commotions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain peace with England, if they can; but Great Britain will not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims of empire over both together.

The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves, whether it is for their interest to connect themselves with us or not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in pursuance of the advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to that of several members of the States, demanded an answer. I was received politely by all parties, though you will hear great complaints from others that I am not received well. They have their views in this; they know that this is a good string for them to touch. I stand now in an honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in my public character. But it is the republic that stands in a less respectable situation, not one member of the sovereignty having yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity of the United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of this republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours. Your advice, to be well with the government, and to take no measures which may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics, have been as distant from my conduct as you know them to be from my natural and habitual character.

Your advice, to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a different conduct hitherto. As to connections with the ministers of other powers, it is a matter of great delicacy. There is no power but what is interested directly or indirectly in our affairs at present. Every minister has at his own Court a competitor who keeps correspondences and spies to be informed of every step; and open visits to or from any American minister are too dangerous for them to venture on. It must be managed with so much art, and be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after all nothing can come of it. There is not a minister of them all that is intrusted with any thing, but from time to time to execute positive instructions from his Court.

A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried every experiment and failed in all; and am fully of opinion that we never shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty. When this will be, I know not. If France has not other objects in view of more importance, in my opinion she may accomplish it in a short time. Whether she has or not, time must discover.

Mr. Barclay is here, doing his utmost to despatch the public effects here; but these will turn out the dearest goods that congress ever purchased, if they ever arrive safe. It has been insinuated, I perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel of English manufactures among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced it, if I had known it. Mr. Barclay will exchange them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland, or sell them here. The ordinance of congress against British manufactures is universally approved as far as I know, as a hostility against their enemies of more importance than the exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, 19 February, 1782.

Sir,—

On the 14th instant I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October. To-day Major Porter brought me your favor of the 20th of November, and the original of that of the 23d of October.

I congratulate you, sir, on the glorious news contained in these despatches; but I cannot be of your opinion, that, great as it is, it will defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a country so defended. Vanity, sir, is a passion capable of inspiring illusions which astonish all other men; and the Britons are, without exception, the vainest people upon earth. By examining such a witness as Arnold, the ministry can draw from him evidence which will fully satisfy the people of England that the conquest of America is still practicable. Sensible men see the error; but they have seen it these twenty years, and lamented it till their hearts are broken. The intention of government seems to be to break the spirit of the nation, and to bring affairs into so wretched a situation, that all men shall see that they cannot be made better by new ministers or by the punishment of the old ones.

It is suggested that some plan of conciliation will be brought into parliament; but it will be only as deceitful as all the former ones. They begin to talk big, and threaten to send Arnold with seventeen thousand men to burn and destroy in the northern States; but this will prove but an annual vapor. I rejoice the more in Colonel Willet’s glorious services, for a personal knowledge and esteem I have for that officer. Zoutman’s battle on Doggerbank shows what the nation could do. But—It is somewhat dangerous to write with perfect freedom concerning the views and principles of each party as you desire. Indeed, the views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness. There are unerring indications that all parties agree secretly in this principle, that the Americans are right, if they have power. There is here and there an individual who says the Americans are wrong; but these are very few. The English party are suspected to have it in view to engage the republic to join the English in the war against France, Spain, and America.

The Prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable, but to despair of it. Some of the great proprietors of English stocks, several great mercantile houses in the service of the British ministry, are thought to wish it too; but if they are guilty of wishes so injurious to their country and humanity, none of them dares openly avow them. The stadtholder is of opinion that his house has been supported by England; that his office was created and is preserved by her. But I do not see why his office would not be as safe in an alliance with France as with England, unless he apprehends that the republican party would in that case change sides, connect itself with England, and by her means overthrow him. There are jealousies that the stadtholder aspires to be a sovereign; but these are the ordinary jealousies of liberty, and, I should think, in this case, groundless. The opposite, which is called the republican party, is suspected of desires and designs of introducing innovations. Some are supposed to aim at the demolition of the stadtholdership; others, of introducing the people to the right of choosing the regencies; but I think these are very few in number, and very inconsiderable in power, though some of them may have wit and genius.

There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam, who think the stadtholdership necessary, but wish to have some further restraint or check upon it. Hence the proposition for a committee to assist his Highness. But there is no appearance that this project will succeed. All the divisions of the republican party are thought to think well of America, and to wish a connection with her and France. The opposite party do not openly declare themselves against this; but peace is the only thing in which all sides agree. No party dares say any thing against peace; yet there are individuals very respectable, who think that it is not for the public interest to make peace.

As to congress’ adapting measures to the views and interests of both parties, they have already done it in the most admirable manner. They could not have done better if they had been all present here, and I know of nothing to be added. They have a plenipotentiary here with instructions; they have given power to invite the republic to accede to the alliance between France and America, with a power to admit Spain. All this is communicated to the Comte de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon; and I wait only their advice for the time of making the proposition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of the leaders, and I have no reason to suspect that I do not enjoy their esteem; and I have received from the Prince repeatedly, and in strong terms by his secretary, the Baron de Larray, assurances of his personal esteem.

I wrote, sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account of my presenting my credentials, as it was proper to write, and am astonished that neither duplicates nor triplicates have arrived. I will venture a secret. I had the secret advice of our best friends in the republic to take the step I did, though the French ambassador thought the time a little too early. My situation would have been ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not done it, and the success of the measure, as far as universal applause could be called success, has justified it. Those who detested the measure, sir, were obliged to applaud it in words. I am surprised to see you think it places us in a humiliating light. I am sure it raised me out of a very humiliating position, such as I never felt before, and shall never feel again, I believe. I have lately, by the express advice of all our best friends, added to that of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the Comte de Vergennes, demanded a categorical answer. I knew very well I should not have it; but it has placed the United States and their minister in a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer, and the republic has not yet equal dignity to give it. In this manner we may remain with perfect safety to the dignity of the United States and the reputation of her minister, until their High Mightinesses shall think fit to answer, or until we shall think it necessary to repeat the demand, or make a new one, which I shall not do without the advice of the French ambassador, with whom I shall consult in perfect confidence.

My motives for printing the memorial were, that I had no other way to communicate my proposition to the sovereign of the country. The gentlemen at the Hague, who are called their High Mightinesses, are not the sovereign; they are only deputies of the states-general, who compose the sovereignty. These joint-deputies form only a diplomatic body, not a legislative nor an executive one. The states-general are the regencies of cities and bodies of nobles. The regencies of cities are the burgomasters, and schepens or judges and counsellors, composing in the whole a number of four or five thousand men, scattered all over the republic. I had no way to come at them but by the press, because the president refused to receive my memorial. If he had received it, it would have been transmitted of course to all the regencies; but in that case it would have been printed; for there is no memorial of a public minister in this republic, but what is printed.

When the president said, “Sir, we have no authority to receive your memorial, until your title and character are acknowledged by our constituents and sovereigns; we are not the sovereign;” I answered, “In that case, sir, it will be my duty to make the memorial public in print, because I have no other possible way of addressing myself to the sovereign, your constituents.”

The president made no objection, and there has been no objection to this day. Those who dreaded the consequence to the cause of Anglomany have never ventured to hint a word against it. The Anglomanes would have had a triumph if it had not been printed, and I should before this day have met with many disagreeable scenes, if not public affronts. This openness has protected me. To conciliate the affections of the people, to place our cause in an advantageous light, to remove the prejudices that Great Britain and her votaries excite, to discover the views of the different parties, to watch the motions that lead to peace between England and Holland, have been my constant aim since I have resided here. The secret aid of government in obtaining a loan I have endeavored to procure, but it can never be obtained until there is a treaty. I have hitherto kept a friendly connection with the French ambassador, and that without interruption. The new commission for peace, and the revocation of that for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, I have received. My language and conduct are those of a private gentleman; but those members of congress who think this proper, know that I have held public places in Europe, too public and conspicuous for me to be able to remain incognito in this country; nor is it for the interest of the republic that I should attempt it.

I should be extremely obliged to you, sir, if you would let me know the dates of all the letters that have been received from me, since I have been in Holland, that I may send further copies of such as have miscarried.

The States of Holland have accepted the mediation of Russia, on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality. There has been a balancing between a treaty with France and the acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said nothing. The mediation was accepted; but several provinces have declared for a treaty with France. People of the best intentions are jealous of a peace with England upon dishonorable terms; but France will prevent this, though she does not choose to prevent the acceptance of the mediation, as she might have done, by consenting to my making the proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance. Her ambassador says, the King must not oppose the Empress of Russia, who will be of importance in the final settlement of peace.

France has never discovered much inclination to a treaty with the republic. The demolition of the barrier towns may explain this, as well as the ambassador’s opinion against presenting my memorial at the time it was done. I believe that France, too, can explain the reason of the delay of Spain, where we make a less respectable appearance than in this republic. The delay of Spain is fatal to our affairs. Yet I know the American minister there to be equal to any service, which makes me regret the more the delay of that kingdom. The constant cry is, “why is Spain silent? We must wait for Spain.” Nothing gives greater advantage to the English party.

The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy, would render it improper to make any application or memorial public. The nature of this government rendered it indispensably necessary. The business must begin in the public, that is, in all the regencies. De Witt and Temple, it is true, made a treaty in five days; but De Witt risked his head by it, upon the pardon and confirmation of the regencies. But it was a time and a measure which he knew to be universally wished for. The case at present is different. M. Van Bleiswyck, though he told me he thought favorably of my first application, would not have dared to take a single step without the previous orders of his masters, as he told me.

It is the United States of America which must save this republic from ruin. It is the only power that is externally respected by all parties, although no party dares as yet declare openly for it. One half the republic nearly, declares every day very indecently against France, the other against England; but neither one nor the other declares against America, which is more beloved and esteemed than any other nation of the world.

We must wait, however, with patience. After oscillating a little longer, and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable, I think they will seek an alliance with America, if not with France. I had a week ago a visit from one of the first personages in Friesland, who promised me that in three weeks I should have an answer from that Province.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Golden Square, London, 19 February, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

I take the opportunity by means of Mr. Laurens Jr., of addressing a few lines to you, for the purpose of expressing my entire concurrence with your benevolent sentiments concerning peace and the blessed peacemakers. I agree with you that peace must come in company with faith and honor; and, when these meet, I join with you in saying,—let friendship join the amiable and venerable choir. It is some months since I received the favor of your letter containing these sentiments. But as the justice, humanity, and benevolence of these sentiments are eternal, I conclude that the sentiments themselves will always remain yours. My only object in writing is to say thus much to you, and to express my most sincere wish that the actual exercise of the blessed office of peacemakers may be called forth in the persons of those who are now in appointment to that honorable trust from America. If I should ever have it in my power to contribute to that blessed end, be assured that my utmost endeavors shall always be exercised (as they always have been) to establish peace and friendship through the paths of honor and good faith. Permit me to inquire of you who are entitled to treat on the part of America, and whether Mr. Laurens, the late president, be of the number.

I am, dear sir, &c.

D. Hartley.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 20 February, 1782.

Sir,—

Yesterday I had the honor of yours of the 12th, and will take an early opportunity to send you all the lights I can obtain by inferences from the numbers of the bills. Those already presented, I shall accept, according to your advice.

Your office is certainly a disagreeable one in many respects, and mine grows every day more and more disgusting to me. I wish myself at home again every hour in the twenty-four, and I hope ere long to obtain permission to go. Affairs here are in such a situation that I could not be justified in going until congress shall appoint another or recall me, or I would ask leave to return in the Alliance. Is Mr. Laurens exchanged? If he is, and will come over here and take his own place, I would venture to go home without leave.

The Duc de la Vauguyon is returned. I had the honor to make my compliments to him on Saturday at the Hague, where I attended Dr. Maclaine’s church on Sunday, and the Prince’s review upon the parade afterwards, and where I propose in future to spend more of my time.

You need not be anxious about the result of my demand of an answer. It was a measure to which I was advised by the Duc de la Vauguyon, and by the Comte de Vergennes, and by several worthy gentlemen in the government here. It was intended to bring necessarily into deliberation a connection with France and America on one side, at the same time when they considered the mediation of Russia on the other, in order to prevent their accepting the mediation without limitations.

The great city has lately faltered very much in point of firmness. I cannot but wish that the proposition for an accession to the alliance between France and America could have been made last week, the critical moment when it would have infallibly, I think, prevented the acceptation. But France did not think it politic to do any thing against the views of Russia. But nothing but delay will come of this mediation. The United States, however, stand here in a more respectable light than in Spain. Here they are openly and candidly demanding an answer. If they receive one in the negative, it will be no more than the republic has a right to give, and we shall lose nothing, but remain exactly where we were. If they give no answer for a year to come, the dignity of the United States is safe; that of the United Provinces will be hurt by the delay, if any. In Spain, the United States have been waiting in the person of one of their presidents, now going on three years, and have no answer. Now I say it is better to be open. Here the constitution demanded publicity. In Spain it forbids it. But the dignity of the United States is injured more than it would have been, if the demand to that Court could have been made public. For my own part, I own, as a private citizen, or as a public man, I would not advise the United States to wait for ever, either in Spain or Holland. If it does not suit their affairs to make a bargain with us, let them tell us so candidly, and let us all go home, that at least we may not be under the necessity of calling upon your Excellency for water to drink, which had much better quench the thirst of our army.

I should be very much obliged to you for a copy of the replication of the two imperial courts and of the new proposition of the Court of London, of which I have only had a confused intimation.

The affair of the goods has been a villanous affair indeed, as you observe; but they cannot be intrusted to more prudent hands than those of Mr. Barclay, where I leave them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Amsterdam, 20 February, 1782.

My Dear General,—

Yesterday Major Porter brought me your kind favor of the first of this month, together with some letters from America, in one of which is a resolution of congress, of the 23d of November, “That the secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, that it is the desire of congress that they confer with the Marquis de la Fayette, and avail themselves of his informations relative to the situation of public affairs in the United States.” This instruction is so agreeable to my inclinations, that I would undertake a journey to Paris, for the sake of a personal interview with my dear General, if the state of my health, and the situation of affairs in which I am here engaged, did not render it improper.

Permit me, however, to congratulate you on your arrival with fresh and unfading laurels, and to wish you all the happiness, which the sight of your family, the applauses of the public, and the approbation of your sovereign, can afford you. I should be extremely happy in your correspondence, sir, and if there is any thing in this country which you would wish to know, I should be glad to inform you as far as is in my power. This republic is balancing between an alliance with France and America, on the one hand, and the mediation of Russia for a separate peace, on the other. The bias is strong for peace, but they do not see a prospect of obtaining it by the mediation. They are determined, however, to try the experiment, but are so divided about it, that all is languor and confusion. I fancy they will oscillate for some time, and, at last, finding the negotiations for a separate peace an illusion, they will join themselves to the enemies of their enemy.

Upon your return to America, I should be obliged to you, if you would say to some of the members of congress, that if they should think fit to recall me, it is absolutely necessary, in my humble opinion, that they should have some other person here invested with the same powers.

With the sincerest affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, my dear General, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, 21 February, 1782.

Sir,—

I know very well the name of the family where I spent the evening with my worthy friend Mr.—, before we set off, and have made my alphabet accordingly; but I am, on this occasion, as on all others hitherto, utterly unable to comprehend the sense of the passages in cipher. The cipher is certainly not taken regularly under the two first letters of that name. I have been able sometimes to decipher words enough to show that I have the letters right; but, upon the whole, I can make nothing of it, which I regret very much upon this occasion, as I suppose the ciphers are a very material part of the letter.

The friendly and patriotic anxiety with which you inquire after my motives and reasons for making the proposition of the 4th of May, and for printing the memorial, has put me upon recollecting the circumstances. If the series of my letters had arrived, I think the reasons would have appeared, but not with that force in which they existed at the time. I have never expressed, in writing, those reasons so strongly as I felt them. The hopes have never been strong in anybody, of inducing the republic to a sudden alliance with France and America. The utmost expectation, that many of the well-intentioned have entertained, has been to prevent the government from joining England. I am sorry to be obliged to say it, and if it ever should be made public, it might be ill taken. But there is no manner of doubt, that the most earnest wish of the cabinet has been to induce the nation to furnish the ships and troops to the English according to their interpretation of the treaty. Amsterdam distinguished itself; and its ancient and venerable burgomaster, Temminck, and its eldest pensionary, Van Berckel, have distinguished themselves in Amsterdam.

When Mr. Laurens’s papers were discovered, they were sent forthwith to the Hague. The Prince, in person, laid them before the States. Sir Joseph Yorke thundered with his memorials against Amsterdam, her burgomasters, and pensionary. The nation was seized with amazement, and flew to the armed neutrality for shelter against the fierce wrath of the King. Instantly, Sir Joseph Yorke is recalled, and a declaration of war appears, levelled against the city, against the burgomasters, and M. Van Berckel. Sir George Rodney, in his despatches, pursues the same partiality and personality against Amsterdam. What was the drift of all this? Manifestly to excite seditions against Temminck and Van Berckel. Here then is a base and scandalous system of policy, in which the King of Great Britain, and his ministry and admiral, all condescend to engage, manifestly concerted by Sir Joseph Yorke, at the Hague, and, I am sorry to add, too much favored by the cabinet, and even openly by the Prince, by his presenting Laurens’s papers to the States, to sacrifice Temminck and Van Berckel to the fury of an enraged populace.

This plan was so daringly supported by writers of the first fame on the side of the court, that multitudes of writings appeared, attempting to show that what Temminck and Van Berckel had done was high treason. All this had such an effect, that all the best men seemed to shudder with fear. I should scarcely find credit in America, if I were to relate anecdotes. It would be ungenerous to mention names, as well as unnecessary. I need only say, that I was avoided like a pestilence by every man in government. Those gentlemen of the rank of burgomasters, schepens, pensionaries, and even lawyers, who had treated me with great kindness and sociability, and even familiarity before, dared not see me, dared not be at home when I visited at their houses, dared not return my visit, dared not answer, in writing, even a card that I wrote them. I had several messages in a roundabout way, and, in confidence, that they were extremely sorry they could not answer my cards and letters in writing, because “on fait tout son possible pour me sacrifier aux Anglomanes.”

Not long after, arrived the news of the capture of St. Eustatia, &c. This filled up the measure. You can have no idea, sir, no man, who was not upon the spot, can have any idea, of the gloom and terror that was spread by this event. The creatures of the court openly rejoiced in this, and threatened, some of them in the most impudent terms. I had certain information, that some of them talked high of their expectations of popular insurrections against the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and M. Van Berckel; and did Mr. Adams the honor to mention him as one that was to be hanged by the mob in such company.

In the midst of this confusion and terror, my credentials arrived from Paris, through a hundred accidents and chances of being finally lost. As soon as I read my despatches, and heard the history of their escape by post, diligence, and treck-schuyts, it seemed to me as if the hand of Providence had sent them on purpose to dissipate all these vapors. With my despatches, arrived from Paris intimations of their contents, for there are no secrets kept at Paris. The people, who are generally eager for a connection with America, began to talk, and paragraphs appeared in all the gazettes, in Dutch and French and German, containing a thousand ridiculous conjectures about the American ambassador and his errand. One of my children could scarcely go to school, without some pompous account of it in the Dutch papers. I had been long enough in this country to see tolerably well where the balance lay, and to know that America was so much respected by all parties, that no one would dare to offer any insult to her minister, as soon as he should be known. I wrote my memorial and presented it, and printed it in English, Dutch, and French. There was immediately the most universal and unanimous approbation of it expressed in all companies, pamphlets, and newspapers, and no criticism ever appeared against it. Six or seven months afterwards a pamphlet appeared in Dutch, which was afterwards translated into French, called Considerations on the Memorial; but it has been read by very few, and is indeed not worth reading.

The proposition to the president being taken ad referendum, it became a subject of the deliberation of the sovereignty. The Prince, therefore, and the whole court, are legally bound to treat it with respect, and me with decency. At least, it would be criminal in them to treat me or the subject with indecency. If it had not been presented and printed, I am very sure I could not long have resided in the republic; and what would have been the consequence to the friends of liberty, I know not. They were so disheartened and intimidated, and the Anglomanes were so insolent, that no man can say, that a sudden frenzy might not have been excited among the soldiery and the people, to demand a junction with England, as there was in the year 1748. Such a revolution would have injured America and her allies, have prolonged the war, and have been the total loss and ruin of the republic.

Immediately upon the presentation of my memorial, M. Van Berckel ventured to present his requête and demand for a trial. This contributed still further to raise the spirits of the good people, and soon afterwards the burgomasters of Amsterdam appeared with their proposition for giving the Prince a committee for a council, and in course their attack upon the Duke; all of which together excited such an enthusiasm in the nation, and among the officers of the navy, as produced the battle of the Doggerbank, which never would have happened, in all probability, but would have been eluded by secret orders and various artifices, if the spirit raised in the nation by the chain of proceedings, of which the American memorial was the first and an essential link, had not rendered a display of the national bravery indispensable for the honor of the navy, and, perhaps, for the safety of the court.

The memorial, as a composition, has very little merit; yet almost every gazette in Europe has inserted it, and most of them with a compliment; none with any criticism. When I was in Paris and Versailles afterwards, no man ever expressed to me the smallest disapprobation of it, or the least apprehension that it could do any harm. On the contrary, several gentlemen of letters expressed higher compliments upon it than it deserved. The King of Sweden has done it a most illustrious honor, by quoting one of the most material sentiments in it, in a public answer to the King of Great Britain; and the Emperor of Germany has since done the author of it the honor to desire, in the character of Count Falkenstein, to see him; and what is more remarkable, has adopted the sentiment of it concerning religious liberty into a code of laws for his dominions, the greatest effort in favor of humanity, next to the American revolution, which has been produced in the eighteenth century.

As my mission to this republic was wisely communicated to the Court of Versailles, who can say that this transaction of congress had not some influence in producing De Grasse in Chesapeake Bay? Another thing I ought to mention; I have a letter from Mr. Jay, informing me, that in the month of June last, M. Del Campo was appointed by the Court of Madrid to treat with him; the exact time when my memorial appeared at Madrid. You may possibly say, that my imagination and self-love carry me extraordinary lengths; but when one is called upon to justify an action, one should look all round. All I contend for, is, that the memorial has certainly done no harm; that it is probable it has done some good, and that it is possible it has done much more than can be proved. A man always makes an awkward figure when he is justifying himself and his own actions; and I hope I shall be pardoned. It is easy to say, “il abonde trop dans son sens; il est vain et glorieux; il est plein de lui-même; il ne voit que lui;” and other modest things of that sort, with which even your Malesherbes, your Turgots, and Neckers, are sometimes sacrificed to very small intrigues.

Your veterans in diplomacy and in affairs of state, consider us as a kind of militia, and hold us, perhaps, as is natural, in some degree of contempt; but wise men know that militia sometimes gain victories over regular troops, even by departing from the rules. Soon after I had presented the memorial, I wrote to the Due de la Vauguyon upon the subject of inviting or admitting, in concert, the republic to accede to the alliance between France and America. The Duke transmitted that letter to the Count de Vergennes, which produced the offer to congress from the King, to assist us in forming a connection with the republic, and the instructions upon the subject, which I shall execute as soon as the French ambassador thinks proper. With him it now lies, and with him, thank God, I have hitherto preserved a perfectly good understanding, although I differed from him in opinion concerning the point of time to make the former proposition.

The evacuation of the barrier towns has produced an important commentary upon the conversation I had with the Duke, and his opinion upon that occasion. How few weeks was it, after the publication of my memorial, that the Roman Emperor made that memorable visit to Brussels, Ostend, Bruges, Antwerp, and all the considerable maritime towns in his Provinces of Brabant and Flanders? How soon afterwards his memorable journeys to Holland and to Paris? Was not the American memorial full of matter for the Emperor’s contemplation, when he was at Ostend, Antwerp, and Bruges? Was it not full of matter, calculated to stimulate him to hasten his negotiations with France concerning the abolition of the barrier towns? Was not the same matter equally calculated to stimulate France to finish such an agreement with him, as we have seen the evidence of in the actual evacuation of those towns? If this evacuation is an advantage to France and to America, as it undoubtedly is, by putting this republic more in the power of France, and more out of a possibility of pursuing the system of Orange by joining England, and my memorial is supposed to have contributed any thing towards it, surely it was worth the while.

The period since the 4th of May, 1781, has been thick sown with great events, all springing out of the American revolution, and connected with the matter contained in my memorial. The memorial of M. Van Berckel, the proposition of the burgomasters of Amsterdam, their attack upon the Duke of Brunswick, and the battle of Doggerbank, the appointment of Señor del Campo, to treat with Mr. Jay, the success of Colonel Laurens, in obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon the coast of America; their victory over Graves, and the capture of Cornwallis; the Emperor’s journey to his maritime towns, to Holland, and to Paris; his new regulations for encouraging the trade of his maritime towns; his demolition of the barrier fortifications; and his most liberal and sublime ecclesiastical reformation; and the King of Sweden’s reproach to the King of England for continuing the war, in the very words of my memorial; these traits are all subsequent to that memorial, and they are too sublime and decisive proofs of the prosperity and glory of the American cause, to admit the belief, that the memorial has done it any material harm.

By comparing facts and events, and dates, it is impossible not to believe, that the memorial had some influence in producing some of them. When courts, princes, and nations, have been long contemplating a great system of affairs, and their judgments begin to ripen, and they begin to see how things ought to go, and are going, a small publication, holding up these objects in a clear point of view, sometimes sets a vast machine in motion at once, like the springing of a mine. What a dust we raise, said the fly upon the chariot wheel. It is impossible to prove, that this whole letter is not a similar delusion to that of the fly. The counsels of princes are enveloped in impenetrable secrecy. The true motives and causes, which govern their actions, little or great, are carefully concealed. But I desire only that these events may be all combined together, and then that an impartial judge may say, if he can, that he believes that that homely, harmless memorial had no share in producing any part of this great complication of good.

But be all these speculations and conjectures as they will, the foresight of which could not have been sufficiently clear to have justified the measure, it is sufficient for me to say that the measure was absolutely necessary and unavoidable. I should have been contemptible and ridiculous without it. By it I have secured to myself and my mission universal decency and respect, though no open acknowledgment or avowal.

I write this to you in confidence. You may entirely suppress it, or communicate it in confidence, as you judge, for the public good.

I might have added that many gentlemen of letters of various nations have expressed their approbation of this measure; I will mention only two. M. d’Alembert and M. Raynal, I am well informed, have expressed their sense of it in terms too flattering for me to repeat. I might add the opinion of many men of letters in this republic.

The charge of vanity is the last resource of little wits and mercenary quacks, the vainest men alive, against men and measures that they can find no other objection to. I doubt not but letters have gone to America containing their weighty charge against me; but this charge, if supported only by the opinion of those who make it, may be brought against any man or thing.

It may be said that this memorial did not reach the Court of Versailles until after Colonel Laurens had procured the promise of men and ships. But let it be considered, Colonel Laurens brought with him my credentials to their High Mightinesses, and instructions to Dr. Franklin to acquaint the Court of Versailles with it, and request their countenance and aid to me. Colonel Laurens arrived in March. On the 16th of April I acquainted the Due de la Vauguyon, at the Hague, that I had received such credentials, and the next day waited on him in person, and had, that day and the next, two hours’ conversation with him each day upon the subject, in which I informed him of my intention to go to their High Mightinesses. All this he transmitted to the Count de Vergennes; and though it might procure me the reputation of vanity and obstinacy, I shall forever believe that it contributed to second and accelerate Colonel Laurens’s negotiations, who succeeded to a marvel, though Dr. Franklin says he gave great offence. I have long since learned that a man may give offence and yet succeed. The very measures necessary for success may be pretended to give offence.

The earnest opposition made by the Due de la Vauguyon, only served to give me a more full and ample persuasion and assurance of the utility and necessity of the measure. His zeal convinced me that he had a stronger apprehension that I should make a great impression somewhere than I had myself. “Sir,” says he, “the King and the United States are upon very intimate terms of friendship. Had not you better wait until we can make the proposition in concert?” “God grant they may ever continue in perfect friendship,” said I; “but this friendship does not prevent your Excellency from conducting your negotiations without consulting me. Why then am I obliged, in proposing a simple treaty of commerce, which the United States have reserved the entire right of proposing, to consult your Excellency? If I were about to propose an alliance, or to invite or admit the Dutch to accede to the alliance between the King and the States, I should think myself obliged to consult your Excellency.” “But,” said he, “there is a loan talked of to be opened by the United States here, under the warranty of the King. How will it look for you to go to the states without my concurrence?” “Of this I know nothing,” said I, “but one thing I know, that if such a loan should be proposed, the proposition I design to make to the states, instead of obstructing, will facilitate it, and your proposal of a loan will rather countenance me.”

“Is there not danger,” said he, “that the Empress of Russia and the other northern powers will take offence at your going to the states-general before them?” “Impossible,” said I; “they all know that the Dutch have been our old friends and allies; that we shall have more immediate connections of commerce with Holland than with them. But what is decisive in this matter is, America and Holland have now a common enemy in England at open war, which is not the case with the northern powers.”

“Had you not better wait, until I can write to the Count de Vergennes, and have his opinion?” “I know already, beforehand,” said I, “what his opinion will be.” “Ay, what?” “Why, directly against it.” “For what reason?” “Because the Count de Vergennes will not commit the dignity of the King or his own reputation, by advising me to apply, until he is sure of success, and in this he may be right; but the United States stand in a different predicament. They have nothing to lose by such a measure, and may gain a great deal.”

“But,” said he, “if Holland should join England in the war, it will be unfortunate.” “If there was danger of this,” said I, “a proposition from the United States would be one of the surest means of preventing it; but the situation of Holland is such that I am persuaded they dare not join England. It is against their consciences, and they are in bodily fear of a hundred thousand men from France.” “God,” said he, “you have used an argument now that you ought to speak out boldly and repeat peremptorily in all companies, for this people are governed very much by fear.” “I have, however, spoken upon this subject with delicacy, upon all occasions, and shall continue to do so,” said I, “but shall make no secret that I am sensible of it.”

After turning the subject in all the lights it could bear, I told him that I believed he had urged every objection against the measure that could be thought of, but that I was still clear in my former opinion. “Are you decided to go to the states?” “Yes, sir. I must say I think it my duty.” “Very well; in that case,” said he, “you may depend upon it, I will do all in my power, as a man, to countenance and promote your application.”

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 24 Février, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Vous aurez vu ce matin, par ma lettre d’avis et traite d’hier de f. 10,000 à vue, lesquelles vous auront été présentées par M. Molière, négociant de votre ville, ce qui concerne la transaction touchant votre hôtel ici. Le nombre de ceux qui m’ont témoigné le plaisir que cela leur fait est grand. Les Anglomanes gardent le silence avec moi. Un seul, des plus outrés, me demanda hier si le fait étoit vrai; je lui dis qu’oui, et qu’il voyoit devant lui le tentator et le patrator du délit. Sur quoi point de réplique.

Celle-ci est principalement pour vous informer, monsieur, que je sais de science certaine, que l’on a pris en Frise la résolution provinciale de reconnoître l’indépendance dont l’Amérique unie est en pleine possession. J’ai lieu d’espérer, que quelqu’autre chose viendra à l’appui de cette démarche. Laissons leur faire cela sans bouger de notre côté. En attendant, le mauvais temps se passera; vous rangerez votre hôtel ici; et puis nous ferons une petite tournée ensemble qui ne sera pas inutile, et qui pourra nous faire autant de bien politiquement que physiquement. J’espère de recevoir demain de vos nouvelles, et notamment que vous vous portez parfaitement bien.

Votre très humble, &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 26 Février, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Dans une lettre de ce même jour, qui est déjà à la poste, j’ai oublié de vous faire part d’un article essentiel, qui est, que le rapport de M. Van der Santheuvel, le président, fait à L. H. P., de votre dernière réquisition, a été pris ad referendum le dernier jour de l’assemblée d’Hollande, par toutes les villes de cette province. Nous verrons ce qui en résultera. Les États se rassembleront demain Mercredi en huit.

À la hâte, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, 28 February, 1782.

Sir,—

I have the pleasure to inform you that Friesland has taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States of America, and to admit their minister to an audience, and has instructed her deputies in the assembly of their High Mightinesses, at the Hague, to make a motion in eight days from this.

The states of Holland have also taken my last requisition, and transmitted it to the several cities; and to-morrow it is to be taken into consideration in the regency of Amsterdam. Dort has made a motion in the states of Holland to acknowledge American independence and admit me to an audience. Their High Mightinesses have encouraging news from Petersburg, and from the East and West Indies; so that at present there are appearances that our affairs will go very well here, and come to a speedy treaty. If any thing should delay it, it will be the example of Spain; but I do not believe that will, a great while. One thing is past a doubt; if Spain should now make a treaty with you, this republic would immediately follow the example, which, if any thing can, would accelerate the negotiations for peace. By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between France and America, the parties agree to invite in concert other powers to make common cause and accede. Permit me to suggest an idea. Suppose you write to the French ambassador at Madrid, and cite the words of that tenth article, and request him to join you in an invitation to the King of Spain. Excuse this freedom. You will judge whether it will do.

I should be exceedingly obliged to you for the earliest intelligence, whether there is any prospect with you or not.

With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGYON.

Amsterdam, 1 March, 1782.

Sir,—

As Friesland has taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge the independence of America, it seems to be high time for me to prepare for the execution of my instructions from congress of the 16th of August, which I had the honor to communicate to you on the 25th of November, and which had been previously communicated to the minister of foreign affairs at Versailles.

From these instructions it appears that his Most Christian Majesty had made, by his minister, to congress a tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States; and that this tender was accepted by congress as a fresh proof of his Majesty’s solicitude for their interests.

By another resolution I am instructed to propose a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

The system of operations was thus settled at Philadelphia between the King, by his minister, and the congress, and for obvious and wise reasons the minister of congress at the Hague was to make the proposition to their High Mightinesses, and the ambassador of his Majesty was to countenance and support it, either publicly or privately, as he should judge proper, until the states-general should listen to it so far as to enter into the negotiation.

In pursuance of these principles, it seems to be necessary for me to go to the president of their High Mightinesses, and, without offering him any thing in writing, to make him the proposition in the following words, or others equivalent.

Monsieur,—I have done myself the honor of demanding this conference, in order to desire you to inform their High Mightinesses, that, by the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States of America, the Most Christian King and the United States, “sont convenues, d’inviter de concert, ou d’admettre les puissances, qui auront de griefs contre l’Angleterre, à faire cause commune avec eux, et à accéder à la présente alliance sous les conditions qui seront librement agréées et convenues entre toutes les parties.” That the United States have lately transmitted to their minister plenipotentiary at the Hague a fresh commission, with full powers, general and special, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers by his Most Christian Majesty and their High Mightinesses, the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of, and concerning a treaty of alliance between his Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

As it is most certain that no member of this republic, nor any impartial power of Europe, can deny it to be “une puissance qui a des griefs contre l’Angleterre,” in the name and behalf of the said United States, and in obedience to their express instructions, and in virtue of the said tenth article of the said treaty of alliance, I have the honor to propose such a triple alliance to their High Mightinesses, the states-general.

A combination of the counsels and arms of all those powers against whom Great Britain, in the wantonness of her ambition, has declared war, appears to be the easiest and the only certain method of preventing the unnecessary effusion of human blood, which is not, however, more sacred nor precious in the sight of Americans than in that of your High Mightinesses and the other powers of Europe,—the only way of bringing this war to a speedy conclusion for the happiness of mankind,—the only way in which a safe, solid, and honorable peace can be soon obtained by any of the powers at war; but if their High Mightinesses should be of a different opinion, they are the supreme judges of the policy of this nation, and have their own choice; and America, with the generous assistance of her august and glorious ally, can sustain the war in future for any given period of time with as little inconvenience as any other of the belligerent powers.

Upon this occasion, moreover, I take the liberty to repeat the requisition of the 9th of January, of a categorical answer to the demand of an audience of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May last, because, whether their High Mightinesses shall think fit or not to enter into the proposed triple or quadruple alliance; whether they shall think fit or not to enter into the proposed treaty of amity and commerce with the United States, it seems indispensably necessary that their High Mightinesses should declare whether they consider the United States as an independent State or not; whether they consider their inhabitants as friends or enemies; that the men-of-war, privateers, and merchants of each nation may know how to govern themselves in relation to the subject of prizes and reprisals at sea.1

Friesland has taken so decided a part, and the other provinces, especially Holland, are animated with such a spirit, that I cannot but flatter myself such a proposition would now run with rapidity through the seven Provinces, and contribute very much to accelerate the period of this bloody and ruinous war.

I have the honor to request your Excellency’s sentiments upon the subject, and to be, &c.

John Adams.

THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

The Hague, 4 March, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received the letter you did me the honor to address to me from Amsterdam, the 1st instant. I am not in a situation to answer it in the capacity of King’s minister, not having any ulterior instructions on the subject to which it relates; but as you request my private opinion, I will give it to you with the greatest sincerity.

After having seriously reflected on the views which you have communicated to me, whatever inclination I may have to adopt your opinions, I cannot conceal from myself the inconveniences attending the execution of the plan, which you appear disposed to follow. I should apprehend that it might retard rather than accelerate the ultimate success, and I believe I have good reasons for this opinion. I shall have the honor of explaining more fully by word of mouth the motives which decide my conduct, if, as M. Dumas gives me to hope, you should visit the Hague in the course of a few days.

Receive, sir, my renewed assurances of inviolable attachment and profound respect, &c.

De la Vauguyon.

TO M. BERGSMA.

Amsterdam, 5 March, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received from the hands of Mr. Menkema the resolution of the States of Friesland of the 26th of February. I beg you would accept of my best thanks for the honor you have done me in communicating to me so early this important measure; a resolution which does honor to that spirit of liberty which distinguishes your province, and is so apparently equitable, that the example cannot fail to be followed by all the other provinces.

The situation of this republic is such, that she cannot rationally expect peace upon any terms consistent with her honor and essential interests, until there is a general peace. Great Britain will never agree to a peace with this nation, but from motives that will equally stimulate her to make peace with America. She will never make peace with either, while she entertains a hope of any advantage in continuing the war. And there is every reason to believe that nothing would contribute more to extinguish such hopes than a decided acknowledgment of American sovereignty by this republic.

Such an acknowledgment, too, will probably have a great influence with Spain and with all the powers which are parties to the armed neutrality.

In short, there is no event which would have a stronger tendency to accelerate a general peace so much wished for by mankind.

The true system of this republic is to be neutral as much as possible in the wars of Europe. This will also be the true system of America; and an intimate friendship between the two republics will enable each to assist the other in maintaining their neutrality.

The Province of Friesland will have the honor with posterity of having first penetrated into the true plan of policy for the republic; and she is indebted to no man more for this advantage than to you.

I have the honor to congratulate you and the Province upon the occasion, and to subscribe myself, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Amsterdam, 10 March, 1782.

My Dear General,—

The proceedings of late in the British parliament, I think, abundantly prove that the British troops will evacuate New York and Charleston, and go to Quebec, Halifax, and the West India Islands, provided they can escape in the course of the ensuing summer.

It cannot be a question to any sensible man, whether it would cost most time, blood, and treasure to France and Spain to take them all prisoners where they now are, or to fight them in detail in the West India Islands. No man knows better than you what is necessary in order to strike this sublime stroke, and thus finish the war, namely,—a superior fleet and a good sum of money.

The Province of Friesland has taken the resolution to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States of America, and to give audience to their minister, and has communicated to the states-general. Holland has committed the same subject to the committee for great affairs, and the body of nobles and all the cities have it under deliberation. Guelderland, Zealand, and Overyssel, too, have taken the resolution of Friesland into consideration.

With great affection and esteem, I am, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 10 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Après que vous fûtes parti, je reçus un billet de notre ami, pour me prier de lui envoyer au plus vite une copie du projet de réponse que vous avez vu et désapprouvé, en m’assurant qu’il en feroit un bon usage. Je le lui envoyai avec ce correctif au bas.

“Je crois nécessaire d’ajouter, que M. A. ne se contenteroit pas de cette réponse, et ne la recevroit pas, parcequ’elle ne seroit pas catégorique, comme il l’a demandée. D’ailleurs on ne peut pas dire avec connoissance de cause, que l’admission d’un ministre des États Unis éprouve des difficultés aux autres cours; car il n’y en a pas une des neutres où il y en ait un; et quant au belligérantes, on sait qu’ils y en ont, et que la république en est une. M. A. est venu ouvertement et rondement offrir, avec l’amitié sincère de son souverain, ses lettres de créance et pleins pouvoirs. Il convient de les admettre ou refuser tout aussi rondement. Ce procédé est digne des deux nations.”

J’allois immédiatement après chez l’ami moi-même. Je le trouvai occupé de l’affaire avec une autre personne devant qui il me somma de déclarer hautement et nettement ce qui vous satisferoit. Rien, sinon une audience telle qu’il la demande, ai-je répondu.

La résolution d’avant-hier ne plait ni à l’une ni à l’autre des parties; et par dessus le marché elle est suivie d’un vigoureux protest de huit villes, qui lui servira de pendant.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, 11 March, 1782.

Sir,—

The promise, which was made me by M. Bergsma, that I should have an answer from the Province of Friesland in three weeks, has been literally fulfilled. This gentleman, who, as well as his Province, deserves to be remembered in America, sent me a copy of the resolution in Dutch as soon as it passed. It is now public in all the gazettes, and is conceived in these terms.

“The requisition of Mr. Adams, for presenting his letters of credence from the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses, having been brought into the assembly and put into deliberation, as also the ulterior address to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical answer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782; whereupon, it having been taken into consideration, that the said Mr. Adams would probably have some propositions to make to their High Mightinesses, and to present to them the principal articles and foundations upon which the congress, on their part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship, or other affairs to propose, in regard to which despatch would be requisite;

“It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorize the gentlemen, the deputies of this Province at the generality, and to instruct them, to direct things at the table of their High Mightinesses in such a manner, that the said Mr. Adams be admitted forthwith as minister of the congress of North America, with further order to the said deputies, that if there should be made, moreover, any similar propositions by the same, to inform immediately their Noble Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present resolution shall be sent them for their information, that they may conduct themselves conformably.

“Thus resolved at the Province House, the 26th of February, 1782.

A. I. V. Sminia.”

This resolution has, by the deputies of Friesland, been laid before their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and after deliberation, the deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, and Groningen, have taken copies of it, to be communicated more amply to their constituents. In the states of the Province of Holland and West Friesland, the requisition of the 9th of January had been committed to the committee of grand affairs, and taken into deliberation by the body of nobles, and ad referendum by all the eighteen cities.

The sovereignty of the United States of America would undoubtedly be acknowledged by the seven United Provinces, and their minister received to an audience in state, in the course of a few weeks, if the regency of the city of Amsterdam had not visibly altered its sentiments; but all things are embroiled. The opposition to M. Van Berckel, and the glittering charms of an embassy to Petersburg or Vienna, which have been artfully displayed, as it is said, before the eyes of one man, and many secret reasonings of similar kind with others, have placed the last hopes of the English and Dutch Courts in a city, which had long been firm in opposition to the desires of both. The public in general, however, expect that the example of the Frisians will be followed. Wherever I go, everybody, almost, congratulates me upon the prospect of my being soon received at the Hague. The French gazettes all give their opinions very decidedly that it will be done, and the Dutch gazettes all breathe out, God grant that it may be so. I confess, however, that I doubt it; at least, I am sure that a very little thing may prevent it. It is certain, that the Court will oppose it in secret with all their engines, although they are already too unpopular to venture to increase the odium, by an open opposition.

Friesland is said to be a sure index of the national sense. The people of that Province have been ever famous for the spirit of liberty. The feudal system never was admitted among them; they never would submit to it, and they have preserved those privileges, which all others have long since surrendered. The regencies are chosen by the people; and on all critical occasions the Frisians have displayed a resolution and an activity beyond the other members of the state. I am told that the Frisians never undertake any thing but they carry it through, and, therefore, that I may depend upon it, they will force their way to a connection with America. This may be the case if the war continues, and the enemies of Great Britain continue to be successful; but I have no expectations of any thing very soon, because I have much better information than the public, of the secret intrigues both at the Hague and Amsterdam. Patience, however. We have nothing to fear. Courtiers and aristocrats, as well as the people, all say, “you know very well we love the Americans, and will ever be their good friends.” This love and friendship consists, however, rather too much in mere words, “Be ye warmed,” &c., and a strong desire of gain by our commerce.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 12 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

En vous confirmant mes deux lettres d’hier, celle-ci est pour vous faire part d’une résolution que la ville de Dort vient de prendre, par laquelle elle donne à M. de Gyselaer, son digne pensionnaire, une marque touchante et honorable de son estime et de son approbation, et d’ailleurs non équivoque de sa disposition par rapport aux affaires publiques. Par cette résolution elle s’attend qu’il ne se chargera d’aucun emploi ministériel dans une autre ville votante de la province, mais qu’il restera constamment attaché à la ville de Dort; et en revanche elle augmente d’un tiers les appointemens dont il a joui jusqu’ici en vertu de sa place. Partagez avec moi, monsieur, la joie que j’en ressens.

Dans une lettre de la même ville, arrivée ce matin de bonne main, on m’a fait lire ces paroles énergiques: “Nous brûlons ici du désir de reconnoître l’indépendance Américaine.”

Je suis, comme vous savez, pour toujours, &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

Monsieur,—

Une petite absence de chez moi durant la plus grande partie de la journée d’hier, a retardé les incluses. J’espère que leur retard est sans conséquence. Elles sont arrivées toutes deux d’Amsterdam, et notamment le cachet de l’une dans l’état où vous la verrez. J’ai une lettre de M. Carmichael, qui me dit entre autres;

“I wish Mr. Adams all the success he can desire. You will please to inform him that I have received letters from our new secretary of foreign affairs, dated the 20th December. If he has not a copy of the resolutions of congress touching this department, I will send it to him, and will forward any letters he may choose to send viâ Cadiz. I hear that this Court negotiates a loan for five millions of florins chez vous. Please to inform me how the subscriptions fill, and at what periods the money is paid, and whether by bills of exchange or how. I think I shall know this from others; but we never can have too many sources of information.”

Notre ami ici est d’avis, qu’il faudroit que vous eussiez un entretien et explication avec M. le Bourguemaître Hooft, et autres régents d’Amsterdam, pour être assuré de la manière dont ils en agiront ici la semaine prochaine et les suivantes, s’ils insisteront franchement et presseront que votre affaire soit mise au plutôt sur le tapis, et au cas qu’oui, concerter avec eux, si une démarche de votre part, par exemple, d’aller chez M. le Greffier, lui fixer verbalement un terme, par exemple le 15 d’Avril prochain, pour avoir une réponse catégorique; passé lequel terme, vous vous verriez dans le cas d’écrire à votre souverain en conséquence, &c. Vous userez, monsieur, de cette idée, de la manière que vous jugerez vous-même la meilleure. Si ces Messieurs d’Amsterdam agréent et désirent la démarche, qui devra être communiquée comme la précédente aux villes, ils devront vous donner leur parole de la soutenir de tout leur pouvoir à l'assemblée provinciale ici, que l’on vouloit séparer, à quoi Dort, Harlem, et Amsterdam se sont opposées, par la raison de diverses choses importantes à finir avant de se séparer, et notamment le concert des opérations avec la France sur lesquelles les instructions de M. l’ambassadeur sont en chemin pour demander explication catégorique, et l’affaire de votre admission. Ce refus de se séparer a beaucoup surpris et mortifié ceux qui n’y sont pas accoutumé; il a été forcément unanime, car les trois villes susdites auroient pu prendre les résolutions qu’elles auroient voulu en l’absence des autres.

Monsieur. NA Vous aurez reçu ce soir une lettre que j’ai fait enrégistrer No. 4, par le chariot de poste, parti d’ici à une heure après Midi. Je dois ajouter de la part de notre ami ici, qu’il est nécessaire que vous vous abouchiez au plutôt avec M. Van Berckel, le pensionnaire, et M. Bicker le fils, et que tous trois vous ayiez une conférence sérieuse et décisive, dès demain s’il est possible, chez M. Van Berckel, sur l’idée que je vous ai proposée dans la susdite lettre. Notre ami écrit là-dessus ce soir à M. Bicker, et le prévient que vous le mettrez au fait, et M. Van Berckel aussi, de ce qu’il propose; car il n’écrit qu’en termes généraux à M. Bicker, pour ne pas exposer le secret au sort d’une lettre. M. Bicker est intime avec M. Hooft. Ainsi cette matière peut le mieux se traiter, comme je le dis ci-dessus, entre vous trois. Il n’y a, pour préambule, qu’à offrir et exiger une parfaite cordialité. Si vous pouviez arrêter là-dessus quelque chose de fixe avant Samedi, notre ami croit que ce seroit un coup de partie. La chose presse, parcequ’il y a toute apparence que votre admission va être incessament mise en déliberation ici. Pour cet effet, notre ami se donne des mouvements, et écrit en divers autres endroits d’une manière dont je suis parfaitement satisfait; car il m’a montré ses lettres. Ainsi, si les mesures réussissent de votre côté (je parle de votre conférence avec les deux messieurs susdits) comme j’espère qu’elles réussiront de ces côtés-ci, votre voyage de Samedi prochain ici pourra avoir des suites importantes. En attendant, je dis à tout le monde ici ce que vous m’avez autorisé de dire hautement that nothing short of a categorical answer will satisfy you.

Je n’ai pas eu le temps de signer ma lettre de ce matin. Ce m’auroit fait manquer le chariot de poste. Ce défaut de fornalité ne doit pas vous empêcher de vous y fier. Je vous la confirme, et suis prêt à la signer quand vous voudrez, ainsi que toutes celles où il s’agira de témoigner mon zèle et ma fidélité pour les intérêts de notre souverain, et le respectueux attachement avec lequel je suis pour toujours, monsieur, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 13 March, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received your two letters, both without date, and one without name. My respects and thanks to Mr. Carmichael, &c. I have some of the resolutions of congress touching that department, but cannot say whether I have all.

I have had last evening an agreeable interview with the two worthy gentlemen you mention. They are both of opinion that it is better to wait and see what will be proposed by the grande besogne. As to any ministerial step to be taken by me at present, it had better be omitted. Let us leave the members to their own inquiries and reflections and judgment.

As to the conciliatory project, I have an utter detestation of it, between you and me. Besides, Friesland will not agree to it, so that it cannot pass, if Holland should adopt it. Friesland has set the right example, and will be followed by all in time. The members of the regency here are thinking very seriously, and will determine right in the end, if we do not furnish them an excuse by talking of conciliatory propositions.

I shall fall naturally in the way of several mercantile houses here, and shall see if their aid can be obtained in their way.

The late visit of the ambassador here, and his conversation with several persons, will have a good effect. The British cause will become more and more disgusting, contemptible, and ridiculous every day. There is no danger of proselytes to that side; so that all must come into the sentiments of Friesland ere long. Do not let us be impatient. It is not possible to make right and wrong meet half way. Is not the grand pensionary at the bottom of the conciliatory project?

I have altered my design of coming to the Hague; shall not come on Saturday; perhaps not for some weeks.

With great esteem, yours,

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Amsterdam, 15 March, 1782.

My Dear Sir,—

Your favor of February arrived last night; and I thank you for the copy inclosed. I think that if the Court of St. James is capable of taking a hint, she may see herself advised to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States, and admit their minister to the congress.

There seems to be a change of system in England, but the change is too late; the kingdom is undone past redemption. Minorca, St. Kitts, Demerara, Essequibo, &c. gone; fleets combining to stop the channel; and, what is worse than all, deficits of taxes to pay interest appearing to the amount of half a million sterling in three years, and stocks at fifty-four or fifty-three; French and Dutch united, too, in the East Indies, against them. The French have nothing to do but take prisoners the garrisons of New York and Charleston. The volunteers in Ireland again in motion.

The Dutch are now occupied in very serious thoughts of acknowledging American independence. Friesland has already done it. This is the second sovereign state in Europe that has done it. But a certain foreign faction are exhausting all their wiles to prevent it. But, would you believe it, all their hopes are in Amsterdam? But what can be the meaning of these people? How do they expect to get their islands? How do they expect to exist? We shall soon see something decisive.

I am of late taken up so much with conversations and visits that I cannot write much; but what is more, my health is so feeble that it fatigues me more to write one letter than it did to write ten when we were together at Paris. In short, to confess to you a truth that is not very pleasant, I verily believe your old friend will never be again the man he was; that hideous fever has shaken him to pieces, so that he will never get firmly compacted together again.

I have bought a house at the Hague fit for the Hôtel des États Unis, or, if you will, l’Hôtel du Nouveau Monde. It is in a fine situation, and there is a noble spot of ground. This occasions great speculations. But my health was such, that I could not risk another summer the air of Amsterdam. The house will be for my successor, ready furnished. I shall live in it myself but a short time.

I see no objection against your attempt, as you propose to find out the real dispositions of the Empress or her ministers. You cannot take any noisy measures like those I have taken here. The form of government forbids it. You can do every thing that can be done in secret. I could do nothing here in secret. Thank God, public measures have had marvellous success.

My boy should translate Sallust, and write to his papa. Charles sailed 10 December from Bilbao in the Cicero, Captain Hill. Does John study the Russian language?

Pray what is the reason that the whole armed neutrality cannot agree to declare America independent, and admit you in behalf of the United States to accede to that confederation? It is so simple, so natural, so easy, so obvious a measure, and at the same time so sublime and so glorious. It is saying, let there be light and there was light. It finishes all controversies at once, and necessitates a universal peace, and even saves old England from total destruction and the last stages of horror and despair. It is so much in the character and to the taste of the Emperor and Empress that it is amazing that it is not done. However, thank God, we have no particular reason to wish for peace; the longer the war continues now, the better for us. If the powers of Europe will, in spite of all reason and remonstrance, continue to sport with each other’s blood, it is not our fault. We have done all in our power to bring about peace. One thing I think certain,—that the British forces will evacuate the United States, if not taken prisoners, this season.

I cannot get a copy of the miniature of General Washington made for less than twelve ducats; but will have it done notwithstanding, if you persist in the desire. We will also endeavor to send you a secretary, and execute your other orders as soon as we can.

Adieu, my dear friend, adieu,

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 16 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Voici une petite cargaison de lettres qui m’ont été remises par M. le Duc de la Vauguyon pour vous.

J’ai bien reçu l’honorée vôtre du 14, et ferai bon usage du contenu, premièrement avec nos amis, et puis avec les autres.

Quant au projet conciliatoire, je puis vous assurer, that the convalescent is not at the bottom of it. Ceux mêmes qui l’ont conçu et modifié ne l’ont jamais regardé que comme leur pis aller au cas qu’il ne leur fût pas possible de faire (mieux); et dans ce cas-même ils ont désiré qu’avant d’en faire usage il fût soumis à votre jugement. Ils sont à présent suffisamment instruits que vous ne voulez pas en entendre parler. Au reste on m’avertit de tous côtés que le parti Anglomane prépare toutes ses batteries pour former la plus violente opposition à votre admission, par une résolution de cette province. Faites valoir dans vos quartiers, monsieur, comme je fais ici, l’idée d’un acte de navigation, par lequel les ports des États Unis pourroient être ouverts aux Frisons seuls, à l’exclusion des villes d’Hollande qui ne se déclareront pas actuellement, en récompense de la résolution de Frise; car cette operation trancheroit le nœud Gordien qu’on opposeroit, en prétendant qu’une province seule ne sauroit traiter avec une puissance étrangère, sans le consentement des autres.

J’ai écrit avant hier au soir une lettre par la poste à M. Van Berckel, avec prière de vous en communiquer le contenu. J’espère qu’il l’a fait. Vous y aurez vu, que les ministres des sept villes protestantes sont d’accord ici sur votre sujet, en attendant leurs instructions; que l’on est sûr d’avance de celles de Dort; et très probablement de celles de Leide et Rotterdam; j’ajouterai que la déliberation sur votre sujet est renvoyée à Vendredi prochain, afin de laisser le temps aux villes, et notamment à Amsterdam, d’assembler là-dessus leurs conseils; et que le succès, bon ou mauvais, dépend surtout de la vigueur, ou du contraire, du Vroedschap (ou conseil) d’Amsterdam. Ne vous attendez qu’à de la mauvaise volonté de la part de M. R—p. Ayez, s’il se peut, un entretien avec M. de Marseveen, afin que lui et les autres amis determinent M. Hooft à l’exertion de tout son crédit et pouvoir.

Il ne s’agit pas seulement de lier la république avec nous, qui pourrions peut-être l’abandonner à elle-même sans tant de conséquence, mais aussi et surtout d’achever d’arracher cette république d’entre les griffes du Léopard, ce qui importe à nos amis et à toute l’Europe encore plus qu’à nous; et voilà pourquoi, me dit-on, we must not be too rash, if a little longer temporizing can do it.

Dans ce moment l’ambassadeur me fait demander de passer chez lui. Je ne fermerai la présente qu’à mon retour, afin de pouvoir y ajouter, s’il y a quelque chose de plus à vous marquer. Mais pour ne plus commettre une incongruité à force d’être pressé, je signerai toujours le respect, &c. &c.

Dumas.

P. S. It may perhaps be worth your while, sir, to come here towards the end of next week, and hear from the ambassador that the C. V. is and will be more your friend than you seemed to apprehend he was.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 16 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

En vous proposant, monsieur, de venir faire un tour ici vers la fin seulement de la semaine prochaine, mon intention étoit simplement de ne pas interrompre les conférences que vous pourriez avoir encore avec quelques uns de ces messieurs, avant qu’ils aient tenu le conseil de leur ville, d’où dépendra la conduite que leurs députés tiendront ici sur le sujet de votre demande. Sans cela, rien n’empêcheroit que je n’eusse plutôt l’honneur de vous revoir ici.

Je vous dirai historiquement, mais de science certaine, que le prince stadtholder a reçu ce matin une lettre des seigneurs États de Frise, résolue le 11^e et expediée le 12^e, dans laquelle on expose à S. A. S. “qu’il a existé depuis quelque temps parmi les habitans de la province, un mécontentement dangereux au sujet de la direction des affaires, surtout de celles concernant la guerre; que ce mécontentement, loin de diminuer, s’affermit de plus en plus, au grand regret des États; que cette disposition de leurs sujets importe trop aux États, pour ne pas mettre tout en œuvre pour qu’elle n’ait pas des suites plus dangereuses encore; que la personne de M. le Duc de Brunswick, considérée comme conseiller de S. A. S., est tenue généralement pour la cause de la marche lente et pitoyable des affaires, et s’est attiré par-là une haine de la part de la nation, dont les suites sont à craindre; que les seigneurs États, en vrais pères de la patrie, ne sauroient cacher cela a S. A., mais doivent requérir S. A., afin d’écarter autant que possible toute diffidence, de persuader au Seigneur Duc, de la meilleure manière que faire se pourra, de se retirer de la personne de S. A. et de la république.”

Il y a dans la Gazette de Rotterdam un article qui vous regarde, monsieur. On y écrit d’Ostende, que les lettres de Londres du 8^e reçues là, annoncent que M. Laurens ayant déclaré n’avoir aucun pouvoir pour traiter, mais que c’étoit vous, monsieur, qui étiez muni de pouvoirs pour traiter avec la Grande Bretagne dans le futur congrès général, le ministère avoit dépêché tout de suite des passeports pour vous en Hollande, et que vous étiez par conséquent attendu à Londres la semaine prochaine. En comparant avec cela, que l’on me dit il y a trois jours que l’émissaire Wentworth venoit de recevoir un courier de Londres avec d’importantes dépêches, et que ce même jour le nouvel envoyé ajoint de Russie, avoit eu une conférence ici, soit avec M. Adams, soit avec quelque autre agent Américain, je suis violemment tenté de croirc que l’article susdit de Rotterdam a été forgé ici par l’émissaire, et lâché dans le public pour donner de l’ombrage et de l’inquiétude, soit à nos amis ici, soit à la France, et pour nous rendre suspects aux uns et aux autres, s’il pouvoit. Je n’ai pas hésité là-dessus devant des gens respectables qui m’ont parlé de l’article, et je l’ai traité avec le mépris qu’il mérite, soit qu’il vienne de Londres ou d’ici.

Je suis toujours, &c. &c.

Dumas.

P. S. Demain notre ami prendra des mesures efficaces pour que l’Émissaire Wentworth parte tout de suite.

TO JOHN LUZAC.

Amsterdam, 20 March, 1782.

Sir,—

This morning I received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 19th of this month, with the two copies inclosed, of the petition of the merchants, manufacturers, and traders of Leyden, to the great council of that city, praying for the conclusion of commercial connections with the United States of America.

You will be pleased to present my acknowledgments to the responsible body, whose intentions you execute, for their obliging attention to me, which does me much honor; and it is with great sincerity that I join in their wishes, and rejoice in the pleasing prospect of seeing the two republics acknowledged to be sisters, which cannot fail to have the most favorable effects upon the manufactures, commerce, and prosperity of Leyden.

Accept of my particular thanks, sir, for the affectionate and obliging manner in which you have made the communication, and believe me to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 20 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

L’incluse pour vous m’est parvenue, je ne sais d’où ni comment, avec une Gazette de Rotterdam où l’on a inséré la requête des négociants de la dite ville à leurs magistrats. Je suppose qu’il y en a une pareille sous ce couvert. Vous aurez vu par les gazettes, qu’avant hier pareille démarche s’est faite a Leide par 64 négociants et fabriquants. J’ai lieu de croire que demain il en sera présenté une semblable par les commerçants combinés des villes de cette province, aux États d’Hollande et Généraux.

On m’a donné la substance de la résolution prise à Amsterdam. À un seul terme près, dont on pourroit vouloir abuser, j’en suis content. Il dépendra toujours de vous, monsieur, pu’on n’en abuse pas avec succès, en refusant d’entrer en conférence et explication, à moins que préalablement on ait acceptè vos lettres de créance, et que vous soyez écouté sous le caractère que ces lettres constatent.

Je pense qu’après demain la matière sera tout de bon sur le tapis. En attendant, pour ne pas donner des lumières aux curieux indiscrets, qui voudroient visiter cette lettre, je n’ose y mettre diverses bonnes choses que je sais.

Je crois vous devoir avertir, que selon ce qu’on m’a assuré, le Sieur Wentworth est parti cet après-dìner pour Amsterdam, où il lui reste, dit-il, quelques affaires à régler; et qu’il a envoyé le gros de son bagage par Rotterdam à Anvers, où il continuera peut-être de résider. Car il ne lui sera pas permis de venir et résider ici pour le présent; le sujet prétexté de sa venue ici étant terminé, ainsi que j’en suis informé de la meilleure part.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

J’ai fait un très grand usage de votre excellente lettre du 14. Mais je ne puis vous le dire que de bouche, quand nous nous verrons.

T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Hotel, First Bible, Wednesday night, 10 o’clock.

Sir,—

I am just arrived here from London, and instead of personally waiting upon you, I make so free as to send a messenger with this and its inclosure, together with a few late newspapers.

I have a matter of public moment to mention to you; as well as to speak to a private affair of consequence to myself, which will, I think, lead me in a very few days to Dr. F., at Paris. My present purpose is to beg for half an hour’s conversation with you. I am at present, and shall be for to-morrow, totally unknown in the hotel. A line directed for me, or any message to the gentleman who arrived this night, and lodges in the room number ten, will be duly attended to.

With great respect, sir,
Your very obedient servant,

T. Digges.

(Inclosed in the Preceding.)

D. HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.

London, 11 March, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

Having been long informed of your benevolent sentiments towards peace, I wrote a letter to you on the 19th of last month, through the hands of Mr. Laurens, Jr., to renew that subject with you, because I was aware at that time, from conferences and correspondences to which I had been a party, that the topic of peace would soon become general. I understand that Mr. Jay, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Laurens, and yourself, are empowered, by a special commission, to treat. I hope the powers of that commission will soon be called forth into action, and that success may attend. The public proceedings of parliament, and the proposed bill to enable the crown to conclude peace or truce with America, are, or will certainly be, made known to you. The first object will be to procure a meeting of authorized persons, and to consult upon the preliminaries of time, place, and manner; but the requisites, above all others, are mutual good dispositions to conciliate and to accommodate, in the confident hope, that if the work of peace were once well begun, it would soon become general. Permit me to ask whether the four gentlemen above specified are empowered to conclude as well as to treat, and whether jointly so, or severally. The bill now depending in parliament on the part of this country, is to conclude as well as to treat. As to other provisions of it, I cannot speak positively, but I understand, from the best authority, that the general scope of it is to remove the parliamentary obstructions now subsisting, which would frustrate the settlements which may be made at the termination of the war. I heartily wish success to the cause of peace.

I am, dear sir, with great respect,
Your most obedient servant,

D. Hartley.

P. S. Mr. Digges, who will deliver this to you, will explain many things of great importance on the subject of peace. I have been witness of the authority upon which they have been delivered to him; when the first application was made to him, he consulted me, as knowing that such topics had more than once passed through my hands. I have recently had many conferences on my own part with the ministry here, relating to the mode of entering into negotiations of peace, and am fully informed of the subject of Mr. Digges’s commission to you. You may, therefore, be assured that it comes to you from the highest authority.

TO T. DIGGES.

21 March, 1782.

Mr. Adams will stay at home, for the gentleman in number ten, whom he will receive at ten o’clock this day, sans cérémonie, provided the gentleman is content the conversation should pass in presence of Mr. Thaxter, Mr. Adams’s secretary.

But such is the situation of things here and elsewhere, that it is impossible for Mr. Adams to have any conversation with any gentleman from England, without witness; and, indeed, Mr. Adams’s advice to the gentleman is to proceed forthwith to Paris, and communicate whatever he has to say to Dr. Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes in the first place, without seeing Mr. Adams, who will certainly think himself bound to communicate whatever may be made known to him, without loss of time, to those ministers, as he has no authority to treat, much less to conclude, but in concert with them and others.

TO M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ.

Amsterdam, 22 March, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me the 18th of this month, with a copy inclosed of the petition of the committee of the merchants of the city of Rotterdam, to their magistrates, presented last Saturday. You will please to accept of my thanks for this very acceptable present, and of my hearty congratulations upon that remarkable harmony and unanimity in the sentiments of the various cities and provinces of the republic, concerning the present subject of their deliberations,—a treaty with America.

The unanimity of the republic in this important measure, and the forcible arguments adduced in support of it, by the bodies of merchants and manufacturers in the several cities, will probably have a great influence, even in England, for a general peace; in such case the commerce will be free, and the city of Rotterdam, from her situation, will have as large a share, at least in proportion, as any other. I wish it all the prosperity it can desire, and beg leave to subscribe myself, &c.

John Adams.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 22 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Mardi ou Mercredi prochain nous pourrons selon toute apparence dire avec Ovide, Dicite, Io Pæan, &c.; c’est à dire, notre sœur la Hollande, comme nous pourrons déjà dire, notre sœur la Frise; et puis les autres ne tarderont pas de compléter la fraternité. Hier l’affaire de votre admission fut tout de bon sur le tapis; il n’y eut aucun débat là-dessus. Neuf villes, savoir, Dort, Harlem, Delft, Leide, Amsterdam, Gouda, Schoonhoven, Purmerend, et la neuvième je l’ai oubliée, donnèrent leurs suffrages pour l’affirmative sans aucune contradiction, pas même de M. le grand pensionnaire, qui se montra fort traitable; et les députés des neuf autres ne gardèrent le silence que parce qu’ils n’avoient pas encore reçu leurs instructions. Notre ami déclara, qu’il ne souffrira pas que cette assemblée se separât sans qu’on prît une résolution définitive à ce sujet, et lui ainsi qu’un autre ami m’ont assuré qu’elle passera unanimement Mardi ou Mercredi prochain.

Ayez la bonté, monsieur, de me dire d’abord en réponse si la copie de la résolution que vous avez reçue des États de Frise, est ce qu’on appelle une copie authentique, c’est à dire, si elle est signée de la main de M. Sminia, le Secrétaire des États de Frise. On me l’a demandé; et j’ai lieu de croire, que c’est pour se conduire en conséquence; c’est à dire, qu’on vous enverra aussi une copie signée de M. Clotterboke, le Secrétaire des États d’Hollande. Notre ami est surpris que vous ne soyez pas venu aujourd’hui ici. Il dit qu’il est bon de vous montrer ici pendant quelques jours; et je crois que M. l’ambassadeur sera bien aise aussi de pouvoir vous dire ce que je vous ai marqué il y a quelques jours de la part de M. de Vergennes.

Pour le coup je crois être sûr que Wentworth est parti hier tout de bon pour Amsterdam; a moins qu’il ne se soit caché dans quelque gouttière.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

Je soupçonne qu’il s’agira encore d’une petite ruse, pour ôter quelque chose à l’authenticité de votre admission; mais vous pourrez éviter facilement ce petit piége, si tant est qu’on veuille l’essayer, en refusant tout net de présenter vos lettres de créance autrement que comme tous les ministres publics les présentent, c’est à dire, en pleine audience à l’assemblée des états généraux et non à une commission. Après cette première audience, on pourra, tant qu’on voudra, traiter par commissaires, à la bonne heure; mais l’audience doit précéder, pour prévenir toute chicane à l’avenir.

Il est bon de ne rien dire encore du contenu de cette lettre à d’autres qu’à Messrs. Van Berckel, Bicker, et Marseveen; si vous jugez à propos de leur en parler. Tout autre ne doit savoir rien de la résolution que lorsqu’elle sera prise et communiquée.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 23 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Celle-ci n’est que pour confirmer la mienne d’hier, et que l’affaire va grand train. J’ai vu ce matin M. l’ambassadeur qui m’a entretenu très gracieusement et avec une bonne humeur charmante. Il pense, tout comme notre ami, que votre apparition ici pour quelques jours est à propos, non pour faire aucune démarche, mais seulement pour vous montrer sans affectation.

Une dépêche secrète d’un ministre de la république à certaine cour, leur donne l’avis, de la part du souverain de cette cour-là, non seulement de la part intime qu’il prend et prendra toujours aux intérêts de la république, mais aussi celui de ne rien attendre de la prétendue médiation, et d’être persuadée que cette médiation n’aboutira à rien, et n’est qu’un être de raison.

Permettez, monsieur, &c. &c.

Dumas.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Hague, 26 March, 1782.

Sir,—

One day last week I received, at Amsterdam, a card from Digges, inclosing two letters to me from Mr. David Hartley. The card desired to see me upon business of importance; and the letters from Mr. Hartley contained an assurance that, to his knowledge, the bearer came from the highest authority. I answered the card, that, in the present situation of affairs here and elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one from England, without witness; but if he was willing to see me in presence of Mr. Thaxter, my secretary, and that I should communicate whatever he should say to me to Dr. Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes, I would wait for him at home at ten o’clock; but that I had rather he should go to Paris without seeing me, and communicate what he had to say to Dr. Franklin, whose situation enabled him to consult the court without loss of time. At ten, however, he came, and told me a long story about consultations with Mr. Penn, Mr. Hartley, Lord Beauchamp, and, at last, Lord North, by whom he was finally sent to inquire of me if I, or any other, had authority to treat with Great Britain of a truce. I answered, that “I came to Europe last, with full powers to make peace; that these powers had been announced to the public upon my arrival, and continued in force until last summer, when congress sent a new commission, containing the same powers to five persons, whom I named; that if the King of England were my father, and I the heir apparent to his throne, I would not advise him ever to think of a truce, because it would be but a real war under a simulated appearance of tranquillity, and would end in another open and bloody war, without doing any real good to any of the parties.”

He said that the ministry would send some person of consequence over, perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehensive that he would be ill treated or exposed. I said that if they resolved upon such a measure, I had rather they would send immediately to Dr. Franklin, because of his situation near the French Court; but there was no doubt, if they sent any respectable personage properly authorized, who should come to treat honorably, he would be treated with great respect; but that if he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon any thing without consulting my colleagues, and should reserve a right of communicating every thing to my colleagues, and to our allies.

He then said that his mission was finished; that the fact to be ascertained was, simply, that there was a commission in Europe to treat and conclude, but that there was not one person in Great Britain who could affirm or prove that there was such a commission, although it had been announced in the gazettes.

I desired him, and he promised me, not to mention Mr. Laurens to the ministry, without his consent, and without informing him that it was impossible he should say any thing in the business, because he knew nothing of our instructions; because, although it was possible that his being in such a commission might induce them to release him, yet it was also possible it might render them more difficult concerning his exchange.

The picture he gives of the situation of things in England is gloomy enough for them. The distress of the people, and the distractions in administration and parliament, are such as may produce any effect almost that can be imagined.

The only use of all this, I think, is to strike decisive strokes at New York and Charleston. There is no position so advantageous for negotiation as when we have all an enemy’s armies prisoners. I must beg the favor of you, to send me by one of the Comte de Vergennes’s couriers to the Duc de la Vauguyon, a copy, in letters, of our peace instructions. I have not been able to decipher one quarter part of mine. Some mistake has certainly been made.

Ten or eleven cities in Holland have declared themselves in favor of American independence, and it is expected that today or to-morrow this Province will take the decisive resolution of admitting me to an audience. Perhaps some of the other Provinces will delay it for three or four weeks; but the Prince has declared that he has no hopes of resisting the torrent, and, therefore, that he shall not attempt it. The Duc de la Vauguyon has acted a very friendly and honorable part in this business, without, however, doing any ministerial act in it.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 27 March, 1782.

My Dear Sir,—

I beg you will accept my best thanks for the two letters you have been pleased to write, giving the particulars of your situation in Holland, and favoring me with your opinions upon the operations of the next campaign.

I am happy to find you are likely to get the better of British cabals, and hope our independence will be soon acknowledged throughout the United Provinces. Such a measure from a republican and commercial nation will prove particularly agreeable to America. You will vastly oblige me, my dear friend, to let me hear of the progress of your negotiations, and I do assure you, that independent of public considerations, the high regard and warm attachment I feel for you, will greatly contribute to my satisfaction.

On my departure from America I have been desired by Mr. Morris to represent the necessity of a pecuniary assistance. It has been granted, but four or six millions are wanting to make up the sum. Could it be possible to find them in Holland upon American credit?

The defensive plans of General Conway are so very absurd, that I think, with you, a general evacuation will probably take place. However, we ought not to be too sanguine. In all cases, I am entirely of your opinion about what we ought to do. I cannot write so confidentially by post as I could wish, and will be more particular when an opportunity offers. I had a letter from Mr. Jay; things there as usual. General Washington writes me that every thing in the several departments is taking a good turn, and great improvements are made. He appears much satisfied with the present situation of affairs.

You are to receive a visit, not from a friend—that I had from the ministers here. You will vastly oblige me with the particulars. But let me know what I am to say and not to say. The next safe opportunity, I will write you a confidential letter, and wish it was in your power to let me have a cipher to correspond with you. I shall remain some weeks more in France, and am sure congress will approve of the delay.

With the highest regard, &c.

Lafayette.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 28 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

La grande œuvre est accomplie. Aujourd’hui les États d’Hollande ont résolu, que leurs députés aux états généraux seront instruits de diriger les choses dans l’assemblée de L. H. P. à telle fin, que M. Adams soit admis pour leur présenter ses lettres de créance de la part des États Unis; et les États ont chargé expressément M. le grand pensionnaire de vous donner incessamment connoissance de cette résolution. Le corps des nobles a déclaré, qu’il ne concouroit ni ne s’opposoit à cette résolution. Sigillum veri simplex.

Je n’ajouterai donc rien à ce que dessus, qui vient de m’être communiqué par M. Zeberg avec ses complimens sincères pour votre excellence. Je n’ai pu voir les autres, qui sont actuellement à célébrer l’œuvre en bonne compagnie, et le verre en main, au sortir de l’assemblée, sans retourner chez eux, où je les ai cherché en vain.

Je suis d’avis qu’il est convenable, monsieur, que vous témoigniez par une lettre à M. le Duc de la Vauguyon, la part que vous prenez au facheux accident arrivé la nuit du Mardi au Mercredi.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 29 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Traduction de la Résolution de leurs Nobles et grandes Puissances les Seigneurs États de Hollande et de West Frise.

Vendredi, 29 Mars, 1782.

“Il a été trouvé bon et arrêté, que l’affaire soit dirigée de la part de leurs nobles et grandes puissances à la généralité à telle fin, et que l’on y insiste de la manière la plus forte, pour que M. Adams soit admis et reconnu au plutôt par leurs H. P. comme Envoyé des États Unis d’Amérique; et le conseiller pensionnaire est chargé de donner connoissance sous main au susdit Sieur Adams de cette résolution de leurs nobles et grandes puissances.”

En attendant que M. le grand pensionnaire fasse ce dont il est chargé, en vous informant officiellement ou ministeriellement de la résolution ci-dessus, qui m’a été communiquée par notre ami, je vous en envoie en mon propre et privé nom la copie et la traduction, sans préjudice de ce que vous en apprendrez de la part de M. de Bleiswyck même. Il envoya hier son secrétaire chez moi, pour savoir si vous étiez ici. Je répondis que vous étiez à Amsterdam, que vous veniez quelquefois ici sur la fin de la semaine, mais que je doutois que vous fissiez le voyage cette fois, parceque vous m’aviez dit avoir des affaires à Amsterdam. Aujourd’hui le secrétaire est revenu me prier de passer chez son maître demain matin à dix heures et demie. Je le ferai, déterminé cependant à ne pas recevoir une information verbale pour vous la transmettre, ni autre commission que de vous acheminer une lettre, s’il m’en remet une pour votre excellence. Car ceci est une formalité entre vous, monsieur, et lui; et je ne suis nullement qualifié pour recevoir ce qui n’est dû qu’à vous dans ce cas. D’un autre côté je crois que l’on ne doit pas vous donner la peine d’un voyage ici pour cela seul, lorsque l’on peut s’acquitter de la commission par écrit, comme ont fait les Frisons. Je consulterai encore ce soir nos amis là-dessus; et si je ne vous dis rien de plus là-dessus demain, c’est qu’ils auront approuvé mon idée.

Je suis, &c. &c.

Dumas.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Copie de ma Lettre à Notre Ami.)

La Haie, 30 Mars, 1782.

“Selon vos désirs, monsieur, je vous rends compte de ce qui s’est passé il y a un moment. On m’a reçu très poliment, et tout s’est passé de même. On m’a prié affectueusement de faire la notification, comme un service que je rendrois. J’ai témoigné le grand regret que j’avois, de ne pouvoir, faute de qualification requise pour le cas, exécuter une commission si peu pénible, et même si agréable, moi qui ne plaindrois aucune peine pour des services plus difficiles; mais que la démarche étant un honneur que L. N. et G. P. vouloient faire au caractère, j’étois un canal impropre pour faire parvenir cet honneur autrement que par une lettre cachetée de ministre à ministre, que j’offrois de porter moi-même. On m’a fait entendre alors, que cela n’étoit pas nécessaire, et qu’on se serviroit peut-être de la voie de la poste. On m’a démandé l’adresse (que j’ai portée ensuite au secrétaire en un billet en ces termes, M. [ ] demeure au Keyzer’s-gragt près du Spiegelstraet à Amsterdam.) J’ai raconté alors historiquement, que la copie de la résolution Frisonne avoit été remise en mains propres, de la part et par ordre de qui il appartenoit, en une lettre cachetée, à laquelle je savois que M. . . . avoit fait une réponse, qui avoit été fort goûtée en Frise. Nous avons ensuite parlé de nouvelles courantes, entre autres du bruit d’une prétendue pacification entre la Grande Bretagne et l’Amérique; sur quoi j’ai dit que je savois de science certaine, que la pacification ne pouvoit se faire qu’en Europe, et notamment de la part des États Unis par cinq plénipotentiaires, dont M. NA etoit le premier en date; que ceux près des cours de V. NA et de M. NA en étoient; que rien ne se concluroit que du su, consentement et concert de ces cours, et vraisemblablement aussi de cette république, si elle ne perdoit pas du temps pour serrer le nœud d’une amitié cordiale; que je savois enfin, que quand la Grande Bretagne enverroit la commission la plus solennelle en Amérique, elle seroit renvoyée de là en Europe, pour y traiter avec les plénipotentiaires susdits à un congrès de paix générale.”

Monsieur,—Hier au soir M. le grand pensionnaire m’envoya encore son secrétaire pour me prier de passer chez lui ce matin à dix heures et demie; et vous venez de voir ce qui s’est passé en conséquence. M. l’ambassadeur qui a vu ce qui est dessus, l’approuve. J’espère que ma conduite aura votre approbation aussi. Rien ne presse à présent pour que vous veniez ici; au contraire, je compte d’avoir l’honneur de vous voir chez vous Lundi au soir. Ce voyage est concerté entre M. l’ambassadeur, notre ami et moi, pour une très bonne œuvre de votre part, dont je ne puis vous faire l’ouverture que de bouche. J’irai Lundi à une heure par le chariot de poste. Si votre cocher pouvoit se trouver à l’endroit et à l’heure où le chariot de poste qui part de La Haie Lundi prochain à une heure après Midi arrive, je serois plus vite rendu chez vous, et nous pourrions tout de suite parler de choses pour le lendemain.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

TO PETER VAN BLEISWYCK.

Amsterdam, 31 March, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 30th, inclosing the resolution of the states of Holland and West Friesland, taken on the 28th of this month, upon the subject of my admission to the audience demanded on the 4th of May, and 9th of January last.

I am very sensible of the honor that is done me, by this instance of personal attention to me in their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, and I beg of you, sir, to accept of my acknowledgments for the obliging manner in which you have communicated to me their resolution.

But my sensibility is, above all, affected by those unequivocal demonstrations, which appear everywhere, of national harmony and unanimity in this important measure; which cannot fail to have the happiest effects in America, and in all Europe, even in England itself, as well as in this republic, and which, there is great reason to hope, will forcibly operate towards the accomplishment of a general peace.

In the pleasing hope that all the other Provinces will soon follow the example of Holland and Friesland,

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Zwol, ce 31 Mars, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Les magistrats de Deventer ont pris Jeudi au soir une résolution, dans les formes, pour recevoir votre excellence en qualité de ministre plénipotentiaire des treize États Unis de l’Amérique. Vendredi au matin la requête des citoyens de cette ville a été présentée et les magistrats y ont répondu qu’ils avoient dejà pris la résolution mentionnée. La ville de Campen, a ce que j’ai été informé, est très bien disposée. Elle a accroché son consentement pour les impôts à la conclusion d’un traité de commerce avec l’Amérique. Une requête presentée à Zwol a opéré une resolution de presser de la part de cette ville le comité chargé de l’examen des mémoires de votre excellence de donner son pré-avis afin d’en faire un point de déliberation dans la ville même. Ceci est assez constitutionel, mais il tire trop en longueur. C’est pourquoi j’ai taché de faire voir la nécessité de suivre l’exemple de Deventer, et de donner ordre aux deputés de la ville à la diète de se déclarer immediatement pour l’indépendance, &c., et j’ai de l’espérance que mes efforts réussiront. Mais je crains les nobles. Ces viles créatures ont ici la moitié de la régence. J’espère néanmoins que les requêtes qui se préparent à la campagne auront quelque influence sur eux. Les prédicateurs même commencent à les appuyer. Un d’eux a prié le bon dieu aujourd’hui, qu’il veuille bénir les efforts du peuple!

Le démon aristocratique a encore joué son role à Zwol même. Les corps de métiers qui sont nombreux ici et des centaines de citoyens désiroient de signer aussi la requête, mais quelques uns à qui leur orgueil inspire l’idée d’une superiorité qui n’existe pas, refusoient de signer si cela dut se faire par une foule, et l’on fût obligé d’avoir de la déférence pour eux. Je ne suis pourtant pas éloigné de conseiller à ces gens de signer une requête séparée, et je crois que mon conseil a quelque influence sur eux. L’on commence à crier ouvertement que c’est plus-que temps de réparer le tort qu’on m’a fait et de me réadmettre a l’assemblée. Mon attachement à l’Amérique et ma conduite dans l’affaire de la brigade Écossaise m’ont rendu cher aux yeux de mes concitoyens qui sentent à présent combien il auroit été dangereux et nuisible si la république s’eut laissé entrainer insensiblement par l’Angleterre à se ranger de son côté, comme l’on avoit projeté de faire par le moyen de cette demande insidieuse.

La province de Gueldre s’assemble le 16 Avril. Je suis bien faché que ce ne soit pas plus tôt, et j’ai l’honneur d’être, &c. &c.

Capellen de Pol.

T. DIGGES TO JOHN ADAMS.

London, 2 April, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

I wrote you from Ostend, the 27th ultimo, and stated what I had done with Dr. Franklin. I arrived here the last mail-day, but too late to look about me, and to write so fully as I could wish. I found the entire kick-up of the great ones to make much noise, and to give universal pleasure. As the parliament is not sitting, no fixed measure of the new people is yet talked of, and other reports are various and vague. Mr. Laurens being out of town, and still in the West of England, I had not the opportunity of making my first communications with him, or of mentioning any thing from you. As General Conway was privy to, and at the bottom of my message to you, I was not many hours in town before I communicated to him the sum and substance of what I brought. From him I went to the man whose province it now is to act in any negotiations with America (Lord Shelburne). I am intimate with him, and he was pleased with the communication and matter of my errand, in every instance, but that of the necessity of communicating any serious or direct proffer, going from hence, to the French ministry. I have had much conversation with him and others of the new ministers, on the matter; they all talk of peace with America, if it can be got by great and direct offers; but what this great offer is, I cannot learn, for they rather draw back when the question is put, is this the offer of independence? Notwithstanding such shyness, their insinuations go to that point; but I should be glad to be ascertained of the real fact. I found all ranks of people delighted with the change of men. All and every visage speaks a general joy from the prospect of getting better times and peace with America; but a quiet thinking American, even in the midst of this clamor, is apt to reason with himself and things, and to say, to what point will all those changes tend? Will my country, or those European friends who have helped her, be benefited by the new system, and set of men? Certainly not, without that new set of men go heartily to the work of peace. Every declaration among the great and leading men, is for peace; but I suspend my opinion, until I see some actual measures adopted for the obtaining that desirable object. A peace with America, separately from France, seems universally scouted; and, within a few days, an opinion seems to go generally abroad, that the present ministers are likely to detach Holland from its present connection with the house of Bourbon. This I look upon as only a manœuvre to help the stocks; yet it is confidently said, that the Marquis of Carmarthen will be sent forthwith to Holland, and that a messenger is already gone to the two imperial courts, to desire them to again open their intercessions for peace. There are vast exertions making in the navy, and no increase of army. The new men have the wishes of the people very much with them, and there is an appearance of unanimity, which during my eight or nine years’ residence here I have never seen before. Lord Shelburne is the only new minister suspected of not wishing to go to the length of declaring American independence; but I think his good sense and excellent information of things in America, must make him think the measure a necessary one, whatever he may hold out as his intention. He may be said to be prime minister, for the great work is in his department, he having all the southern district of Europe, the whole of home and Irish matters, the East and West Indies, and every thing relative to America. There seems a little disunion between him and the premier, Lord Rockingham, but I cannot tell where the disunion lays. If the whole of them do not pull together, it will not be long a popular ministry. My communication and interest with Lord Shelburne have procured me a promise of a carte blanche to look for any of my papers that may be transferred from Lord Hillsborough’s office to his; but this cannot be done till some consequent arrangements take place, and, indeed, I am rather chagrined by his telling me, that it never happens that the whole of papers are turned from one to the other office, when a minister retires; for the custom is to make a sweep of office, as they term it, and to destroy every paper that the retiring minister does not choose to take away with him. I fear, in this way, Mr. Laurens is likely to lose his, or a chief part of them. Mr. Galloway had the examination of them, and, not longer ago than six months, a considerable part of them, and extracts of them, were arranged for publication, for the virtuous and honest purpose to gull John Bull into a belief that there yet remained a chance from the vast numbers of friends to government in America; their distresses, want of resources, &c., gave every hope of success to his Majesty’s arms from another vigorous campaign! Strange as this may appear, I had it from such authority as I cannot doubt. When Lord G. Germaine walked out of office, he took the most of Mr. Laurens’s papers with him.

I have been very busy for a day or two in the business of Captain Luke Ryan and Captain Macator, both condemned, and likely to suffer. There were some prisoners brought up from mill prison, by habeas corpus, as evidence to prove American property and commission in the last-mentioned ship, Macator’s, and I have obtained from the new admiralty a promise, that these witnesses shall not be remanded to prison, but left on parol.

There is a young man soon going to his home, by way of Amsterdam, in one or some American vessel that may be going from thence, provided he can obtain a passage; he has been a hostage, and now set at large, so that likely, in a day or two, I may give you a line by him.

I am, &c.

T. Digges.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Amsterdam, 6 April, 1782.

My Dear General,—

I am just honored now with yours of the 27th March. All things were working rapidly together here for our good, until, on the 3d instant, the Russian ministers at the Hague presented the memorial which you have seen in the gazettes. This will set twenty little engines to work, to embroil and delay; but I believe, that in the course of four or five weeks, we shall triumph over this, which I take to be the last hope of the Anglomanes. The voice of this nation was never upon any occasion declared with more unanimity, and the numerous petitions have already done an honor and a service to the American cause, that no artifice can retract or diminish.

As to the visit, Mr. Franklin is informed of the whole. It is nothing. The new British ministry are in a curious situation. There is but one sensible course for them to take, and that is, to make the best peace they can with all their enemies. We shall see whether they have resolution and influence enough to do it.

As to credit here, I am flattered with hopes of it, provided a treaty is made, not otherwise. Whether that will be done, and when, I know not. I can never foresee any thing in this country, no, not for one day, and I dare not give the smallest hopes.

Your confidential letter had better be sent by the Comte de Vergennes express to the Duke de la Vauguyon. I hope we shall have a good account soon of Jamaica.

I am extremely sorry, that Mr. Jay meets with so much delay in Spain. The policy of it is totally incomprehensible.

I am happy to find that your sentiments correspond with mine, concerning what we ought to do, and have no doubt that all will be well done, in time. What is there to resist the French and Spanish force in the West Indies? or in the channel? or in North America? or in the East Indies? If my Dutchmen fairly concert operations with France and Spain, and the seas are kept with any perseverance, all the commerce of Great Britain is at stake. Yet, your caution not to be too sanguine is very good. Spain does not yet seem to be sufficiently awake, and the English admirals, under the new ministry, will do all they can.

I fancy they will try the last efforts of despair this summer, but their cause is desperate indeed. Never was an empire ruined in so short a time, and in so masterly a manner. Their affairs are in such a state, that even victories would only make their final ruin more complete.

With great affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

C. de Gyselaer to john adams.

6 April, 1782.

Je dois vous communiquer, que Monsieur Van der Capellen du Marsch me marque, que la Province de Gueldres a prise une résolution pour votre admission conforme a celle de la Hollande, Mercredi passé.

Je suis, &c. &c.

C. de Gyselaer.

BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Zwol, le 6 Avril, 1782.

Monsieur,—

J’ai la satisfaction de communiquer à votre excellence que les États d’Overyssel ont résolu hier, nemine contradicente, de reconnoître votre excellence comme ministre des États Unis de l’Amérique septentrionale. Dieu en soit béni!

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c. &c.

J. D Van der Capellen.

TO M. DUBBLEDEMUTZ.

Amsterdam, 7 April, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received your favor of yesterday, inclosing a gazette, with a new petition or address to the magistrates of Rotterdam.

While the people entertain such sentiments, and hold such a language, their liberties and prosperity can never be essentially in danger.

I should be very happy to see you at any time while I stay in Amsterdam, or after my removal to the Hague. If I should come to the Hague the latter end of this week, or the beginning of next, I should be glad to receive you there, but I cannot at present indicate the day.

With much respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, ce 9 Avril, 1782.

Je me suis empresse, monsieur, de transmettre a M. le Comte de Vergennes les témoignages de franchise et de loyauté que vous m’avez donné. Ce ministre me répond qu’ils confirment de plus en plus sa confiance dans votre attachement invariable aux principes de l’alliance; et il me charge de vous communiquer des détails très intérêssants dont j’aurai l’honneur de vous faire part incessament s’il m’est possible d’aller passer quelques jours à Amsterdam, ainsi que je me le propose.

Recevez, monsieur, une nouvelle assurance des sentiments inviolables d’attachement et de considération très distinguée avec lesquels,

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Le Duc de la Vauguyon.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Amsterdam, 10 April, 1782.

Sir,—

I have this moment received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me yesterday, with a letter inclosed from Dr. Franklin.

The approbation of the Comte de Vergennes is a great satisfaction to me, and I shall be very happy to learn from you, sir, at Amsterdam, the details you allude to.

I have a letter from Digges, at London, 2d of April, informing me, that he had communicated what had passed between him and me, to the Earl of Shelburne, who did not like the circumstance that every thing must be communicated to our allies. He says, that Lord Carmarthen is to be sent to the Hague, to negotiate a separate peace with Holland. But, according to all appearances, Holland, as well as America, will have too much wit to enter into any separate negotiations.

I have the pleasure to inform you, that Gillon has arrived at the Havana, with five rich Jamaica ships as prizes. M. Le Roy writes, that the English have evacuated Charleston.

The inclosed fresh requête of Amsterdam will show your Excellency, that there is little probability of the Dutchmen being deceived into separate conferences.

With the most profound respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

B. E. ABBEMA TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 11 Avril, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Je serois bien flatté, si j’étois le premier a vous informer que les États de la Province d’Utrecht ont pris hier unanimement la résolution de concourir avec les autres provinces à votre admission, comme ministre plénipotentiaire du congrès des Provinces Unies de l’Amérique. Je viens d’en recevoir la nouvelle de mon frere, membre du tiers État de la dite province.

Je profite toujours de cette occasion de vous assurer, &c.

B. E. Abbema.

TO M. ABBEMA.

Amsterdam, 11 April, 1782.

Sir,—

Your favor of this morning, announcing the unanimous resolution of the States of Utrecht, taken yesterday in favor of American independence, is just come to hand. I had received a few minutes before a French gazette of Utrecht containing the same article; but I am very happy to receive it in a more authentic manner from a gentleman of so distinguished a reputation for patriotism. The unanimity and ardor with which this measure is adopted by the whole nation is to me an affecting circumstance, and an augur of much good to both nations.

With great esteem and consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO J. U. PAULI.

Amsterdam, 11 April, 1782.

Sir,—

I am honored with your letter of the 5th instant, and thank you for your polite invitation to Hamburgh, a journey which it would give me pleasure to make, but which various occupations will oblige me at least to postpone for some time.

In answer to your inquiries, sir, I have only to say, that, at present, I have no powers from the United States of America to treat with the Hanseatic cities; but their situation is such, that there will be infallibly a considerable trade between them and America; and, therefore, I know of no objection against the congress entering into negotiations with them.

If any gentleman authorized by them should have any proposals to make, I will transmit them with pleasure to congress for their consideration, only desiring that they may be either in the English or French language, as the German is unknown to me and to most of the members of congress.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

JOHN LUZAC TO JOHN ADAMS.

Leyden, 16 April, 1782.

Honorable Sir,—

The corporate body of manufacturers and merchants of this city having presented yesterday to the honorable great council of Leyden an address of thanksgiving and further prayer, concerning the future commerce of our republic with the United States of America, I find myself honored with their orders to present your Excellency with some printed copies of it. This epoch, sir, is one of the most desirable I could ever wish. Zealous for the good of my country, and rejoicing in the noble exertions of my fellow-citizens for its prosperity, by a mutual friendship and intercourse with our sister republic, it is a peculiar satisfaction to me that those very circumstances afford me an opportunity of testifying to your Excellency their ardent wishes for our common cause, the cause of liberty and mankind, and their sincere regard for a minister, who, by his personal talents and character, inspires them with a true esteem and affection for those he represents.

I am, &e.

J. Luzac.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 16 April, 1782.

Sir,—

Yesterday noon, Mr. William Vaughan, of London, came to my house with Mr. Laurens, the son of the president, and brought me a line from the latter, and told me that the president was at Haerlem, and desired to see me. I went to Haerlem, and found my old friend at the Golden Lion. He told me he was come partly for his health and the pleasure of seeing me, and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present just ideas and views of things, at least to see if we agreed in sentiment, and having been desired by several of the new ministry to do so. I asked him if he was at liberty? He said, No; that he was still under parol, but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. I told him that I could not communicate to him, being a prisoner, even his own instructions, nor enter into any consultation with him as one of our colleagues in the commission for peace; that all I should say to him would be as one private citizen conversing with another; but that, upon all such occasions, I should reserve a right to communicate whatever should pass to our colleagues and allies.

He said, that Lord Shelburne and others of the new ministers were anxious to know whether there was any authority to treat of a separate peace, and whether there could be an accommodation upon any terms short of independence; that he had ever answered them, that nothing short of an express or tacit acknowledgment of our independence, in his opinion, would ever be accepted, and that no treaty ever would or could be made separate from France. He asked me if his answers had been right. I told him that I was fully of that opinion. He said that the new ministers had received Digges’s report, but his character was such that they did not choose to depend upon it; that a person by the name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see you about the same time that he came away to see me.

I desired him, between him and me, to consider, without saying any thing of it to the ministry, whether we could ever have a real peace with Canada or Nova Scotia in the hands of the English; and whether we ought not to insist, at least, upon a stipulation that they should keep no standing army or regular troops, nor erect any fortifications upon the frontiers of either. That, at present, I saw no motive that we had to be anxious for a peace; and, if the nation were not ripe for it upon proper terms, we might wait patiently till they should be so.

I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of politics. He has a very poor opinion both of the integrity and abilities of the new ministry, as well as the old. He thinks they know not what they are about; that they are spoiled by the same insincerity, duplicity, falsehood, and corruption with the former. Lord Shelburne still flatters the King with ideas of conciliation and a separate peace, &c.; yet the nation and the best men in it are for a universal peace and an express acknowledgment of American independence, and many of the best are for giving up Canada and Nova Scotia. His design seemed to be solely to know how far Digges’s report was true. After an hour or two of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left him to return to London.

These are all but artifices to raise the stocks; and, if you think of any method to put a stop to them, I will cheerfully concur with you. They now know sufficiently that our commission is to treat of a general peace, and with persons vested with equal powers; and, if you agree to it, I will,—never to see another minister that is not a plenipotentiary.

It is expected that the seventh Province, Guelderland, will this day acknowledge American independence. I think we are in such a situation now, that we ought not, upon any consideration, to think of a truce, or any thing short of an express acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States. I should be glad, however, to know your sentiments upon this point.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.1

The Hague, 22 April, 1782.

Sir,—

On the 22d day of April I was introduced by the chamberlain to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange.

Knowing that his Highness spoke English, I asked his permission to speak to him in that language, to which he answered, smiling, “if you please, sir.” Although French is the language of the Court, he seemed to be pleased, and to receive as a compliment my request to speak to him in English.

I told him I was happy to have the honor of presenting the respects of the United States of America and a letter of credence from them to his Most Serene Highness, and to assure him of the profound veneration in which the House of Orange had been held in America, even from its first settlement, and that I should be happier still to be the instrument of further cementing the new connections between the two nations, professing the same religion, animated by the same spirit of liberty, and having reciprocal interests, both political and commercial, so extensive and important; and that in the faithful and diligent discharge of the duties of my mission, I flattered myself with hopes of the approbation of his Most Serene Highness.

His Highness received the letter of credence, which he opened and read. The answer that he made to me was in a voice so low and so indistinctly pronounced, that I comprehended only the conclusion of it, which was, that “he had made no difficulty against my reception.” He then fell into familiar conversation with me, and asked me many questions about indifferent things, as is the custom of princes and princesses upon such occasions. How long I had been in Europe? How long I had been in this country? Whether I had purchased a house at the Hague? Whether I had not lived some time at Leyden? How long I had lived at Amsterdam? How I liked this country? &c.

This conference passed in the prince’s chamber of audience with his Highness alone. I had waited some time in the antechamber, as the Duc de la Vauguyon was in conference with the Prince. The Duke, on his return through the antechamber, meeting me unexpectedly, presented me his hand with an air of cordiality, which was remarked by every courtier, and had a very good effect.

The Prince has since said to the Duc de la Vauguyon, that he was obliged to me for not having pressed him upon the affair of my reception in the beginning. He had reason; for, if I had, and he had said or done any thing offensive to the United States or disagreeable to me, it would now be remembered, much to the disadvantage of the Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 23 April, 1782.

Sir,—

On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses, to whom I presented the following memorial:—

“High and Mighty Lords,—The underwritten, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform your High Mightinesses that he is charged, by the instructions of his sovereign, to propose to the states-general of the United Provinces of the Netherlands a treaty of amity and commerce between the two republics, founded upon the principle of equal and reciprocal advantage, and compatible with the engagements already entered into by the United States with their allies, as also with such other treaties as they design to form with other powers. The undersigned has, therefore, the honor to propose that your High Mightinesses would nominate some person or persons with full powers to confer and treat with him on this important subject.

John Adams.”

Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a grand committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with great formality by two noblemen, and before whom I laid a project of a treaty, which I had drawn up conformable to the instructions of congress. I prayed the gentlemen to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they should have any, and to propose any further articles which they should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed, and sent to the members of the sovereignty.

The greatest part of my time for several days has been taken up in receiving and paying of visits from all the members and officers of government and of the Court, to the amount of one hundred and fifty and more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 23 April, 1782.

Sir,—

I ought not to omit to inform congress, that on the 23d of April the French ambassador made an entertainment for the whole corps diplomatique in honor of the United States, at which he introduced their minister to all the foreign ministers at this Court.

There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a minister from making a good dinner in good company, and, therefore, I believe they were all present, and I assure you I was myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a minister by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old fraternity.

Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect to American ministers. To see a minister of such a State as NA and NA assume a distant mysterious air towards a minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.

I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private character from the Spanish minister here, whose behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 24 April, 1782.

Sir,—

On the 24th day of April I had the honor to be introduced to the Princess, from whom I met a very gracious reception. As it is necessary to say something upon these occasions, I could think of nothing better than what follows.

Madame,—Je suis ravi d’avoir l’honneur de présenter une république vierge, un monde enfant, à la bienveillance et à la protection de votre altesse royale; d’une princesse aussi illustre, par ses perfections et vertus personnelles, que par sa connexion avec la maison d’Orange si révérée en Amérique, et avec un de ces grands monarques dans le siècle desquels on se fait un honneur de vivre.

Votre altesse royale me permettra de faire des voeux pour que ses sérénissimes enfans et leur postérité puissent jouir parmi les générations les plus reculées de l’Amérique, de la même vénération profonde qui y a toujours été entretenue pour leurs ancêtres.

Her royal Highness thanked me for the compliment, and promised to do what depended upon her to render my residence at the Hague agreeable to me; and then asked me several questions similar to those of his Most Serene Highness.

I have, &c.

John Adams.

TO M. HODSHON.

Amsterdam, 26 April, 1782.

Mr. Hodshon is desired to make the necessary inquiries, and as soon as he will give me under his hand his engagement to furnish congress with four or five millions of guilders, by the last day of July next, so that I may write forthwith, that they may draw for that sum, I will agree to his opening the loan upon the terms we have agreed upon.

John Adams.

PROPOSALS FOR OPENING A LOAN.

Mr. Adams proposes,—

1. If the houses of Fizeaux, Grand & Co., John Hodshon & Son, Messrs. Crommelins, Messrs. Van Staphorst, Messrs. De la Lande and Fynje, and Mr. John de Neufville & Son, will all join together in an American loan, Mr. Adams will open it, without demanding any stipulation for any certain sum.

2. If the first proposition is not agreed to, Mr. Adams will open a loan with as many of those houses as will agree together, and enter into a stipulation with him to furnish the sum of five millions by the month of August.

3. If no number of houses will join, Mr. Adams will open the loan with any one that will first undertake and contract to furnish that sum.

4. Mr. Adams proposes that all these gentlemen should meet and consult upon the matter, and propose their thoughts.

April 30, 1782.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

La Haie, 30 Avril, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Vous verrez par l’incluse de M. Nolet, de Schiedam, et par la copie de ma réponse provisionnelle, ce que vous jugerez à propos de leur répondre vous-même; en vous souvenant cependant, que vous avez accepté un déjeuner chez M. et Mad. Boreel ici, le 6e de Mai. On m’a dit que ces Messieurs de Schiedam donneront un repas de cent couverts, et qu’il y aura beaucoup de personnes de Rotterdam. Je dois vous faire souvenir aussi, que ces messieurs voudroient savoir le jour une semaine d’avance, à cause des préparatifs. Si vous pouviez donc dès à présent, leur fixer un jour de la 2e semaine du mois de Mai, vous leur feriez grand plaisir. Je pense que le meilleur seroit, monsieur, que vous leur indiquassiez l’heure où vous serez à Delft dans votre voiture, afin que vous puissiez entrer là dans leur yacht, si vous ne voulez pas qu’il vienne vous prendre ici; ce qui selon moi, vaudroit encore mieux. Vous prendrez après cela le parti qui sera le plus de votre goût.

Je suis, &c.

Dumas.

(The two following Letters explain the preceding.)

JACOB NOLET TO JOHN ADAMS.

Schiedam, ce 19 Avril, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Le corps des négociants de cette ville souhaitant joindre leurs acclamations a ceux de toute la nation, au sujet de l’indépendance des États Unis de l’Amérique septentrionale publiquement reconnue par nos augustes souverains, m’a chargé de m’informer auprès de votre excellence, du jour, de l’heure, et du lieu, qu’il lui conviendra d’accorder audience à six députés du dit corps de nos négociants, chargés d’exprimer en leur nom, les vifs sentimens de joie et de satisfaction sincère, qu’ils ressentent de cet heureux événement, comme aussi de l’avantage de pouvoir vous présenter leurs respects en qualité de ministre des dits États.

Vous comblerez les voeux et les espérances de nos négociants si vous daignez accorder à leurs députés l’honneur de s’entretenir quelques instants, avec votre excellence, sur les intérêts du commerce de notre ville.

Oserois je me promettre, monsieur, que vous daignerez condescendre a nos désirs! Une réponse favorable de votre part nous honorera infiniment. Dans cette flatteuse attente, et en implorant sur votre personne et qualité respectables la protection du Tout Puissant, j’ai l’honneur d’être avec les sentimens de la plus haute estime et du respect le plus profond, monsieur, &c. &c.

Jacobus Nolet.

JACOB NOLET TO M. DUMAS.

Schiedam, ce 29 d’Avril, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Il m’est impossible de vous exprimer le contentement de nos négociants en apprenant la réception distinguée dont votre digne maître, son Excellence Monsieur Adams, a daigné recevoir nos députés de commerce, comme aussi le plaisir qu’ils sentent de se voir honorer dans la première ou seconde semaine du mois de Mai prochain, de sa présence, et de celui de la vôtre.

Excusez moi, monsieur, que je prends la liberté de vous adresser la présente en vous priant de vouloir effectuer, du moins s’il est possible, que la visite de son excellence ne soit dilayée au delà du temps préscrit; à cause que le monsieur et Mtre. B. J. Pielat Van Bulderen, secrétaire de cette ville, qui comme un protecteur fidèle de notre commerce n’a difficulté d’être notre avocat et interprète auprès de son excellence, se voit obligé de sortir de ville au milieu du mois prochain, et lequel nous souhaiterions de le voir assister auprès de la reception de son excellence.

Nous aurons l’honneur, monsieur, d’attendre de votre part fixement de ce jour, et de la manière que son excellence choisira de faire le tour; soit par sa voiture, soit par jagt; soit par voiture jusqu’à Delft, et de là (à cause du mauvais chemin) par jagt. Espérant que vous tacherez de vouloir persuader son excellence de fixer son arrivée dans la ville un peu à bonne heure, nous vous sollicitons de vouloir être aussi toujours, monsieur, notre protecteur chéri, et de vous assurer de notre estime et affection.

J’ai l’honneur de me signer,
Avec bien du respect, &c.

Jacob Nolet.

TO M. DUMAS.

Amsterdam, 2 May, 1782.

Sir,—

Your favor of the 30th I had the honor to receive yesterday, with Mr. Nolet’s letter and your answer. What shall I say to this affectionate, as well as polite invitation to dine at Schiedam? I am now, and shall be a long time, exceedingly fatigued with the affair of the loan, which takes up the greater part of my attention and time. The treaty of commerce is also, you know, under consideration, and the merchants of the American Coffee House have proposed a public dinner here; but I have begged to be excused. You see the difficulties, for which reasons I earnestly wish that our kind friends of Schiedam would be so good as to excuse us; but I will leave the whole to you, and if we cannot be excused, I will conform to the day you agree upon. But there is another affair, which not only perplexes me in this business of the dinner, but in many other matters of importance. There is a serious negotiation going on for peace between the Courts of London and Versailles, and Dr. Franklin, who has sent me the whole, has invited Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and me to Paris, to consult and treat. This may make it necessary to go at a short warning.

I hope you are in possession of the house at the Hague, and advise you to live in it. Your answer to Mr. Nolet is very just.

It is my opinion, with submission to congress, that it is the interest and duty of the United States to send you a commission to be secretary of this legation and chargé d’affaires, with a salary of five hundred pounds sterling a year during the time that there is a minister here, and at the rate of a thousand a year when there is not; and you have my consent to transmit this opinion to congress, by sending an extract of this letter, or otherwise, by as many ways as you please. I shall write the same myself. I wrote as much, more than a year ago, but know not whether the letter has been received, as a vast number of my letters have been thrown overboard, and many taken.

If the dinner at Schiedam should be agreed on, there will be no difficulties in finding a way for us three to go all together. All that is before said about the negotiation for peace, you know must be kept secret. But if I go to Paris, I shall break up my house here entirely, and dismiss all my servants.

I have the honor to be, with compliments to the ladies, &c.

John Adams.

VERBAL MESSAGE OF C. W. F. DUMAS TO THE CITY OF SCHIEDAM.

The following verbal message on the part of Mr. Adams to the secretary of the city of Schiedam was given by M. Dumas on the 8th of May, 1782.

Sir,—

The diversity of sentiments which exists in this republic, in relation to the circumstances in which it stands to the United States of America, having appeared to Mr. Adams capable of causing some embarrassment to the merchants of Schiedam, if he accepted their polite invitation, he has thought that he could not better prove the regard and affection which he has for those gentlemen, than by declining their polite request. He has therefore charged me, sir, to assure you of his extreme sensibility for the honor and friendship they have manifested in his person to his sovereign; and of his intention, not only to make mention of it in his first despatches to congress, but also to show on all occasions how much he is disposed to reciprocate this cordial civility, by every means in his power.

Dumas.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, 2 May, 1781.

Sir,—

I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr. Laurens’s son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other despatches by that channel, no doubt, will do. The correspondence by Mr. Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity, by a private hand, to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.

Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burdens greater than they can bear, and the brokers in the republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally, perfectly indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some times and in some countries, may do a great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year, if the war should continue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 7 May, 1782.

I heartily give you joy, my dear sir, upon the happy conclusion of your Dutch negotiations. Everybody here congratulates me, not only as a zealous American, but also as your long professed friend and admirer. And though the court air has not so much altered my republican principles as to make me believe the opinion of a king is every thing, I was the other day pleased to hear the King of France speak of you to me in terms of the highest regard. This Dutch declaration, in the present crisis, I take to be particularly important. To the victory you have gained, I wish you may join a successful skirmish, and bring about a useful loan of money. I had a letter from Mr. Livingston, dated February 19th. Nothing important in it, but that he urges the necessity of a pecuniary assistance, and the advantages we are to derive from operations in North America.

As this opportunity is safe, I may tell you the French succor for this year does not exceed six millions of livres. So far as respects operations, I have my hopes.

Mr. Franklin the other day communicated a letter from you, and I entirely coincide with every sentiment you have therein expressed. It suffices to say, that the letter respected propositions of peace. I am entirely of your opinion, that should England amuse us with emissaries, not vested with proper powers, it is not consistent with the dignity of America to continue the correspondence.

But I do not believe it will be the case. Mr. Oswald has returned to Mr. Franklin. A gentleman is expected to Count de Vergennes. It appears they wish for a general peace; our independence to be the ground of it. It remains to know how they understand it. The treaty to be negotiated at Paris. I heartily wish for peace. This campaign, in Europe at least, is going to be a Spanish one. I think it the interest of America to have a peace, on conditions, however, without which, I had rather fight for ten years longer. I may, I hope, before long converse with you at Paris, for, in the present situation of affairs, you will, no doubt, think it the sentiment of congress, and the people at large, that my presence at the French Court is likely to leave our cause better than my immediate return to America.

Mr. Franklin is very desirous you should come here, and I am the more anxious for it, either before my departure, which I continue to announce as immediate, or in case propositions are seriously made, that I have a great desire to converse freely with you.

This will be delivered by Mr. Ridley, so that I have been more confidential than I should have hazarded to be by post. Mr. Jay will have little objection to come, and, as Mr. Franklin says, the Spaniards had four years, we may give them forty.

With the highest regard, &c.

Lafayette.

W. AND J. WILLINK, NIC. AND JAC. VAN STAPHORST, AND DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 11 May, 1782.

Sir,—

M. Fynje having communicated to us his conversation with your Excellency last evening, we beg leave to assure you, that we will gladly do all that lays in our power to give you satisfaction. We, therefore, to convince you of our inclination in this respect, do, without any hesitation, accept of the terms you proposed, of 4¼ per cent. for the remedium and other charges.

The other point we have proposed to your Excellency, since we are greatly of opinion that it would contribute very much to the success of the loan, which we most heartily do wish to execute with honor and reputation. Since your Excellency, however, doth not choose to comply with our wishes, we think it our duty to consider such measures as may enable us to agree with your Excellency in this point also.

As it now will be necessary to have an interview with the undertakers, and we should be glad to have the concurrence of M. Van Vlooten, who yet considers himself bound until he is discharged either by your Excellency or M. Hodshon, we beg leave, therefore, to desire your Excellency to furnish us with a note from him to this purpose.

We have the honor to be, &c.

Wilhelm and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

The Hague, Hôtel des États Unis, 13 May, 1782.

My Dear Friend,—

Yours of April , is just come to hand. Last night, for the first time, I slept in this house, and I hope that the air of the Hague will have a good effect upon my health, otherwise I must embark for the blue hills.

The independence of America has been acknowledged by this republic with a solemnity and unanimity, which has made it, in a peculiar sense, the national act. The publication of the memorial, of the 19th April, 1781, set all the writers of gazettes and pamphlets to work, to propagate and illustrate the hints thrown out by it, so that in the course of a year’s time the people were universally convinced, and their zeal was animated to such a degree, that when the plot came to its unravelling, they threw out testimonies and arguments in their requêtes, which must do great service to the American cause. The enemy have perceived this, and have done all they could to prevent an extensive publication of them.

Pray let me know what gazettes or periodical papers are published with you, and in what languages, and whether there is any indulgence to the press with you.

I have laid before their High Mightinesses a plan of a treaty, which I hear no objection to, and am told by the grand pensionary will be settled in about three weeks. The other matter is not yet stirred. I shall wait for the advice of allies in this case, although I ventured to go against it in the former.

Once in my life the words piddling, &c., cost me very dear; but I shall never get them out of my head. I shall be plagued with piddling politicians as long as I live; at least, until I retire from the political career to the blue hills. There are at this moment so many politicians piddling about peace, general and separate, that I am sick to death of it. Why is there not one soul in Europe capable of seeing the plainest thing in the world? Any one of the neutral powers saying to the rest, “America is one of us, and we will all share in her commerce. Let us all as one declare it.” These words once pronounced, peace is made, or, at least, soon and easily made. Without it, all may nibble and piddle and dribble and fribble, waste a long time, immense treasures, and much human blood, and they must come to it at last.

The new British ministers blunder at first setting out. They had but one system to choose, which could succeed, and that they have missed.

They must come to it finally; but it will be after an opposition is formed and cemented, which will give them much trouble, and make them unpopular.

No news from America a long time, except of the safe arrival of my dear Charles.

Yours, &c.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK, N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST, AND DE LA LANDE AND FYNJE.

The Hague, 13 May, 1782.

Gentlemen,—

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 11th of this month, in which you agree to accept the terms of four and one quarter per cent. for the remedium and other charges.

To this I answer, that I understand your meaning to be, to accept of the four and a quarter per cent. for receiving and paying the money at first, for receiving and paying off the annual interest, and for finally receiving and paying off the capital, for the brokerage, for the remedium for the undertakers, and for all other charges of the loan. In this sense I agree, in my capacity as agent for negotiating a loan for the United States, that you shall be allowed four and a quarter per cent.

As to the other point, if you will open the loan for three millions only at first, it would be, perhaps, better; but whether you open it for three or five, no other loan in behalf of the United States shall be opened by me, without your consent, or, at least, without the consent of two of the three houses, until it is full, except in one case, which is, that the loan in your hands should linger a long time without filling up, and I should obtain the warranty of the states-general, or of the states of Holland, or of the regency of Amsterdam, for opening a new loan, in which case I should submit the choice of a house to their High Mightinesses, to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, or to the venerable magistrates of the city and; in either of these cases, your three houses will stand as fair to be employed, as any other. You may, therefore, I think, confidently affirm in your prospectus, that no other loan will be opened, until this is full, by me.

You will please to inform Mr. Van Vlooten, that I have agreed with you, and that I shall be very glad if he will, forthwith, engage in the business with you, upon such terms as you and he shall agree on.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, gentlemen,

Your most obedient and most humble servant,

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 16 May, 1782.

Sir,—

We did not receive the letter, which your Excellency did us the honor to write to us, till yesterday morning about twelve o’clock, in answer to which we now take the liberty to propose to your Excellency the final terms on which we are willing to open a loan in behalf of the United States of North America.

Your Excellency shall authorize us to negotiate a sum of five millions of guilders, though we shall now only open a loan for three millions at the rate of five per cent. per annum for the time of ten years, and to be redeemed in the five following years, each year a fifth part, for which three thousand bonds of 1000 f. each shall be given, signed by your Excellency, and countersigned by us, as also paragraphed by a notary; and the coupons for the annual interest signed by your secretary, or anybody whom you will appoint for it.

The bonds shall all be dated the first of June, though the subscribers have it in their choice to pay or furnish the money in June, July, August, September, or October, as they shall think proper, provided that the first coupon is for 12, 11, 10, 9 or 8 months, according to the term they pay in; your Excellency promising to open no other loan at any other house or houses in the republic, till the whole loan for five millions is completed, for which we are not without hopes of succeeding.

We shall hand to your Excellency the original bonds, on which your Excellency will be pleased to procure us the ratification of congress, as we are obliged to engage ourselves for this to the public; after receiving which, congress may dispose directly of the sums that then shall be in cash.

We must beg leave to observe to your Excellency, that our meaning as to the terms of 4¼ per cent., is, that we charge them for the receiving and paying out of the money now, for the remedium to the undertakers, for brokerage, and for the expenses of the notary, the stamps, &c. We shall further charge, annually, one per cent. on the amount of the interest, for the paying out of it.

And to convince your Excellency that we are willing to make the terms as low as we really can, we shall charge on the final redeeming of the loan, for paying out of the money and charges thereon depending, only one half per cent.

We flatter ourselves with your Excellency’s full approbation, and have, therefore, got the prospectus ready printed, to be distributed the moment your Excellency will be pleased to give us your agreement to it.

We have the honor to be, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jac. Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 16 May, 1782.

Sir,—

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the Hôtel des États-Unis de l’Amérique, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival, and an avowed, natural, hereditary enemy, to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate, affectionate friend, and a faithful ally of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the republic, interested in English funds and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see that they are not annihilated; and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties that I almost despair of obtaining any thing. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill-will of enemies. I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a school of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words and boasts of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may, by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the republican interest, the stadtholderian interest, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand to bookkeepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the states-general, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circumstance which will be fatal to my hopes at this time is this,—there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent. above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but, before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr. Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America to send him a commission as secretary to this legation, and chargé des affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me, in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr. Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jenings of Brussels has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service; and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months than any other man in Europe?

It is Mr. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the Tableau de l’Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, of the Politique Hollandois, and many other writings in high esteem, by birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and perhaps some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and reëchoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.

Congress must be very sensible that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of continental agents, or in any other way to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making promises or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship and simple civility, to any man; having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of congress, as having rendered important services to our country, and able to render still greater, I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many millions which have been wasted by the most worthless of men could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time, it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud, imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do every thing, does nothing but mischief.

The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. W. AND J. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 17 May, 1782.

Gentlemen,—

Your favor of the 16th instant, I received last night by Mr. Fynje.

In order to give as general satisfaction as may be, and in order to bring this business to a conclusion, I shall agree to the terms proposed in it, with the following explanation and alteration, which are indispensably necessary.

The explanation is this, that my “promise to open no other loan at any other house or houses in the republic, till the whole loan of five millions is completed,” shall be understood to be personally binding upon me alone, and that neither my successor in the agency shall be bound by it, nor congress. This explanation I have all along made, verbally, to Mr. Fynje, who has, no doubt, communicated it to you.

The alteration is this,—I cannot agree to allow “the half per cent. for the final redeeming of the loan.” The two per cent. must be both for receiving and paying the money at first, and for receiving and paying off the capital at last.

The one per cent. annually on the amount of the interest, for receiving and paying it out, I agree to.

I agree, also, to two per cent. for the remedium to the undertakers.

And to go as far as I possibly can to give you satisfaction, I agree to allow one half per cent. for brokerage, notary stamps, signatures, and all other charges and expenses whatever, which attend the loan.

These conditions will stand better in one view, thus,—

For negotiating the whole loan, receiving the money, and paying it out to the order of congress, or their minister; to the house, per cent.	1
For finally receiving and paying off the capital, and all charges attending it; to the house, per cent.	1
For the remedium to the undertakers, per cent.	2
For brokerage, notary, stamps, and all other charges and expenses of the loan, one half per cent.	½
	4½

To this, add for receiving and paying out the annual interest, one per cent. upon the amount of the interest paid.

These terms will be considered as severe and discouraging, and, to remove all difficulties as much as possible, I have ventured the utmost length I can ever go. I therefore pray the gentlemen to give me their answer immediately, whether they accept them or not. Because if there is the least difficulty about accepting them, I entreat the gentlemen to give me notice of it, and to give themselves no further trouble about the affair, but leave me to strike a bargain with another house, at least as advantageous to the United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 17 May, 1782.

Sir,—

We received by Mr. Fynje your Excellency’s esteemed favor of the 17th instant, by which you are pleased to agree to all the terms we proposed by our letter of the 16th instant, with this exception, that the allowance for remedium of negotiating and paying out the money, brokerage, notary, stamps, and all expenses whatsoever, and also for the final redeeming of the negotiated sum, altogether is to be fixed at 4½ per cent. at once; which being considered by us, we accept of it, to open the loan, and to pay out in consequence of the negotiated sum or subscription 95½ per cent., all expenses of negotiating and redeeming to our charge.

We observe the explanation of the promise of opening no other loan until the five millions are completed, which, by our writing, is also considered only relative to your Excellency’s person.

We beg leave to assure your Excellency of our best endeavors to promote the success of this loan, and to desire your influencing recommendation in our favor with the United States, for their commands.

We have the honor to subscribe, &c.

Wilhem and Jan Willink,

Nic. and Jac. Van Staphorst,

De la Lande and Fynje.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

The Hague, 21 May, 1782.

My Dear General,—

Yours of the 7th of this month was yesterday brought me by Mr. Ridley; and I thank you for your kind congratulations on the progress of our cause in the low countries. Have a care, however, how you profess friendship for me; there may be more danger in it than you are aware of.

I have the honor and consolation to be a republican on principle; that is to say, I esteem that form of government the best of which human nature is capable. Almost every thing that is estimable in civil life has originated under such governments. Two republican powers, Athens and Rome, have done more honor to our species than all the rest of it. A new country can be planted only by such a government. America would at this moment have been a howling wilderness inhabited only by bears and savages, without such forms of government; and it would again become a wilderness under any other. I am not, however, an enthusiast who wishes to overturn empires and monarchies for the sake of introducing republican forms of government, and, therefore, I am no king-killer, king-hater, or king-despiser. There are three monarchs in Europe for whom I have as much veneration as it is lawful for one man to have for another,—the King of France, the Emperor of Germany, and the King of Prussia, are constant objects of my admiration, for reasons of humanity, wisdom, and beneficence, which need not be enlarged on. You may well think, then, that the information you give me, that the King of France was pleased the other day to speak to you of me in terms of the highest regard, gave me great pleasure.

I shall do all in my power to obtain here a loan of money, but with very faint hopes of success. In short, there is no money here but what is already promised to France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, the government here; and what will be fatal to me is, the East India Company have just opened a loan for nine millions of florins under the warranty of the States of Holland, and with an augmented interest.

My hopes of a speedy peace are not sanguine. I have suspicions of the sincerity of Lord Shelburne, Dunning, and others of his connections, which I wish may prove groundless; but, until they are removed, I shall not expect a peace. Shelburne affects to be thought the Chatham of the day, without any of his great qualities. I much fear that all their manœuvres about peace will turn out but artifices to raise the stocks. The British cabinet is so divided, that my expectations are not very high. Let us be upon our guard, and prepared for a continuance of the war. The Spaniards will demand cessions, and the Dutch, restitutions, which the English will not yet agree to, if they should get over all the claims of France and America. I should be very happy to have a personal conversation with you; but this will hardly take place until full powers arrive in Paris from London; and I know very well that, whether in America, Versailles, or Paris, you will be constantly useful to America, and congress will easily approve of your stay where you are, until you shall think it more for the public good to go elsewhere.

With great affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be,

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 24 May, 1782.

Gentlemen,—

I have received the letter from Mr. Van Staphorst of the 22d, with a prospectus, and to-day that of Messrs. Willink has come to hand. I am glad the prospectus is published, and wish the bonds to be prepared as soon as possible, and sent to me to sign. They shall not wait long for my signature. My friend, Mr. Thaxter, is so ill of a fever, that I cannot leave him, and, therefore, cannot come to Amsterdam at present; if this gentleman, who is all my dependence, should not be able to sign the coupons, I must authorize your houses or any of you to sign them.

The report from Cadiz, that I authorized American privateers to take Portuguese ships, and that I should authorize them to take Danish ones, is totally groundless. I have no such authority, nor has any other. On the contrary, all the proceedings of congress enjoin the most exact observance of the principles of the armed neutrality, and the most equitable respect to the vessels of every neutral power, among whom Denmark and Portugal are undoubtedly numbered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN HODSHON.

The Hague, 13 June, 1782.

Sir,—

I called the day before yesterday at your house, but had not the good fortune to find you at home. My business was to pay you my respects, and to present you my sincere thanks for your kindness and politeness to me in assisting my removal from Amsterdam to the Hague, and to pay you the expense of it. But, not finding you at home, and being obliged to return to the Hague, I do myself the honor to write you this letter for the same purposes, and to beg the favor of you to make out the account, and I shall desire a gentleman to call on you to discharge it.

I have further to beg of you, sir, to accept of my thanks for the generous manner in which you conducted the whole affair of the loan, especially in nobly releasing me from my engagements with you, if, upon inquiry, I should find I could do better for the public. I am very sorry to have been the innocent occasion of giving you any disagreeable feelings upon this occasion; but I found that a party spirit and very disagreeable altercations would have been the consequence of persevering, and, upon the whole, I thought it would be better for you, as well as the public, to proceed with the society who now have the loan under their direction.

But justice and gratitude will forever oblige me to say that your conduct through the whole affair was that of a man of honor, a gentleman, and a true friend of the United States of America.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

The Hague, 13 June, 1782.

Sir,—

I had yesterday, at Amsterdam, the honor of receiving your Excellency’s letter of June 2.

The discovery that Mr. Grenville’s power was only to treat with France, does not surprise me at all. The British ministry are too much divided among themselves, and have too formidable an opposition against them in the King and the old ministers, and are possessed of too little of the confidence of the nation, to have courage to make concessions of any sort, especially since the news of their successes in the East and West Indies.

What their pride will end in, God only knows. For my own part, I cannot see a probability that they will ever make peace, until their finances are ruined, and such distresses brought upon them as will work up their parties into a civil war. I wish their enemies could, by any means, be persuaded to carry on the war against them in places where they might be sure of triumphs, instead of insisting upon pursuing it where they are sure of defeats. But we must take patience, and wait for time to do what wisdom might easily and soon do.

I have not as yet taken any engagements with the Dutch not to make a peace without them, but I will take such engagements in a moment, if the Dutch will take them, and I believe they will cheerfully. I shall not propose it, however, until I have the concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguyon, who will do nothing without the instructions of his Court. I would not delay it a moment from any expectation that the English will acknowledge our independence and make peace with us, because I have no such expectations. I confess it would be with infinite reluctance that I should see a peace made between England and any of her enemies, unless it is made with all. If France, Spain, and America should make peace with England, and leave Holland alone at war, she would be at her mercy, and she would find the tenderest of it cruelty. The permanent and lasting friendship of the Dutch may be easily obtained by the United States; that of England, never; it is gone with the days before the flood. If we ever enjoy the smallest degree of sincere friendship again from England, I am totally incapable of seeing the character of a nation or the connections of things, which, however, may be the case for what I know. They have brought themselves by their frenzy into such a situation,—Spain has such pretensions, Holland has such pretensions, America has such pretensions, the armed neutrality has such pretensions,—that where is the English minister or member of parliament that dares to vote for the concession to them? The pretensions of France, I believe, would be so moderate, that possibly they might be acceded to. But I fear that Spain, who deserves the least, will demand the most. In short, the work of peace appears so impracticable, that I am happy in being restrained to this country by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my head much about it. I have a letter from America, which informed me that Mr. Jay had refused to act in the commission for peace; but if he is on his way to Paris, as you suppose, I presume my information must be a mistake, which I am very glad of. Mr. Laurens did me the honor of a very short visit in his way to France; but I was very sorry to learn from him, that in a letter to your Excellency he had declined serving in the commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment respecting our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all things which I saw in him in congress.

What is the system of Russia? Does she suppose that England has too many enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too high? Does she seek to embroil affairs and to light up a general war in Europe? Is Denmark in concert with her or any other power? Her conduct is a phenomenon. Is there any secret negotiation or intrigue on foot to form a party for England among the powers of Europe, and to make a balance against the power of the enemies of England?

The States of Holland and several other Provinces have taken the resolution against the mediation for a separate peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its system and in the common cause.

My best respects and affections to my old friend, Mr. Jay, if you please.

Yours, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 15 June, 1782.

Sir,—

This morning I made a visit to the grand pensionary, M. Van Bleiswyck, and had a long conference with him concerning the plan of a treaty of commerce, which is now under consideration, and endeavored to remove some of his objections, and to explain to him the grounds and reasons of certain articles which have been objected to by others; particularly the article which respects France and that which respects Spain. He made light of most of the objections which had been started to the plan, and thought it would be easy to agree upon it; but there must be time for the cities to deliberate.

I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor soon of sending an ambassador to congress, and consuls, at least, to Boston and Philadelphia. He thought it would be very proper, but said they had some difficulty in finding a man who was suitable, and, at the same time, willing to undertake so long a voyage. I asked him, if it would not be convenient to send a frigate to America to carry the treaty, their ambassador, and consuls all together, when all should be ready. He said he could not say whether a frigate could be spared.

“Very well,” said I, smiling and pointing to the Prince’s picture, “I will go and make my court to his Highness, and pray him to send a frigate to Philadelphia with a treaty, an ambassador, and two consuls, and to take under her convoy all merchant vessels ready to go.” “Excellent,” said he, smiling, “I wish you good luck.”

We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning peace, but, as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a minister shall appear at Paris or elsewhere, with full powers from the King of England to treat with the United States of America, I shall think there is something more than artifice to raise the stocks and lay snares for sailors to be caught by pressgangs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 5 July, 1782.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose copies, in Dutch and English, of the negotiation which I have entered into for a loan of money. My commission for borrowing money promises to ratify what I should do; and the money lenders require such a ratification, which Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynje have engaged shall be transmitted. Authentic copies of the original contracts, in Dutch and English, are inclosed for the ratification of congress, which I must entreat them to transmit forthwith, by various opportunities, that we may be sure of receiving it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen will not think it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum of the money, until it arrives.

Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan for five millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall obtain that sum for a long time. If we get a million and a half by Christmas, it will be more than I expect. I shall not venture to dispose of any of this money, except for relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the bills heretofore drawn on Mr. Laurens, which are every day arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable demands, but leave it entire to the disposition of congress, whom I must entreat not to draw, until they receive information from the directors of the loan, how much money they are sure of, and then to draw immediately upon them. These directors are three houses, well esteemed in this republic, Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje.

I have made the contract upon as good terms as I could obtain. Five per cent. interest. Two per cent. to the house, or rather to the society of houses. Two per cent. to the undertakers; and half per cent. for brokerage and other charges. This four and a half per cent., together with one per cent. for receiving and paying off the annual interest, is to include all the expenses of the loan of every sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is done for. France gives, at least, as much, and other powers much more.

I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Holland, by several opportunities. The form of ratification must be submitted to congress; but would it not be sufficient to certify by the secretary in congress, upon each of the copies inclosed in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in congress, and thereupon resolved that the original instruments, executed by me before the said notary, be and hereby are ratified and confirmed?

The form of the obligations is such as was advised by the ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conformable to the usage when loans are made here for the seven Provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this country, and, therefore, lengthy and formal, but it signifies no more in substance, than, “that the money being borrowed must be paid.”

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

C. L. BEYMA TO JOHN ADAMS.

Leeuwarde, ce 16 Juillet, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Je prends la liberté de vous adresser celle ci, pour communiquer a votre excellence l’avis du quartier d’Oostergo, qui très probablement sera changé dans une résolution des États. Votre excellence y verra que ce n’est nullement l’intention de faire trainer les affaires en long, mais que l’on souhaiteroit bien, que dans la conclusion cet avis méritoit quelque considération; et c’est pour cela que je me suis trouvé obligé d’envoyer à votre excellence cette pièce en secret, afin que votre excellence en soit informée, en vous sollicitant d’en faire l’usage que vous trouverez à propos, pour favoriser l’intention de la province, autant que votre excellence le trouvera bon.

Monsieur Dumas, à qui je prie de remettre l’incluse, apprendra à votre excellence les raisons pour lesquelles je ne puisse entrer en des plus longs détails, étant tout-à-fait occupé. En attendant, je profite volontièrement de cette occasion pour vous témoigner que je suis, &c. &c.

C. L. Beyma.

P. S. Nos députés a La Haie sont chargés d’agir en cette affaire avec communication de votre excellence.

E. F. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Extract.)

Amsterdam, 22 Juillet, 1782.

Pour ce qui regarde notre traité de commerce, vous m’obligerez infiniment, si votre excellence voudra avoir la bonté de me donner les éclaircissements requis sur la difficulté d’admettre les remarques, que la commission de leurs hautes puissances vous a communiqué, sur le projet que votre excellence leur a délivré. Si vous voudriez me mettre en état de faire sentir la solidité du refus, que l’on m’a dit que vous avez fait, à l’égard de quelques altérations proposées, ce seroit le moyen d’avancer une affaire qui pourroit être trainée, sans cela, encore bien de temps. Mais pour cet effet, il faut que je sois parfaitement éclairé au sujet de vos vues, et de celles du congrès.

Rien ne me sera plus agréable, que de vous donner à toute occasion, des preuves de mes sentiments d’éstime et de considération distinguée pour votre excellence, en vous témoignant sincèrement que je suis, &c. &c.

E. F. Van Berckel.

TO M. VAN BERCKEL.

The Hague, 23 July, 1782.

Sir,—

I have received this morning the letter, which you did me the honor to write me yesterday. All that you say about Madame d’Hogendorp and the “inconnu,” is a mystery to me, never having had a visit or application from either, to my knowledge. It would give me pleasure, however, to be of any service to this person, upon your recommendation, if it were in my power; but I have not only no authority to recommend anybody to offices or employments in America, but I am forbidden ever to give any one the least encouragement. There are in America, as in all other countries, two persons who wish for employment, to one employment, and, therefore, whoever goes to America with expectations of getting into public employment will find himself disappointed, and most certainly would not thank me for leading him into an error, and deceiving him with false hopes. If, after this candid information, he persists in his determination to go to America, I will, with pleasure, at your desire, give him letters of introduction to some of my friends at Philadelphia or Boston.

I wish it were generally known, that congress have heretofore been obliged to thank some hundreds of officers and other gentlemen of undoubted good characters, and who carried with them great recommendations. It is near five years ago that they put themselves to the expense of paying the voyages back again to Europe of above an hundred persons, who had gone over in hopes of employments which congress had not to give. They will not at this time of day repeat this expense, and, therefore, I cannot encourage any man to go over, in hopes of public employment.

As to the treaty, sir, I have communicated to several pensionaries that I could agree to most of the amendments proposed by the admiralty, but I cannot agree to leave out entirely the twenty-second and twenty-third articles; and what objection there is to them I am not able to conceive, and no one has been so good as to point out to me any harm or injury they can possibly do this republic. The reason why the congress should insist upon the substance of them is obvious, namely, because they have already plighted their faith to the King of France, to the effect of them. The amount of both those articles is no more than this,—“That this treaty with the republic shall not derogate from those already made with France.” If I were to meet the committee of their High Mightinesses, we could, in such a conference, very easily and very soon agree upon some modification of those two articles, which would be acceptable to both parties, and upon all other amendments which are proper to be made. If Amsterdam agrees to the resolution proposed by the states of Holland on the 18th of this instant July, the treaty may be very easily, and very soon concluded.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

John Adams.

JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 2 August, 1782.

Sir,—

Your friendly letter of the 8th ultimo, should not have remained so long unanswered, had I not been obliged by sickness, which lasted several weeks, to postpone writing to any of my correspondents. Mrs. Jay has also been much indisposed. Indeed, neither of us has been blessed with much health since we left America.

Your negotiations in Holland have been honorable to yourself, as well as useful to your country. I rejoice in both, and regret that your health has been so severely taxed by the business of your employment. I have also had my share of perplexities, and some that I ought not to have met with. I congratulate you on the prospect of your loan’s succeeding, and hope your expectations on that subject may be realized. I commend your prudence, however, in not relying on appearances. They deceive us sometimes in all countries.

My negotiations have not been discontinued by my leaving Madrid. The Count d’Aranda is authorized to treat with me, and the disposition of that court to an alliance with us seems daily to grow warmer. I wish we could have a few hours conversation on this subject, and others connected with it; as we have no cipher, I must be reserved. I had flattered myself with the expectation of seeing you here, and still hope that, when your business at the Hague will admit of a few weeks absence, you may prevail upon yourself to pay us a visit. I really think that a free conference between us might be useful, as well as agreeable, especially as we should thereby have an opportunity of making many communications to each other, that must not be committed to paper.

Mr. Oswald is here, and I hear that Mr. Fitzherbert is to succeed Mr. Grenville. Lord Shelburne continues to profess a desire of peace, but his professions, unless supported by faith, can have little credit with us. He says that our independence shall be acknowledged, but it is not done, and, therefore, his sincerity remains questionable. War must make peace for us, and we shall always find well-appointed armies to be our ablest negotiators.

The intrigues you allude to, I think, may be also traced at Madrid, but I believe have very little influence anywhere, except, perhaps, at London. Petersburg and Copenhagen, in my opinion, wish well to England, but are less desirous to share in the war, than in the profits of it. Perhaps, indeed, further accessions of power to the house of Bourbon may excite jealousy, especially as America as well as Holland is supposed to be very much under the direction of France.

Did you receive my letters of 18th March and 15th April? Think a little of coming this way.

I am, dear sir, with great esteem and regard, &c.,

John Jay.

M. VAN BERCKEL TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 8 Aout, 1782.

Monsieur,—

J’ai le plaisir et l’honneur de vous communiquer que les députés de la ville d’Amsterdam à l’assemblée des Etats d’Hollande vont recevoir, demain, la résolution du conseil de ladite ville, prise aujourd’hui, au sujet du traité d’amitié et de commerce entre leurs hautes puissances et les États Unis en Amérique. Cette résolution du conseil contient les ordres les plus précises pour se conformer avec le rapport Hollandais du 18 Juillet dernier, avec lequel tous les autres membres de l’assemblée s’étoient déjà conformés avant nous; et des ordres pour ne retarder sous aucun prétexte la conclusion de ce grand ouvrage. Aussi doivent ils rejeter l’addition des mots en Europe, dans le second, troisième et autres articles du traité, relativement aux nations les plus favorisées; ayant été consideré que cette addition ou limitation n’étoit pas seulement une nouveauté dont il n’y avoit point d’exemple, mais en outre, sujette à de très grands inconvenients. Du reste la Bourse de notre ville nous a suggéré encore quelques remarques, qui sont comprises dans ladite résolution de notre conseil; non pas pour proposer à votre excellence quelque altération essentielle, qui puisse trainer la déliberation, mais seulement des remarques qui doivent être communiquées à leurs hautes puissances, pour être jointes aux remarques que leur comités ont mises à la marge du projet que votre excellence a délivré aux états généraux, et pour que les unes et les autres soient le sujet d’une conférence avec votre excellence, afin de faire des arrangemens en conséquence et d’un commun accord; sans que l’on prétende que l’affaire soit encore prise ad referendum, mais que la commission de leurs hautes puissances soit munie d’un plein pouvoir pour la conclusion du dit projet, avec les altérations dont on pourra être d’accord entre les deux parties contractantes.

Pour les remarques de notre Bourse, elles sont d’une extrême simplicité, et servent plutôt à donner ou à demander des éclaircissements que pour ajouter ou retrancher quelque chose d’essentiel. J’ai l’honneur de vous communiquer cette particularité dans le dessein de prévenir des surprises, et pour que votre excellence, en cas que l’on hasarderoit de vous proposer quelque chose, qui ne portât pas le dit caractère, et qui pourroit vous causer quelque étonnement, vous puissiez prendre de moi les éclaircissements nécessaires, si votre excellence jugeât à propos.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

E. F. Van Berckel.

TO M. VAN BERCKEL.

The Hague, 10 August, 1782.

Sir,—

I have this day received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 8th, and am much obliged to you for your kind communications, which will be of much use to me, as I hope, in bringing the treaty to a just conclusion. I rejoice that the city of Amsterdam has decided upon the matter so amicably and candidly, and whenever any propositions or remarks shall be made to me, my sentiments upon them shall be communicated with equal frankness and candor. Where the parties are in earnest in searching for the truth, and that only, it is not difficult to find. And I know of nothing that either can wish for in this case, but to make the treaty as perfect and as useful as possible.

The resolution of Amsterdam, to instruct their deputies to have the treaty concluded without delay, and without being again taken ad referendum, is peculiarly agreeable to me, because I am very anxious to have it finished. It has been already long under deliberation, and it ought to be upon its passage to congress for ratification, together with a minister from their High Mightinesses to the United States. Gentlemen here seem much at a loss to find a man both qualified for this service, and willing to undertake it. I should think, however, that many might be found. There is probably no office in which a man of abilities might render more important service to his country.

The reports of peace are renewed, and Mr. Oswald and Mr. Fitzherbert are at Paris. Lord Shelburne promises to acknowledgeAmerican independence in the treaty of peace, but he will not perform it; and he means nothing but amusement, which he will keep up for a few months or weeks, and, by degrees, the old ministry and their old system will be revived in England. When will her enemies be aroused to a sight of their situation and true interests, and be induced to treat that perfidious nation as she deserves!

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 10 August, 1782.

Sir,—

It was with very great pleasure that I received, this morning, your kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to learn, that yours and Mrs. Jay’s health have been disordered in France, where the air is so fine.

That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not. That most of them were such as you ought not to have met with, I can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my fever, were such as I ought not to have had. Thank God they are passed, and never shall return, for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious again. I have assumed the felicis animi immota tranquilitas.

Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free conversation between you and me upon the subjects you mention, and all others directly or indirectly connected with it, or with any of our affairs; but I do not see a possibility of taking such a journey. The march of this people is so slow, that it will be some time before the treaty of commerce can be finished, and after that I have other orders to execute, and must be here in person to attend every step. But besides this, I think I ought not to go to Paris, while there is any messenger there from England, unless he has full powers to treat with the ministers of the United States of America. If the three American ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time with a real or pretended minister from London, all the world would instantly conclude a peace certain, and would fill at once another year’s loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne’s sincerity I have not the smallest confidence, and I think that we ought to take up Fox’s idea, and insist upon full powers to treat with us in character,before we have a word more to say on the subject. They are only amusing us. I would rather invite you to come here. This country is worth seeing, and you would lay me under great obligations to take your residence, during your stay, in the Hôtel des États-Unis. Many people would be glad to see you. I should be very glad, however, to be informed, from step to step, how things proceed, which may be done with safety, by expresses to me, or by those from the Court of Versailles to the Duke de la Vauguyon, in whom I have great confidence; or it may even be done by post.

As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the house of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers of Europe; but who is to blame but themselves? Why are they so short-sighted or so indolent, as to neglect to acknowledge the United States, and make treaties with them? Why do they leave the house of Bourbon to contend so long and spend so much? Why do they leave America and Holland under so great obligations? France has, deserves, and ought to have, a great weight with America and Holland, but other powers might have proportionable weight if they would have proportional merit.

If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation would admit the United States to accede to that treaty, and declare America independent, they would contribute to prevent America, at least, from being too much under the direction of France. But if any powers should take the part of England, they will compel America and Holland too, to unite themselves ten times more firmly than ever to the house of Bourbon.

I do not know, however, that America and Holland are too much under the direction of France, and I do not believe they will be, but they must be dead to every generous feeling as men, and to every wise view as statesmen, if they were not much attached to France, in the circumstances of the times.

I received two letters from you in the spring; one I answered, but have not the dates at present; the other kindly informed me of the arrival of my son in America, for which I thank you.

With great regard and esteem, &c.

John Adams.

TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS.

The Hague, 11 August, 1782.

Gentlemen,—

This morning I received your favor of the 8th, but I am not able to inform you what is the amount of the bills drawn upon Mr. Laurens, which are not yet arrived. I have never been exactly informed myself. They cannot, I think, amount to more than two hundred thousand guilders, I hope not half that sum, but cannot say positively.

I am obliged to you for the trouble you have taken to pay four hundred and ninety-one florins twelve stivers to Messrs. Gerb, Rankes, &c., and for sending me the lease of the house.

I am very glad to find that you have received so much as one million four hundred and eighty four thousand florins on the loan, and congratulate you upon it. When I thought it safest to be a little under, rather than exceed, I had in my mind reserving enough to pay the bills on Mr. Laurens, and a few unavoidable expenses here. But I believe you may write to congress to draw for thirteen hundred thousand florins, and so afterwards, from time to time, as money shall be received by you.

I am obliged to you for your care in sending on the despatches to congress, and desire that you would, from time to time, inform that body of every thing, with the utmost exactness, that relates to the loan.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO MR. MAZZEI.

The Hague, 12 August, 1782.

Sir,—

Your favors of 28th June, and 30th July, I have received. I have not transmitted to congress the first, because I would not give an alarm unnecessarily. The intelligence contained in it is wholly groundless, according to the best information I can obtain, and the best judgment I can form. I am well assured that neither of the imperial courts has ever made any declaration, or expressed any opinion or inclination, against the independence of America. On the contrary, I am in possession of authentic documents, which express clearly, in my apprehension, other sentiments.

There may be a war in Europe, but this would accelerate rather than retard a general acknowledgment of American independence. England, it is certain, cannot carry on the present war, and, at the same time, engage in another, more extensive, on the continent. With the stocks at fifty-six, and a war against four nations, it is impossible she should pay subsidies to foreign nations. If any nation declares against Holland, the house of Bourbon, and America, some other nation will declare for them, so that our cause will rather be strengthened, and we shall certainly be rendered dearer to our allies.

Holland, instead of losing its existence or its name, will, if the war continues, assume all its old character and glory.

What if a war should happen between Russia and the Porte? What can England do? What if a quarrel should arise between the Emperor and Russia? What would England get by that? What if Russia and Denmark should declare in favor of England? which is, however, altogether improbable. I say this would be an advantage to America, for we should make more profit of their trade, than they could do us harm.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 13 August, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

The public papers announce Fitzherbert’s commission to be to treat with “the four powers at war with Great Britain.” But whether they mean Hyder Ali or the Mahrattas, is uncertain.

I have obtained intelligence of a paper addressed lately from the Court of St. James to the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg, as well as that of Paris, in which are the following words, namely,—

“Sa majesté Britannique dit qu’il ne préjuge, ni ne veut préjuger aucune question quelconque, et qu’il ne prétend exclure personne de la négotiation qu’on a en vue, qui pourrait s’y croire interessé, soit qu’il soit question des états généraux, soit qu’on y veuille faire entrer les colonies Américaines.”

You, perhaps, may have seen the whole; if you have, I beg a copy.

For my own part, I am not the minister of any “fourth state” at war with Great Britain, nor of any “American Colonies,” and, therefore, I should think it out of character for us to have any thing to say with Fitzherbert, or in the congress at Vienna, until more decently and consistently called to it. It is my duty to be explicit with you, and to tell you sincerely my sentiments. I think we ought not to treat at all, until we see a minister authorized to treat with “the United States of America,” or with their ministers. Our country will feel the miserable consequence of a different conduct, if we are betrayed into negotiations, in or out of a congress, before this point is settled; if gold and diamonds, and every insidious intrigue and wicked falsehood, can induce anybody to embarrass us, and betray us into truces, and bad conditions, we may depend upon having them played off against us. We are, and can be, no match for them at this game. We shall have nothing to negotiate with, but integrity, perspicuity, and firmness. There is but one way to negotiate with Englishmen, that is, clearly and decidedly; their fears only govern them. If we entertain an idea of their generosity or benevolence towards us, we are undone. They hate us, universally, from the throne to the footstool, and would annihilate us, if in their power, before they would treat with us in any way. We must let them know that we are not to be moved from our purpose, or all is undone. The pride and vanity of that nation is a disease, it is a delirium, it has been flattered and inflamed so long by themselves, and by others, that it perverts every thing. The moment you depart one iota from your character, and the distinct line of sovereignty, they interpret it to spring from fear or love of them, and from a desire to go back.

Fox saw we were aware of this, and calculated his system accordingly. We must finally come to that idea, and so must Great Britain. The latter will soon come to it, if we do not flinch. If we discover the least weakness or wavering, the blood and treasures of our countrymen will suffer for it in a great degree. Firmness! firmness and patience for a few months, will carry us triumphantly to that point where it is the interest of our allies, of neutral nations, nay, even of our enemies, that we should arrive. I mean a sovereignty universally acknowledged by all the world. Whereas, the least oscillation will, in my opinion, leave us to dispute with the world, and with one another, these fifty years.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

The Hague, 15 August, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

By a certain anonymous letter, you have had a specimen of the infernal arts which have been and are practised, to create misunderstandings among American ministers. There has been an uninterrupted succession of them ever since I have been in Europe. Whether they are to be attributed to inventions of our enemies, or to still baser intrigues of pretended friends, or to impudent schemes of interested candidates and competitors for the little favors which American ministers have sometimes to bestow, or to all of these together, I know not. The latter supposition is most probable. Enough of this, however.

It seems that your friend Oswald is still at Paris, and Fitzherbert has taken the place of Grenville. He is said to be authorized to treat with the four powers at war with Great Britain. Pray, what is your opinion of this? Ought we to accept of such powers? Can we consistently treat with any man who has not full powers to treat with the ministers of the United States of America? I have one thing to propose to you, sir, in confidence. It is, if you approve it, to endeavor to get Mr. Jenings appointed secretary to the commission for peace. I wish congress would appoint him.

I can give you no news from hence, except that I have been happy enough to obtain a little money for congress. So that they may draw immediately, as soon as they send their ratification of my contract, for about thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders. This you may mention to congress, or to anybody else in America, if you write. The money is in hand of Messrs. Willink, &c., but cannot be drawn out but by congress, after the receipt of the ratification.

The treaty of commerce will probably pass the states of Holland this day.

With invariable esteem and respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 17 August, 1782.

Sir,—

The states-general have chosen Mr. Brantzen minister to negotiate for peace. Yesterday, he did me the honor to dine with me. He is represented to be a good man, and well fixed in the true system. I have very authentic information, that his instructions will be such as France and America, as well as his own country, ought to wish them.

I have letters from Boston, 17th June; grand rejoicings on the birth of the Dauphin, everywhere. The States giving strong instructions to their delegates in congress to consent to no peace short of independence, and without concert with France. The offers by Carlton are highly resented; taken much worse from the present ministry than they would have been from the former. The instructions from the States to congress are, to resent as an insult every offer which implies a deviation from their treaties, or the smallest violation of their faith.

I am promised, to-morrow, a copy of Mr. Fitzherbert’s commission. I wish to know whether you or the Dr. have had any conferences with him, and what passed. We are told of a Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Oswald, at Paris; have they any powers, and what?

This will be delivered you by Mr. Barclay, the consul, a worthy man, whom I beg leave to introduce to you.

With great regard,

John Adams.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

The Hague, 18 August, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

I have just received the inclosed letter, open for me to read. It appears to be from one who has a remarkable kind of benevolence towards the United States, such as has memorably appeared through the whole war, in almost all countries; I mean the benign inclination to be American agents, jobbers, officers, ambassadors, generals, and kings. Inclosed is a copy of Fitzherbert’s commission; pray inclose it to congress, that it may go as many ways as possible. What think you of the words “Quorumcunque statuum quorum interesse poterit?” If we should presume to think ourselves included in these words, will Lord Shelburne be of the same mind?

The states-general have appointed Mr. Brantzen their minister, who did me the favor to dine with me three days ago, and then told me he should set off for Paris in three weeks. Blessed are the peacemakers! Don’t you wish yourself one?

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 18 August, 1782.

Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose, for the information of congress, a copy of Mr. Fitzherbert’s commission. The words quorumcunque statuum quorum interesse poterit include the United States, according to them, but not according to the King who uses them; so that there is still room to evade. How much nobler and more politic was Mr. Fox’s idea, to insert the “Ministers of the United States of America” expressly!

The states-general have appointed M. Brantzen their minister plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for Paris in about three weeks. His instructions are such as we should wish. The States of Holland and West Friesland have determined the last week upon our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to enter into conferences with the states-general this week, in order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification of the contract for a loan, which has been sent five different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders ready to be paid to the orders of congress by Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje.

The states and the regencies are taking such measures with the stadtholder, by demanding his orders and correspondence about naval affairs, and by reassuming their own constitutional rights in the appointment of officers, &c., as will bring all things right in this republic, which we shall find an affectionate and a useful friend. The communication of the following instructions to me is such a piece of friendship and such a mark of confidence, as makes it my duty to request of congress that it may be kept secret.1

These instructions will show congress, in a clear light, the disposition of this republic to be as favorable for us and our allies as we could wish it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 22 August, 1782.

Sir,—

Their High Mightinesses have at length received their instructions from all the Provinces, and I have this day been in conference with the grand committee, who communicated to me the remarks and propositions on their part. To this I shall very soon give my replication, and I hope the affair will be soon ended.

I was received in state by two of the lords, at the head of the stairs, and by them conducted into the committee-room where the business is transacted. The committee consisted of one or more deputies from each province, together with the grand pensionary, Bleiswyck, and the Secretary, Fagel.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Nantes, 27 August, 1782.

My Dear Sir,—

Soon after I had despatched a letter to you this morning, under the 25th instant, I was honored by yours of the 18th, but too late for an answer by this day’s mail.

The copy of Mr. Fitzherbert’s commission shall be transmitted to congress by a vessel to Boston in a day or two.

I think an answer to your question on “quorumcunque statuum,” was anticipated in my last, but, if you did not know it before, please to remember I am a very indifferent Latinist; as well, however, as without assistance, I can hammer out a construction upon the sentence taken altogether, there is no difficulty on your side. If the British ministers sit down with, they acknowledge you—acknowledge you to be a state interested, or “whom it doth concern,” and the late act of parliament, for enabling the King to make peace, &c., lame as it is, affords a sanction (but, remember, I plead ignorance); in that case, you may rest tranquil, regardless of Lord Shelburne’s “mind.” But I still see it possible that a general peace may be agreed upon by a treaty or treaties which shall terminate the war, independence tacitly or formally assured to the United States, France and America at liberty to lay down their arms, and you gentlemen commissioners not called upon to sit down about the business, except, by the Court of France, for your formal consent. This I know was not the meaning of our ally in 1778, and I have already said it is inconsistent with the honor and the interest of the Court of France to subject the United States to such an affront; wherefore, I am not apprehensive on that score; there is, nevertheless, a possibility. If the formal consent is refused, what then? I have given the answer. Congress, in that year, or the next, bound themselves by a declaratory and explanatory resolve, which only proves that on their side there were doubts. Our ally was pleased by that act, but I know of no mutual obligation. Be this as it may, unless Great Britain has a deep design,—first, to make a general peace, submitting to the letter of our eighth article, then, to pick a quarrel with us, and renew hostilities, she must come to us in the general treaty, or separately, but hand in hand with the other. France will look at this with a jealous eye, and we have enough in reserve; but the United States should be on their guard, and not too suddenly “lay down their arms.” I have spoken of possibilities of what may happen, founded on a certain ground of suspicion that the King of Great Britain aims at effecting a general peace, without a direct participation by his revolted subjects. Thence, the apparent ambiguity of the words you have quoted. I have said the Court of France will not, or will not suddenly gratify his humor; there is another Court to whom we are not yet known as an independent nation. You will receive light from the first serious convention. I repeat that I would not so freely commit myself to every man.

“Do not you wish yourself one of the peacemakers?” I have long since given a positive answer, and have only to add, the business is in very good hands; three, especially at this time, is a more convenient and safe number than four; the fourth might prove an incumbrance, but could add no weight of abilities. Proceed quietly; do not be embarrassed by appearances; make a good peace; and you shall partake of the blessing you have pronounced.

Mynheer Brantzen gives time for the surrender of Gibraltar and the recapture of St. Christopher’s, &c., for the evacuation of Charleston and New York, events, some of which we may hear of about the day he is to commence his journey diplomatic. To be sure he will enter with a better grace, and have the better ground for demanding restitution and indemnification, but I should have received more satisfaction, had I been assured that yourself and that gentleman were already at Paris.

God bless you and give you success.

Henry Laurens.

The next time a packet from you comes directed to his Excellency, Henry Laurens, &c., Mr. Laurens will disclaim it.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 4 September, 1782.

Sir,—

Your triplicate of the 5th of March, No. 5, triplicate of the 22d of May, No. 6, duplicate of the 29th of May, No. 7, and duplicate of May the 30th, No. 8, together with the despatches for Mr. Dana, came to hand yesterday.

The judicious inquiries in that of the 5th of March, are chiefly answered by the inclosed pamphlet, which I have caused to be printed, in order to be sent into England, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as America. You will find most of your questions answered by great bodies of merchants, manufacturers, and others in the first instance, and by the States of the several separate Provinces in the next place, and lastly by their High Mightinesses.

I wish the truth would warrant a more satisfactory account of the ships prepared and preparing for sea. Those prepared are employed by concert with France, in the North Sea, where they make a useful diversion, having lately obliged Lord Howe to detach a considerable number of ships, and the last accounts say, to go himself with fourteen ships of the line, in order to protect their trade from the Baltic, which has certainly retarded, possibly wholly prevented, the relief of Gibraltar. This, however, is not certain. I cannot assure congress of more than twelve Dutch ships of the line ready for sea. Some of that number are not in a good condition; not more than two or three can be depended on to be added in the course of this season.

As to the leading members of the great council, we must distinguish between the assembly of the deputies of the states-general, and the assembly of the deputies of the States of Holland and West Friesland. The grand pensionary of Holland, who is always a member of the assembly of their High Mightinesses, is constitutionally the most leading member. M. Van Bleiswyck is the present grand pensionary. With him I have frequent conferences, and they have always been agreeable; but the situation of this minister is at present extremely critical and embarrassing. In former times, when there was no stadtholder, or at least when his authority was less extensive, the grand pensionaries of Holland have been in effect stadtholders. They have been a centre of union for all the Provinces; but being more immediately connected with, and dependent on, the Province of Holland, they have been suspected by the other Provinces to give too much weight to that, which has caused them to attach themselves to the stadtholders, as a more impartial support to the whole State.

To speak candidly, a competition between these two great interests and these two high offices seems to have been the cause of the violent storms in this country; but as the stadtholders have had the military power by sea and land at their disposal, and by the pomp and splendor of a court have had the means of imposing more upon the nation, they have by degrees prevailed. At critical, dangerous times, tragical scenes have been exhibited, and Barnevelt’s head was struck off at one time, Grotius escaped by a sort of miracle, and the De Witts were torn in pieces, it is scarcely too bold to say by the open or secret commands or connivance of stadtholders. The stadtholder’s power, since 1748, until this year, has been so augmented, and the grand pensionary’s so diminished, that M. Van Bleiswyck is to be pitied. More is expected of him than he can perform. He is between two fires; the stadtholderian party on the one side, and the republican on the other. The consequence is, that he manages both as well as he can; is extremely cautious and reserved, never explains himself, but in cases of absolute necessity, and never attempts to assume the lead. If he were to attempt to act the part of some former grand pensionaries, the consequence would be, either he would not be supported, and would perish like Barnevelt or De Witt, or being supported, the stadtholdership must give way, and the Prince fly to his estates in Germany. M. Van Bleiswyck is a great scholar, linguist, natural philosopher, mathematician, and even physician; has great experience in public affairs, and is able and adroit enough in the conduct of them; but not having a temper bold and firm enough, or perhaps loving his ease too much, or not having ambition, or patriotism, or zeal, or health enough, to assume a great and decided conduct, he is fallen in his reputation. They suspect him of duplicity, and in short measures are prepared and brought into the states of Holland without his consent or previous knowledge, and there carried; a thing unknown until these days.

Another great officer of state, who constitutionally has influence in the assembly of their High Mightinesses, is the secretary, M. Fagel. This gentleman is of a family which has ever been zealously attached to the stadtholder, and consequently to England, and strongly prejudiced against France. His ancestor was made grand pensionary in place of the murdered and immortal De Witt; and from that time to this, the family have been invariably friends to the Princes of Orange, and to England, and enemies to France. The present secretary does not belie his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied with the new conventions with us and with France, of any man. I have had several conferences with him. He is a venerable man of seventy, is polite, and has always been complaisant enough to me; but congress will easily see, from this sketch of his character, that he is not the man for me to be intimate with. There is a new president of their High Mightinesses every week. I have had conferences with several,—M. Tjassens, M. Van Citters, M. Boreel, M. Van den Sandheuvel, and the Baron Lynden de Hemmen,—but this continual variation prevents any one from acquiring esteem and weight from the office; so that they are to be considered only as common members of the assembly.

There is a nobleman, the Baron de Lynden, who belongs to the Province of Zealand, and who was formerly ambassador in Sweden, and afterwards appointed to Vienna, but refused to go. I have had the pleasure of a great deal of conversation with him, and his advice has been useful to me. He is a sensible and worthy man, and his sentiments are very just. He has been now for some months in Zealand, and the world has seen several striking effects of his presence in that Province. He is much in opposition to the Duke of Brunswick, and consequently to the Court, to whose cause this nobleman’s rank, former offices, and connections, have done much damage. There are several other members of the assembly of their High Mightinesses that I have some acquaintance with, the Baron Van Schwartenbourgh, M. Kuffeler of Friesland, M. Brantzen of Guelderland, and others, whom it is not necessary to name at present. But Holland being full half the nation, the assembly of that Province gives always, sooner or later, the tone to the whole. The pensionaries of the cities are the principal speakers and most active members of this assembly, for which reason I have cultivated the acquaintance of these gentlemen, and will continue to do so more and more. There are three among them with whom I have been the most conversant,—M. Gyselaer of Dort, M. Visscher of Amsterdam, and M. Van Zeeberg of Haerlem.

M. Gyselaer is a young gentleman of about thirty; but of a genius and activity, a candor and prudence, which, if his health is not too delicate, must make him the man of the first consideration in this republic. I am happy in a friendly and familiar acquaintance with him, and shall certainly continue it, because his abilities and integrity, his industry, his great and growing popularity, and his influence in the assembly of the states of Holland, as well as in all the provinces and cities, will render him an important man, in spite of all the opposition of the Court. Nevertheless, although I cultivate the friendship of the patriots, I shall not give offence to the Court. The friendship of this Court we never had, and never shall have, until we have that of England. This gentleman’s friendship has already been of vast service to the cause of congress as well as to me, and will continue to be so. There is no intelligence in a political line, which I ought to know, but what I can easily obtain in this way. To detail the conversations, would be to relate all the measures taken or proposed, relative to the negotiations for a separate peace, to the concert with France, the general peace, &c., as well as from step to step, the advancement to the acknowledgment of our independence. There are some of these conversations which ought never to be put on paper until the measures and events which are the fruit of them have taken place.

M. Visscher is a respectable character, an amiable man, and steady in the good system. With him, also, I have been invariably upon good terms; but I cannot but lament the absence of M. Van Berckel, an excellent character, of solid judgment, sound learning, great experience, delicate honor, untainted virtue, and steady firmness, sacrificed to the most frivolous whimsies and miserable intrigues of private pique, the jealousy and envy of weak, I cannot here add wicked old age, and individual ambition. Van Berckel and Visscher together would be noble ministers for Amsterdam; but the elder of the “par nobile fratrum” is wanting.

M. Van Zeeberg is another excellent character; of great reputation as a lawyer, a man of integrity, and a patriot, with whom I have been, and am, upon the best terms. It is odd enough, that most of these pensionaries have been deacons of the English church in this place, Dr. Maclaine’s. En passant, young lawyers seek an election to be deacons in the churches, as a first step to advancement in their profession, as well as in the state. M. Van Berckel, M. Van Zeeberg, and others, have been deacons of this church, yet neither speaks English; nor is any of them less an enemy to England for having passed through this stage in his career of life, and I shall be the more so, for hearing once a week, an admirable moral lecture in the English language from one of the best preachers in Europe.

I hope this will be sufficient at present, as a sample of sketches of characters that you demand of me among the leading members of the assemblies. I might mention several burgomasters, as M. Hooft, of Amsterdam, Van Berckel, of Rotterdam, &c., &c. &c.; but I must not give too much at once.

You inquire, whether there is no intercourse between the French ambassador and me. I answer, there is a constant, uninterrupted harmony and familiarity between the Duke de la Vauguyon and his family and me. I visit him, and he visits me. I dine with him, and he and his family dine with me as often as you can wish; and he is ever ready to enter into conversation and consultation with me upon public affairs. He is an amiable man whom I esteem very much. He is able, attentive, and vigilant, as a minister; but he has been under infinite obligations to the United States of America and her minister for the success he has had in this country. Nothing on this earth but the American cause could ever have prevented this republic from joining England in the war, and nothing but the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and the other innumerable measures taken in consequence of it by the same hand, could ever have prevented this republic from making a separate peace with England. The American cause and minister have done more to introduce a familiarity between the French ambassador and some leading men here, than any other thing could; and if anybody denies it, it must be owing to ignorance or ingratitude. It is at the same time true, and I acknowledge it with pleasure and gratitude, that our cause could not have succeeded here without the aid of France. Her aid in the East Indies, West Indies, and upon the barrier frontiers, her general benevolence and concert of operations, as well as the honorable and friendly exertions of her ambassador, after the decisive step taken by me, contributed essentially to the accomplishment of the work. I have an opportunity of meeting at his house, too, almost as often as I desire, the other foreign ministers; but of this, more hereafter.

You desire also to know the popular leaders I have formed acquaintance with. The two noblemen, the Baron Van der Capellen de Pol, of Overyssel, and the Baron Vander Capellen de Marsch, of Guelderland, I have formed an acquaintance with; the former, very early after my first arrival. I have had frequent and intimate conversations with him, and he has been of the utmost service to our cause. His unhappy situation and unjust expulsion from his seat in government, the opposition of the Court and of his colleagues in the regency, make it delicate to write freely concerning this nobleman. He has an independent fortune, though not called rich in this country. His parts and learning are equal to any, his zeal and activity superior. I dare not say in what a multitude of ways he has served us; posterity will, perhaps, know them all.

Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I fell acquainted, at M. Van Staphorst’s, with M. Calkoen, the first gentleman of the bar at Amsterdam; a man of letters, well read in law and history, and an elegant writer. He desired to be informed of American affairs. I gave him a collection of our constitutions, and a number of pamphlets and papers, and desired him to commit to writing his questions. In a few days, he sent me thirty questions in Dutch, which show him to be a man of profound reflection and sagacity. I got them translated, and determined to seize the opportunity to turn his attention to our affairs, and gain his confidence. I wrote him a distinct letter upon each question, and endeavored to give him as comprehensive an insight into our affairs as I could. He was much pleased with the answers, and composed out of them a comparison between the American and the Batavian Revolution, which he read with applause to a society of forty gentlemen of letters, who meet in a club at Amsterdam. I lent him Burgoyne’s and Howe’s pamphlets in vindication of themselves, which he communicated also. By this means, this society, whose influence must be very extensive, were made hearty converts to the opinion of the impracticability of a British conquest, and the certainty of American success; points very dubious in the minds of this nation in general, when I first came here, as I can easily prove. With this gentleman, I have ever preserved an agreeable acquaintance. It was he who drew up the petition of the merchants of Amsterdam in favor of American independence.

About the time of presenting my memorial, I became acquainted with another lawyer at the Hague, M. Van Zoon, who has been also, from time to time, active in our favor, and drew up the petitions of Rotterdam.

The gazetteers of this country are not mere printers, they are men of letters; and as these vehicles have a vast influence in forming the public opinion, they were not to be neglected by me, whose only hopes lay in the public opinion, to resist the torrent of a court and government. I therefore became naturally acquainted with the family of the Luzacs, in Leyden, whose gazette has been very useful to our cause, and who are excellent people. M. John Luzac drew up the two petitions of Leyden to their regency.

At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with M. Cerisier enabled me to render the Politique Hollandais, and the French Gazette of Amsterdam, useful on many occasions; and by means of one friend and another, particularly M. Dumas, I have been able to communicate any thing that was proper to the public, by means of the Dutch gazettes of Amsterdam, Haerlem, and Delft. By means of these secret connections with printers and writers, I have had an opportunity to cause to be translated and printed, many English pamphlets tending to elucidate our affairs, particularly those valuable documents of Howe and Burgoyne, than which nothing has contributed more to fortify our cause. They are considered as the decisive testimonies of unwilling witnesses and cruel enemies. With these persons, and others, when I could not have conversations, I have had correspondences, as frequent as my time would allow.

At Amsterdam, I was acquainted with several mercantile houses, M. de Neufville and Son, M. Crommelin and Sons, Messieurs Van Staphorsts, De la Lande and Fynje, Madame Chabanel and Son and Nephew, M. Hodshon, M. Van Arp, M. Tegelaer, and several others, who, in their several ways, were useful to our affairs.

I come now to the most difficult task of all, the description of the foreign ministers. The minister of the Emperor is ninety years of age, and never appears at court, or anywhere else. I have never seen him or his secretary. The ministers from Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia, and Liege, I see every week at court, where I sup regularly when the others do, though it is very visible that I am not the guest the most favored by the Prince. I dine with them all sometimes at the French ambassador’s and Spanish minister’s, but have not dined at any of their houses, nor they at mine. Not one of them would dare to give or receive an invitation, except France, Spain, and Liege. The minister from Sweden, the Baron d’Ehrenswerd, is lately removed to Berlin, to my great regret, as he appeared to me a very good character, and behaved very civilly to me several times when I met him at court and at the French ambassador’s. The secretary of legation does the business now, M. Van Asp, who appears to be a worthy man, and is not afraid to converse with me. The minister from Prussia, M. de Thulemeyer, is very civil, attacks me (as he expresses it) in English, and wishes to meet me on horseback, being both great riders; will converse freely with me upon astronomy, or natural history, or any mere common affairs; will talk of news, battles, sieges, &c.; but these personages are very reserved in politics and negotiations. They must wait for instructions.

M. de St. Saphorin, the envoy from Denmark, is a personage of very odd behavior; a Swiss by birth, but an open and not very discreet advocate for England. It should be observed, that the Queen Dowager of Denmark, is sister to the Duke, Louis de Brunswick; and as the King is not a distinguished character among crowned heads, she is supposed to have much influence at court, and the minister here may be complaisant to her. But neither that power nor its minister is able to do more than influence a gazette or two, to publish some very injudicious speculations. I am not the only foreign minister that converses or corresponds with gazetteers; though it at least is certain, that I never give them money. I hope I am not singular in this. This gentleman has been much with another since his arrival, M. Markow, the adjoint minister from Russia, another advocate for the English, without being able to do them any service. He was never more than a secretary of legation before. He has been here formerly in that character, and in the partition of Poland. He was preceded here, by reports of his great talents at negotiations and intrigue, and it was said, that he had never failed of success; but his residence here has made no sensation or impression at all. He talks in some companies indiscreetly in favor of England, but is not much attended to. His behavior to me is a distant bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now and then, a “Comment vous portez-vous?” One evening at court, when the northern epidemy was here, he put me this question after supper, in great apparent good humor; “terriblement affligé de l’influença,” said I. “C’est en Angleterre,” says he, laughing, “qu’on a donné ce nom, et il ne feroit point de mal, si vous voudriez vous laisser gagner un peu par l’influence de l’Angleterre.” I had it at my tongue’s end to answer, “C’est assez d’être tourmenté de l’influence qui vient de Russie!!” but I reflected very suddenly, if he is indiscreet, I will not be; so I contented myself to answer, very gravely, “jamais, monsieur, jamais.”

The Prince de Galitzin, his colleague, is of a different character; a good man, and thinks justly; but his place is too important to his family to be hazarded; so he keeps a great reserve, and behaves with great prudence. Knowing his situation, I have avoided all advances to him, lest I should embarrass him. The Sardinian minister is very ready to enter into conversation at all times; but his court and system are wholly out of the present question. The Portuguese envoy extraordinary, D. Joas Theolonico d’Almeida, is a young nobleman glittering with stars, and, as they say, very rich. He has twice, once at court, and once at the Spanish minister’s, entered familiarly into conversation with me, upon the climates of America and Portugal, and the commerce that has been and will be between our countries, and upon indifferent subjects; but there is no appearance that he is profoundly versed in political subjects, nor any probability that he could explain himself until all the neutral powers do, of whom Portugal is now one.

The Spanish minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafée, has at last got over all his punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with him, in company with all the foreign ministers and four or five officers of rank in the Russian service, on Tuesday last. He and his secretary had dined with me some time ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a more free, if not familiar, footing with him in future. He has, indeed, been always very complaisant and friendly, though embarrassed with his punctilios of etiquette. There is one anecdote, that in justice to myself and my country I ought not to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his house, a day or two after my reception by the states. He sent for me. I went, and had an hour’s conversation with him. He said to me, “Sir, you have struck the greatest blow of all Europe. It is the greatest blow that has been struck in the American cause, and the most decisive. It is you who have filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is you who have turned all their heads.” Next morning he returned my visit at my lodgings, for it was before my removal to this house. In the course of conversation upon the subject of my success here, he turned to a gentleman in company, and said to him, “this event is infinitely honorable to Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (le plus grand coup) which could have been struck in all Europe. It is he, who has filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is he, who has disconcerted the admirers of England (Anglomanes); it is he, who has turned the heads of the Hollanders. It is not for a compliment to Mr. Adams that I say this, but because I believe it to be his due.”

I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for fear of the charge of vanity, omit to record things, which were certainly said with deliberation, and which prove the sense, which the ministers of the house of Bourbon had of the stream of prejudice here against them, and of the influence of America, and her minister, in turning the tide.

I hope, sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the present; if not, another time I will give you portraits at full length.

In the mean time, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 6 September, 1782.

Sir,—

In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask, “whether this power has entered into any treaty with France since the war, and whether any such thing is in contemplation?”

They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning recaptures, which you must have seen in the papers. The East India Company have concerted operations with France in the East Indies, and the Prince, by the resolution of the states, has concerted operations in these European seas for this campaign, and the city of Amsterdam has lately proposed in the states of Holland, to renew the concert for next year, and to revive an old treaty of commerce with France. In my letter of the 18th of August, I have sent you a copy of the instructions to their ministers for peace, “not to make peace, truce, or armistice, but with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers,” among whom the United States of America are certainly one, in the sense and meaning of their High Mightinesses.

You observe, sir, “that France is interested with us, in procuring a public acknowledgment of our independence.” You desire me to write freely, and my own disposition inclines me to do so. This is a delicate subject, and requires to be cautiously handled. Political jealousy is very different from a suspicious temper. We should contemplate the vices naturally allied to the greatest virtues. We should consider the fevers that lie near a high state of health. We should consider the maxim that is laid down by all the political writers in the world, and the fact that is found in all histories, “that in cases of alliance between unequal powers, almost all the advantages ever did and ever will accrue to the greatest.” We should observe in the Abbé Raynal’s history of this revolution, that there is a party in France that blames the ministry for putting themselves into the chains (fers) of congress, and for not keeping us dependent enough upon them. Is it not natural for them to wish to keep us dependent upon them, that we might be obliged to accept such terms of peace as they should think would do for us? If the House of Bourbon should be suspected by any neutral power to grow too fast in wealth and force, and be disposed to form a league against it, is it not natural for it to wish that we may be kept from any connections with such powers, and wholly connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in all its wars?

It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between the French and Spanish ministry; but I candidly ask any man, who has attended to the circumstance of this war, if he has not seen cause to suspect it? For my own part, I have no doubt of it, and I do not know that we can justly censure it. I have ten thousand reasons which convince me that one minister at least has not wished that we should form connections with Holland, even so soon as we did, or with any other power; although he had no right, and therefore would not appear openly, to oppose it. When I took leave of that minister to return to America, in the spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to advise congress to attend to the affairs of the war, and leave the politics of Europe to them (et laisser la politique à nous). In 1778 or 1779, when Mr. Lee and I proposed to Dr. Franklin to go to Holland, or to consent that one of us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to that minister upon it, and received an answer, which he showed me, advising against it; and when I received my letter of credence here, the minister here, who follows the instructions communicated by that minister, took all possible pains to persuade me against communicating it; and Dr. Franklin, without reserve in word and writing, has constantly declared, that congress were wrong in sending a minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Spain, Holland, and Petersburg, and Dr. Franklin is as good an index of that minister’s sentiments as I know.

Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and think it our indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted right, to send ministers to other Courts, and endeavor to extend our acquaintance, commerce, and political connections with all the world; and I have pursued this system, which I took to be also the wish of congress and the sense of America, with patience and perseverance against all dangers, reproaches, misrepresentations, and oppositions, until, I thank God, he has enabled me to plant the standard of the United States at the Hague, where it will wave forever.

I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connection with Holland is a sure stay. Connected with Holland and the house of Bourbon, we have nothing to fear.

I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry, and the only use of it I would wish to make is this; to insist upon seeing with our own eyes, using our own judgment, and acting an independent part; and it is of the last importance we should do it now thus early, otherwise we should find it very difficult to do it hereafter. I hope I have given you my sentiments, as you desired, with freedom, and that freedom, I hope, will give no offence, either in America or France, for certainly none is intended.

In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw upon Dr. Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts to you. My accounts, sir, are very short, and shall be sent as soon as the perplexity of the treaty is over. As to drawing on Dr. Franklin, I presume this was upon supposition, that we had no money here. There is now near a million and a half of florins, so that I beg I may be permitted to receive my salary here.

I have transmitted to Mr. Dana your despatches, as desired in yours of the 29th of May, reserving an extract for publication in the gazettes, which the French ambassador is of opinion, as well as others, will have a great effect in Europe. Your letter is extremely well written, and M. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear to advantage. Yours of the 30th of May affords me the pleasure of knowing that you have received some letters from me this year, and I am glad you are inclined to lay that of the 21st of February before congress. By this time I hope that all objections are removed to the memorial; but in order to judge of the full effect of that memorial, three volumes of the Politique Hollandais, several volumes of De Post Van Neder Rhin, all the Dutch gazettes for a whole year, and the petitions of all the cities should be read, for there is not one of them but what clearly shows the propriety of presenting that memorial, whose influence and effect, though not sudden, has been amazingly extensive. Indeed the French ambassador has often signified to me lately, and more than once in express words, Monsieur, votre fermeté a fait un très bon effet ici.

The cipher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose the original is gone on to Mr. Dana in a letter I transmitted him from you some time ago, so that I should be obliged to you for another of the same part.

Rodney’s victory came, as you hoped it would, too late to obstruct me. I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly received by the states and Prince before we received that melancholy news. If it had arrived some time sooner, it might have deranged all our systems, and this nation possibly might have been now separately at peace, which shows the importance of watching the time and tide which there is in the affairs of men.

You require, sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every step that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace are already public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffectual. The states-general are firm against it, as appears by their instructions to their ministers. Since the conversations between me and Digges first, and Mr. Laurens afterwards, there has never been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or writing, from the British ministry to me. It was my decided advice and earnest request by both, that all messages might be sent to Paris to Dr. Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr. Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me informed of every thing that passed by expresses; but I have had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of them. I hope that Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay have had positive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter into no conferences with any British minister who is not authorized to treat with the United States of America.

Some weeks ago I agreed with the Duc de la Vauguyon to draw up a project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, proposing a triple or quadruple alliance, according to my instruction to that purpose. The Duke, in his private capacity, has declared to me often that he is of opinion, that it would be advisable to make this proposition as soon as the treaty of commerce is signed; but he could not give me any ministerial advice without consulting the Count de Vergennes. We agreed that he should transmit the project to the Count. Two days ago, the Duke called upon me, and informed me that he had the Count’s answer, which was, that he did not think this the time, because it would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately given by the states-general to M. Brantzen, not to make any treaty or armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent powers.

By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance, the invitation or admission is to be made by concert. From my instructions, I supposed, and suppose still, that the concert was made at Philadelphia, between congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the order of the King, his master; and my instruction being positive and unconditional to make the proposition, I shall be somewhat embarrassed. On the one hand, I would preserve not only a real harmony, but the appearance of it, between all steps of mine and the counsels of the French ministers. On the other, I would obey my instructions, especially when they are so fully agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition would have a good effect in England, in Holland, in France, America, and in all the neutral countries, as I think, and it could do no harm, that I can foresee. Nay, further, I am persuaded that the French ministry themselves, if they were to give me their private opinions, as the Duc de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should make the proposition against their advice.

It is possible, however, that they may secretly choose (notwithstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in an alliance with America and Holland. They may think they shall have more influence with their hands unbound even to a system that they approve and mean to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and windings of European politics that American ministers have to decide and act. The result is clear in my mind, that although it is proper to be upon good terms, and be communicative and confidential with the French ministers, yet we ought to have opinions, principles, and systems of our own, and that our ministers should not be bound to follow their advice, but when it is consonant to our own; and that congress should firmly support their own ministers against all secret insinuations. They must see that a minister of theirs, who is determined, as he is bound in honor, to be free and independent, is not in a very delectable or enviable situation in Europe, as yet.

There is but one alternative. Either congress should recall all their ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations to the French ministry, or they must support their ministers against all insinuations. If congress will see with their own eyes, I can assure them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the color, figure, nor magnitude of objects will always appear to them exactly as they do to their allies. To send ministers to Europe, who are supposed by the people of America to see for themselves, while in effect they see, or pretend to see nothing, but what appears through the glass of a French minister, is to betray the just expectations of that people.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

The Hague, 17 September, 1752.

My dear Friend,—

It grieves me when I think how long it is since I wrote to you. But my head and hands and heart have been all full.

I sent to the care of the Dutch ambassador, General Washington’s miniature for you; should be glad to know whether you have received it. I have also sent along several despatches from our secretary of foreign affairs. Have you received them?

Fitzherbert’s commission is to treat with the King of France and the ministers quorumcunque principum vel statuum quorum interesse poterit; and Oswald’s is to treat, consult of, agree, and conclude with any commissioner or commissioners named, or to be named, by the said colonies or plantations, or with any body or bodies, corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies, or description of men, or any person or persons whatsoever, a peace or a truce with the said colonies or plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof. I said his commission; but he has none. He has only an order to the Attorney-General to make out such a commission.

Thus, you see, there is yet no proof of Shelburne’s sincerity. In short, nothing will be done until parliament meets, nor then, unless they take upon them to acknowledge the independence of the United States.

If Gibraltar is succored and holds out, Britain will not cede it. In short, we shall have another campaign. No peace until 1784, if then.

What is the story of the insurrection in the Crimea? What powers of Europe are any way connected with that affair, or interested in it? Is it likely to have any consequences, and what?

You have concluded, I hope, to stay another winter. You must absolutely send my son to me, by the earliest neutral vessel to the Texel, in the Spring. My love to him. I have not time to write to him now. He does not tell me how his studies go on.

I shall sign the treaty of commerce next week; all articles, words, syllables, and letters, and points, are adjusted, and nothing remains but to write five fair copies, in Dutch and English, and sign, seal, and deliver them. My loan is in cash, better than fifteen hundred thousand guilders. So that we go on, you see, pretty well.

The standard of the United States waves and flies at the Hague in triumph, over Sir Joseph Yorke’s insolence and British pride. When I go to heaven, I shall look down over the battlements with pleasure upon the stripes and stars wantoning in the wind at the Hague. There is another triumph in the case, sweeter than that over our enemies. You know my meaning; it is the triumph of stubborn independence. Independence of friends and foes. “Monsieur, votre fermeté a fait un très bon effet ici,” has been repeated to me more than once. “Monsieur, vous avez frappé le plus grand coup de toute l’Europe.” “Cette événement fait un honneur infini à M. Adams.” “C’est ce qui a effrayé les Anglomanes, et rempli cette nation d’enthousiasme,” &c. These are confessions “arrachées,” and therefore more delicious.

I am now upon extreme good terms with the ministers of France and Spain. I dine with both, and they dine with me, &c.; and I meet the whole corps diplomatique at their houses, as well as at court, and might meet them every morning, at certain rendezvous of intelligence, and every evening, at an assembly, at cards, if I had not something else to do.

Adieu, my dear friend. Write me as often as you can.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 17 September, 1782.

Sir,—

This morning I was in conference with M. Fagel, in order to make the last corrections in the language of the treaty, which is to be executed in English and Dutch, as that with the Crown of France was in English and French. We have now, I hope, agreed upon every word, if not every point, and nothing remains but to make five fair copies of it for signature, which, however, is no little labor. The secretary thinks he shall accomplish them in the course of this week and part of the next, so that they may be signed by the latter end of next week, or perhaps the middle. The secretary, who has always been complaisant, was more so than ever to-day. He congratulated me upon the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter; hoped it would be highly beneficial to both nations; and that our posterity might have cause to rejoice in it even more than we. He says the usage is, for two deputies to sign it on the part of Holland, and one on the part of each other Province, so that there will be eight signers in behalf of the republic.

It is now nearly five months since I was publicly received, and proposed a project of a treaty. All this time it has taken the several Provinces and cities to examine, make their remarks and fresh propositions, and bring the matter to a conclusion. It would not have been so long, however, if the Court had been delighted with the business. But, in a case where unanimity was requisite, and the Court not pleased, it was necessary to proceed with all the softness, caution, and prudence possible, that no ill humors might be stirred. Yet, in a case where the nation’s heart is so engaged, in which its commerce and love of money is so interested, what wretched policy is it in this Court to show even a lukewarmness, much more an aversion! Yet, such is the policy, and such it will be. The Prince of Orange is, to all appearance, as incurable as George III., his cousin.

I was afterwards an hour with the French ambassador, at his house. He tells me, his last letter from the Count de Vergennes says that he has yet seen no appearance of sincerity on the part of the British ministry in the negotiations for peace. Of this, congress will be easily convinced by the copies I have transmitted of the commissions of Messrs. Fitzherbert and Oswald.

The subject of our conversation was the means of getting out the Dutch fleet, which is now in the Texel, although the British fleet, under Milbank, is returned to Portsmouth, and probably sailed with Lord Howe for Gibraltar. I asked the Duke where the combined fleet was. His last accounts were, that they were off Cape Ortegal, endeavoring to get round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He speaks of it as doubtful, whether they will give battle to Lord Howe, because the Spanish ships, with an equal number of guns, are of a smaller calibre than the English; but hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives. The means of getting the fleet out of the Texel to intercept a fleet of English ships from the Baltic, came next under consideration. But the wind is not fair. It might have gone out, but they had not intelligence.

I asked who it was that governed naval matters. He answered, the Prince. But surely the Prince must have some assistance, some confidential minister, officer, clerk, secretary, or servant. If he were a Solomon, he could not manage the fleet and the whole system of intelligence and orders concerning it, without aid. He said, it is the college of the admiralty, and sometimes M. Bisdom, who is a good man, and sometimes M. Van der Hope, who may be a good man; he has sense and art, but is suspected. Very well, said I, M. Bisdom and M. Van der Hope ought to be held responsible, and the eyes of the public ought to be turned towards them, and they ought to satisfy the public. The Duke said, the Prince is afraid of the consequence. He knows that the sensations of the people are very lively at present, and nobody knows what may be the consequence of their getting an opinion that there has been negligence or any thing worse, which may have prevented them from striking a blow. I asked, if they had any plan for obtaining intelligence, the soul of war, from England. He said the grand pensionary told him he paid very dear for intelligence.

However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have any rational plan for obtaining intelligence necessary from every quarter as they ought. They should have intelligence from every seaport in France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all round the Baltic, and they should have light frigates and small vessels out. But when war is unwillingly made, every thing is not done. The next subject was the proposition from Amsterdam, for renewing the concert of operations for the next campaign.

Congress may hear of some further plans for a separate peace between Holland and England, but they will not succeed. The republic will stand firm, though it will not be so active as we could wish, and the concert of operations will be renewed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 17 September, 1782.

Sir,—

You will naturally inquire, whether the neutral powers will continue their neutrality, or whether the neutral confederacy will be broken?

No certain answer can be given to these questions. We must content ourselves with probabilities, which are strong for the continuance of the neutrality. Who indeed should break it? The Emperor was thought to be the most unlikely potentate to accede to it; but he has acceded and has taken several steps, which prove that he will not break it, at least by leaning towards England. Sweden is the steady friend of France. The King of Prussia, whose affections and inclinations are certainly towards France and Holland, and alienated from England, would certainly at this age of life be too cautious a politician to wage war for England, against the houses of Bourbon and Austria, Holland and America.

There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia do? This is a maritime war. She cannot assist the English with land forces; a hundred thousand men would do no good to England, on land. Her boasted fleet, added to that of England, would only weaken it, for several reasons; among the rest, because England must maintain it with money, if not with officers and men; for cash is wanting in Russia. Denmark remains, but what can she do? Her islands in the West Indies and her trade, are at our mercy, and she would not have force enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if she should declare war.

A doctrine prevails that the acknowledgment of the independence of America is a hostility against England, and, consequently, a breach of the neutrality. Our friends have sometimes favored this idea. The Duc de la Vauguyon has often expressed this sentiment to me; and, if I am not mistaken, the Marquis de Verac has said the same to Mr. Dana. If this opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The Court of France, in their public memorials, have denied it; and it would be difficult to prove it, either by the law or practice of nations. Sending or receiving ambassadors, entering into peaceful commercial treaties, or, at least, negotiating at Philadelphia the rights of neutral nations, is not taking arms against Great Britain.

But if an acknowledgment of our independence is a hostility, a denial of it is so too, and if the maritime confederation forbids the one, it forbids both. None of the neutral nations can take the part of Great Britain, therefore, without breaking to pieces that great system, which has cost so much negotiation, and embraces so great a part of mankind.

The neutral powers set so high a value upon it, and, indeed, make so great profit by it, that I think none of them will take the part of Great Britain. The connections of the Duke Louis of Brunswick in Denmark and Russia, have set some little machines in motion, partly to favor him, and partly to hold out an appearance of something fermenting for the benefit of Great Britain. But these will never succeed so far as to draw any nation into the war, or to induce this republic to make a separate peace.

It is to this source that I attribute certain observations that are circulated in pamphlets and in conversation, “that there is at present an incoherence in the general system of Europe; that the Emperor has deranged the whole system of the equilibrium of Europe, so that if ever the northern powers should think of stopping by a confederation the preponderance of the southern powers, Holland will be unable, on account of the demolition of the barriers, to accede to that confederation.”

M. Magis, who has been eight-and-twenty years envoy at the Hague from the Bishop of Liege, and who converses more with all the foreign ministers here, than any other, has said to me, not long since, “Sir, the wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly one way; it must roll back again, somewhat, to come to its proper centre. The power of the house of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks too fast, and I believe the Emperor, although he seems perfectly still at present, will come out at length, and take the greatest part of any power in the final adjustment of affairs.”

The Count de Mirabel, the Sardinian minister, said to me, upon another occasion, “Your country, sir, will be obliged in the vicissitudes of things, to wheel round and take part with England, and such allies as she may obtain, in order to form a proper balance in the world.” My answer to both was, “These sentiments betray a jealousy of a too sudden growth of the power of the house of Bourbon; but whose fault is it, if it is a fact (which it does not appear to be as yet) and whose fault will it be, if it should hereafter become a fact? Why do the neutral powers stand still and see it, or imagine they see it, when it is so easy to put a stop to it? They have only to acknowledge American independence, and then, neither the house of Bourbon nor England will have a colorable pretence for continuing the war, from which alone the jealousy can arise.”

The Prince de Galitzin said, not long since, that the conduct of this republic, in refusing a separate peace, &c., he feared would throw all Europe into a war, there were so many pretensions against England.

I quote these sayings of foreign ministers, because you express a desire to hear them, and because they show all the color of argument in favor of England that anybody has advanced. All these ministers allow that American independence is decided; even the ministers from Portugal, within a few days, said it to me expressly. It is, therefore, very unreasonable in them to grumble at what happens merely in consequence of their neutrality.

It is the miserable policy of the Prince of Orange’s counsellors, as I suppose, which has set a few springs in motion here. M. Markow, one of the ministers of Russia, and M. St. Saphorin, the minister from Denmark, are the most openly and busily in favor of England. But if, instead of endeavoring to excite jealousies and foment prejudices against the house of Bourbon, or compassion towards England, they would endeavor to convince her of the necessity of acknowledging American independence, or to persuade the neutral powers to decide the point, by setting the example, they would really serve England, and the general cause of mankind. As it goes at present, their negotiations serve no cause whatever, that I can conceive of, unless it be that of the Duke of Brunswick, and, in the end, it will appear that even he is not served by it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 23 September, 1782.

Sir,—

As this is a moment of great expectation, news of the greatest importance from the East Indies, from the West Indies and North America, from Gibraltar, from Lord Howe’s fleet, and the combined fleet, being hourly looked for, I took this opportunity to return to the Spanish minister a visit which I owed him.

He told me that he trembled for the news we should have from Gibraltar. I asked him if he thought there would be a battle at sea. He answered, Yes, he believed the combined fleet would meet Lord Howe and give him battle. I said, in this case, it will probably be but a running fight. His Lordship’s object was to protect his convoy and get into the port, and he would not stop to fight more than should be unavoidable. D. Llano, however, said that he believed the fate of Gibraltar would be decided before Howe could arrive, either the place taken, or the assault given over. By his advices, the attack was to begin the 4th or 5th of September. Howe sailed the 12th, and would be probably twenty days at least on his way, which would leave a space of twenty-seven or twenty-eight days for the attack, which would decide it one way or the other.

I did not think proper to tell him my own apprehensions, and I wish I may be mistaken, but I have no expectation at all, in my own mind, that the combined fleet will meet Howe; that there will be any naval engagement; or that Gibraltar will surrender. They will make a horrid noise with their artillery against the place; but this noise will not terrify Elliot, and Gibraltar will remain to the English another year, and Lord Howe return to England, and all Europe will laugh. England, however, if she were wise, would say, what is sport to you is death to us, who are ruined by these expenses. The earnest zeal of Spain to obtain that impenetrable rock, what has it not cost the House of Bourbon this war? And what is the importance of it? A mere point of honor! a trophy of insolence to England, and of humiliation to Spain! It is of no utility, unless as an asylum for privateers in time of war; for it is not to be supposed that the powers of Europe, now that the freedom of commerce is so much esteemed, will permit either England or Spain to make use of this fortress and asylum as an instrument to exclude any nation from the navigation of the Mediterranean.

From the Hôtel d’Espagne I went to that of France, and the Duc de la Vauguyon informed me that he had a letter from the Count de Vergennes, informing him that he had received, in an indirect manner, a set of preliminary propositions, as from the British ministry, which they were said to be ready to sign; that he had sent M. de Rayneval to London, to know with certainty, whether those preliminaries came from proper authority or not.

Thus we see that two ministers from England, and another from Holland, are at Paris to make peace. The Count d’Aranda is said to have powers to treat on the part of Spain. Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jay are present on the part of the United States, and M. Gerard de Rayneval is at London. Yet, with all this, the British ministry have never yet given any proof of their sincerity, nor any authority to any one to treat with the United States. I believe the British ministry, even my Lord Shelburne, would give such powers if they dared. But they dare not. They are afraid of the King, of the old ministry, and a great party in the nation, irritated every moment by the refugees, who spare no pains, and hesitate at no impostures, to revive offensive hostilities in America. If Gibraltar should be relieved, and their fleets should arrive from the West Indies and the Baltic, and they should not have very bad news from the East Indies, the nation will recover from its fright, occasioned by the loss of Cornwallis, Minorca, and St. Kitts, and the ministry will not yet dare to acknowledge American independence. In this case, Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke will lay their foundation of opposition, and the state of the finances will give them great weight. But the ministry will find means to provide for another campaign.

But to return to the Duc de la Vauguyon, who informed me further, that he had received instructions to propose to the Prince of Orange a new plan of concert of operations, namely,—that the Dutch fleet, or at least a detachment of it, should now, in the absence of Lord Howe, sail from the Texel to Brest, and join the French ships there, in a cruise to intercept the British West India fleet. The Prince does not appear pleased with this plan. He has not yet accepted it. The grand pensionary appears to approve it, and support it with warmth. There is now a fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike a blow, either alone, upon the Baltic fleet, or in conjunction with the French, or even alone upon the West India fleet. But the main spring of the machine is broken or unbent. There is neither capacity nor good will among those who direct the navy.

At dinner, in the course of the day, with M. Gyselaar, M. Visscher, and a number of their copatriots, at the Hotel de Dort, they lamented this incurable misfortune. Some of them told me that the sums of money granted and expended upon their marine, ought to have produced them a hundred and twenty vessels of war of all sizes; whereas they have not one quarter of the number. They have no more than twelve of the line in the Texel, reckoning in the number two fifties; and they have not more than six or seven in all the docks of Amsterdam, Zealand, the Meuse, and Friesland, which can be ready next year.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, 27 September, 1782.

Sir,—

I do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the success of your patriotic labors in Holland. The general tribute paid to your abilities on this occasion will so well dispense with the addition of my feeble voice, that I shall spare your delicacy the pain of expressing my sentiments.

The inclosed resolutions and copies of letters will convey to you so fully the views of congress, and explain so clearly my conceptions on the subject, that very little need be added. If the application to France should fail of success, which I cannot permit myself to believe, you will then have a new opportunity of showing the influence you have acquired over the minds of men in the country where you reside, and of exerting it in the manner most beneficial to our country.

Before I conclude this letter, I must congratulate your excellency on the success of the loan you have already opened, which I consider as being by this time completed.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

Robert Morris.

JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 28 September, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

Mr. Oswald received yesterday a commission to treat of peace with the commissioners of the United States of America. I have reasons for wishing that you would say nothing of this till you see me, which I hope and pray may be soon, very soon.

This is a short letter; but, notwithstanding its brevity, be assured that I am,

With great regard and esteem, &c.

John Jay.

TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.

The Hague, 29 September, 1782.

My Dear General,—

I should have written you since the 29th of May, when I wrote you a letter that I hope you received, if it had not been reported, sometimes that you were gone, and at other times that you were upon the point of going to America.

This people must be indulged in their ordinary march, which you know is with the slow step. We have, however, at length, the consent of all the cities and provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every article, word, syllable, letter, and point; and clerks are employed in making out five fair copies for the signature, which will be done this week.

Amidst the innumerable crowd of loans which are open in this country, many of which have little success, I was much afraid that ours would have failed. I have, however, the pleasure to inform you, that I am at least one million and a half in cash,—about three millions of livres,—which will be a considerable aid to the operations of our financier at Philadelphia; and I hope your court, with their usual goodness, will make up the rest that may be wanting.

I am now as well situated as I ever can be in Europe. I have the honor to live upon agreeable terms of civility with the ambassadors of France and Spain; and the ministers of all the other powers in Europe, whom I meet at the houses of the French and Spanish ministers, as well as at court, are complaisant and sociable. Those from Russia and Denmark are the most reserved. Those from Sardinia and Portugal are very civil.

The ministers of all the neutral powers consider our independence as decided. One of those, even from Russia, said so not long ago; and that from Portugal said it to me within a few days. You and I have known this point to be decided a long time; but it is but lately that the ministers of neutral powers, however they might think, have frankly expressed their opinions; and it is now an indication that it begins to be the sentiment of their courts, for they do not often advance faster than their masters in expressing their sentiments upon political points of this magnitude.

Pray, what are the sentiments of the corps diplomatique at Versailles? What progress is made in the negotiation for peace? Can any thing be done before the British parliament, or at least, the Court of St. James, acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States, absolute and unlimited?

It would give me great pleasure to receive a line from you, as often as your leisure will admit.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

M. CERISIER TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 1 Octobre, 1782.

Monsieur,—

Il y a long-temps que j’aurai entamé le sujet important de l’admission des États Unis de l’Amérique dans la neutralité, mais je ne sentais pas avoir des argumens assez forts pour traiter cette matière; et vous savez que, dans ces sortes de cas, il vaut mieux ne rien dire que de ne pas dire assez. Je suis effectivement embarrassé pour montrer comment cette démarche ne serait pas une dérogation aux principes qu’ont énoncés les puissances neutres, de ne rien hazarder qui puisse passer pour partialité de la part d’aucune des puissances belligérantes. Il est vrai que l’on peut considérer les Américains, après le bonheur qu’ils ont eu de chasser les Anglais de leur territoire, comme des peuples que la Grande Brétagne veut conquérir; or, toutes les puissances belligérantes étant dans un état à être conquises l’une par l’autre, elles ne laissent pas de conserver, chacune, jusqu’à cette époque d’une conquête, le droit d’être reconnue indépendante. Donc les Américains qui ne sont vis-à-vis des Anglais que comme un peuple qu’ils veulent conquérir, ont aussi le droit d’être regardés indépandans, même par des puissances neutres. Mais l’Angleterre pourra toujours opposer à ces raisons que les Américains ne sont encore à son égard que comme des rebelles qu’elle veut punir; ainsi, l’affaire étant indécise quant au droit, il sera difficile de donner des raisons satisfaisantes aux puissances neutres pour agir autrement. On pourroit répondre que l’Angleterre s’est suffisamment déclarée en avouant son impuissance à continuer une guerre offensive, sans laquelle on ne peut espérer de conquête; et surtout par la lettre de Carleton que vous connoissez sûrement. Voilà les meilleurs argumens à cet égard, mais ils prouveraient encore qu’il ne serait pas nécessaire d’admettre les États Unis dans la neutralité, pour accélérer la paix, puisque, les choses étant ainsi, la reconnoissance de l’Amérique par l’Angleterre, le plus grand obstacle à la paix, sera bientôt levé.

J’attends avec impatience vos observations sur cet objet. Quelques lumières communiquées par vous me mettront en état de traiter cette matière avec connoissance de cause. J’aurai soin de remplir votre intention de la manière la plus exacte, quant aux pièces à traduire du General Advertiser.

J’ai l’honneur d’être, &c.

Cerisier.

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 6 October, 1782.

My Dear Sir,—

Your favor of the 29th last has safely come to hand, for which I am the more obliged to you, as I set the greater value by the honor of your correspondence. I have been long waiting for a safe opportunity to write, and will endeavor this may steer clear of the post-offices, as the itching fingers of the clerks do not permit any secret to pass unnoticed.

I am happy to hear you have walked on with our Dutch friends to the wished for conclusion of the treaty of commerce. Amidst the wonders you have performed in that country, I greatly rejoice at your having succeeded in money matters; the more so as I apprehend our financier needs much a European assistance, and the great expenses they have made in this country give me but little hope to obtain a further supply than the six millions and the balance of accounts which have been determined upon since the time I arrived from America.

Mr. Jay advances but slowly with the Spaniards—in fact, he does not advance at all—and though Count d’Aranda has got powers, though he has with a pencil drawn an extravagant line this side of the Mississippi, yet until powers are exchanged upon an equal footing, and until the Spanish pencil is transported three hundred miles westward, there is no doing any thing towards settling a treaty with that nation.

As to the grand affair of peace, there are reasons to believe it will take place. Many attempts have been made to treat upon an unequal footing, which, by the bye, was a very impertinent proposal, but we stood firm, deaf, and dumb, and as France refused to enter into business until we were made to hear and to speak, at last, with much reluctance and great pains, his Britannic Majesty and Council were safely delivered of a commission to treat with plenipotentiaries from the United States of America. In case we are to judge from appearances, one would think Great Britain is in earnest; but when we consider the temper of the King and his minister, the foolish, ridiculous issue of the attempt against Gibraltar, the collection of forces at New York, the greater part of which are destined to the West Indies, and the combination of the American, French, Spanish, Dutch interests on the one hand and those of a haughty nation on the other, it appears probable that five or six months will pass before the work of peace is happily concluded. But that it will be concluded before next summer, appears to me the most probable idea that can be formed upon this matter.

We have letters from America as late as the 6th September. M. de Vaudreuil and his squadron had arrived at Boston. It was said Charleston would be evacuated and the troops sent to New York. There is a rumor of Madras having been taken—at least, we may look for good news from the East Indies.

As I have no public capacity to be led into political secrets, I beg you will consider these communications as confidential.

And have the honor to be, &c.

Lafayette.

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, 7 October, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

Your favor of the 28th ultimo, was brought me last night. On Friday last I was notified, by the messenger of their High Mightinesses, that the treaties would be ready for signature on Monday, this day. I am, accordingly, at noon, to go to the assembly, and finish the business. But when this is done, some time will be indispensable, to prepare my despatches for congress, and look out for the most favorable conveyances for them. I must also sign another thousand of obligations at least, that the loan may not stand still. All this shall be despatched with all the diligence in my power, but it will necessarily take up some time, and my health is so far from being robust, that it will be impossible for me to ride with as much rapidity as I could formerly, although never remarkable for a quick traveller. If any thing in the mean time should be in agitation, concerning peace, in which there should be any difference of opinion between you and your colleague, you have a right to insist upon informing me by express, or waiting until I come.

8th. The signature was put off yesterday until to-day, by the Prince being in conference with their High Mightinesses, and laying his orders to the navy before them.

With great regard, your humble servant,

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, 8 October, 1782.

Sir,—

At twelve o’clock to-day I proceeded, according to appointment, to the state house, where I was received with the usual formalities, at the head of the stairs, by M. Van Santheuvel, a deputy from the Province of Holland, and M. Van Lynden, the first noble of Zealand, and a deputy from that Province, and by them conducted into the chamber of business, (chambre de besogne,) an apartment belonging to the truce chamber, (chambre de trêve,) where were executed the treaty of commerce, and the convention concerning recaptures, after an exchange of full powers.

The treaty and convention are both inclosed, or, at least, an authentic copy of each. If the copy should arrive before the original, which I shall reserve to be sent by the safest opportunity I can find, it will be a sufficient foundation for the ratification of congress. I hope the treaty will be satisfactory to congress. It has taken up much time to obtain the remarks and consent of all the members of this complicated sovereignty. Very little of this time has been taken up by me, as congress will see by the resolution of their High Mightinesses, containing the power to the deputies to conclude and sign the treaty; for although all communications to me were in Dutch, a language in which I was not sufficiently skilled to depend upon my own knowledge, M. Dumas was ever at hand, and ever ready to interpret to me every thing in French, by which means I was always able to give my answers without loss of time. The papers, in which the whole progress of this negotiation is contained, in Dutch, French, and English, make a large bundle, and, after all, they contain nothing worth transmitting to congress. To copy them would be an immense labor to no purpose, and to send the originals at once would expose them to loss.

Several propositions were made to me, which I could not agree to, and several were made on my part, which could not be admitted by the states. The final result contained in the treaty, is as near the spirit of my instructions as I could obtain, and I think it is nothing materially variant from them. The lords, the deputies, proposed to me to make the convention a part of the treaty. My answer was, that I thought the convention, which is nearly conformable with that lately made with France, would be advantageous on both sides; but as I had no special instructions concerning it, and as congress might have objections, that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable to have the convention separate; so that congress, if they should find any difficulty, might ratify the treaty without it. This was accordingly agreed to. It seemed at first to be insisted on, that we should be confined to the Dutch ports in Europe, but my friend, M. Van Berckel, and the merchants of Amsterdam, came in aid of me, in convincing all, that it was their interest to treat us upon the footing gentis amicissimæ, in all parts of the world.

Friesland proposed that a right should be stipulated for the subjects of this republic to purchase lands in any of our States; but such reasons were urged as convinced them that this was too extensive an object for me to agree to; 1st. It was not even stipulated for France. 2dly. If it should be now introduced into this treaty, all other nations would expect the same, and, although at present it might not be impolitic to admit of this, yet nobody would think it wise to bind ourselves to it forever. 3dly. What rendered all other considerations unnecessary, was, that congress had not authority to do this, it being a matter of the interior policy of the separate States. This was given up. A more extensive liberty of engaging seamen in this country was a favorite object; but it could not be obtained. The refraction, as they call it, upon tobacco, in the weighhouses, is a thing that enters so deeply into their commercial policy, that I could not obtain any thing more particular or more explicit than what is found in the treaty. Upon the whole, I think the treaty is conformable to the principles of perfect reciprocity, and contains nothing that can possibly be hurtful to America or offensive to our allies, or to any other nation, except Great Britain, to whom it is indeed, without a speedy peace, a mortal blow.

The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured by the twenty-second article; although it is not in the very words of the project transmitted me by congress, it is the same in substance and effect. The Duc de la Vauguyon was very well contented with it, and the states were so jealous of unforeseen consequences, from the words of the article, as sent me by congress, and as first proposed by me, that I saw it would delay the conclusion without end. After several conferences and many proposals we finally agreed upon the article as it stands, to the satisfaction of all parties.

The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the East and West Indies is unnecessary, and I was averse to it, as implying a jealousy of us. But as it implies, too, a compliment to our power and importance, was much insisted on, and amounted to no more than we should have been bound to without it, I withdrew my objection.

The proviso of conforming to the laws of the country, respecting the external show of public worship, I wished to have excluded; because I am an enemy to every appearance of restraint in a matter so delicate and sacred as the liberty of conscience; but the laws here do not permit Roman Catholics to have steeples to their churches, and these laws could not be altered. I shall be impatient to receive the ratification of congress, which I hope may be transmitted within the time limited.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

10 October, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

I have received your favor of September ; if my son can find a good opportunity to come, I should be glad to have him; but I should not be willing to trust him with every companion. He is too young for such a journey, unless in company with a prudent man.

Mr. 18 has a letter from Mr. 19, of 28th ultimo, informing him that yesterday Mr. Oswald received a commission to treat of peace with the commissioners of the United States of America. This is communicated as a secret, therefore no notice is to be taken of 18 or 19 in mentioning it. 19 presses 18 to come to him, and he thinks of going in ten days.

On the 8th the treaty of commerce and convention concerning recaptures was signed.

You want to know whether the categoric answer was demanded against advice. No. It was advised by several members of the states, and by the ambassador; it was not done neither until we had written to the Count de Vergennes and obtained his opinion, that he did not see any inconvenience in simply going to the states and asking them what answer I should transmit to congress. However, when he came to read the words demand, requisition, and categoric answer, he was shocked, as the ambassador himself told me. These words were my own, but I did not venture them without the advice of some good friends in the states; and to all appearances, these words contained the electric fluid that produced the shock. I was, however, at that time so well known, that it was presumed I should make the demand, although the advice had been against it, as I certainly should have done, supported as I was by the opinion of the members of the states. Take the merit and glory of a measure you cannot prevent, or at least a share in it, although you dislike it, is a maxim with most politicians, and, under certain limitations, it is a lawful maxim. We must be very ignorant of our friends not to know that it is one of their rules; and there are many occasions upon which we, if at liberty, might take advantage of it, by taking upon ourselves measures, which they cannot openly oppose, but must appear to favor.

Yours, &c.

John Adams.

FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Secret and Confidential.)

October 15, 1782.

My Dear Sir,—

Soon after my arrival here, I intimated to you that I had discovered something, which I thought a clue to account for the advice given me by a certain person, and which you and I then were of opinion was calculated to throw an obstruction in my way, and of course that I ought not to follow it. I told you I would communicate it to you by the first good opportunity. None has offered till now. Here, then, you have it. In the project of a treaty of commerce, which France had proposed to Russia, there is an article to this effect: When the subjects of France shall carry in their own vessels goods, wares, or merchandises of the growth, produce, or manufacture of France, into the dominions of Russia, and shall receive in exchange for them, goods, wares, and merchandises of the growth, production, or manufacture of Russia, that in such cases there shall be a drawback of the duties, both of importation and of exportation, paid by the subjects of France upon all such articles imported or received in exchange by them as aforesaid.

Now, in order to induce Russia to grant this most advantageous privilege to France, France alleges that it will be for the interest of Russia to do it, because France will have a demand for greater quantities of the commodities of Russia, which she will, nevertheless, not be under a necessity of purchasing of Russia, after the war; for these reasons, that she can then obtain the same from America, and although, perhaps not at so cheap a rate, yet it will be for her interest, if Russia shall refuse to grant this privilege, to pay America from 15 to 20 per cent. more for the same articles, as, by taking those articles from America, France would enable her to take off a greater quantity of the commodities of France, and the more easily to discharge the debts she may contract for them in France.

The foregoing project, and the reasons urged in support of it, were somewhat more detailed than I have given them to you above. As I could not obtain a copy of them, I read them over with care, and, in the time of it, reduced them to writing from my memory. The above is a copy of that memorandum, and I believe I have not made any material mistake in it. Hemp, the article of which Russia is most jealous of a rivalry, is particularly mentioned by France. Thus I found both friends and foes working against us here, for their own private purposes, if to support and maintain a rivalry between the two countries can be said to be working against our interests. However different their views may be, the effect is the same, and equally prejudicial to us, let it proceed from whom it may; and this junction in their systems rendered my task of clearing away such errors much more difficult. The immense profit which France would derive from such a privilege, must have made her consider it as an object of great consequence to herself. She could not therefore wish to open any communication which might possibly bring an éclaircissement that would render her project abortive. Is it unnatural to suppose that the pendency of such a negotiation might have been a sufficient ground for the advice above alluded to, or for others to prevent my forming any connections with persons in government here? I view it, indeed, in this light, but perhaps I may view it with too suspicious an eye. It has had no tendency to convince me that it is an erroneous principle in our policy, that we ought to take care of our own interests in foreign courts. This is, in some places, an unfashionable if not an unpardonable sentiment. Should you think proper to write me upon this subject, I must beg you to do it in so disguised a manner as cannot be penetrated. For I have good reasons to apprehend, that it is next to impossible to avoid a detection of my correspondence through the posts. I this day received a second letter, which had been opened at the office, from Paris. They will open every letter brought by their post, to discover any correspondence they wish to discover, without the least hesitation. For this reason, I desire you would never send me a copy of any despatches you may know I have received, but instead of it, to give me notice when you receive any such, and I will write you what to do with them. By this same opportunity, you will receive a letter for Mr. Livingston. Please to open it, read it, and beg Mr. T., whom we may safely confide in, to be so kind as to make out two or three copies of it, and to forward them by careful hands. I am unable to do this myself, at present, and I dare not send a letter of that sort by the post. Desire Mr. T. not to put up either of them, with any of your, or any other letters, but to send them unconnected with any thing, which, in case of capture, might discover from whence they came. You will pardon the trouble I give you in these matters, and be assured, I shall never be unmindful of the obligations I am under to you. Since the above, one of my bankers has called upon me, and tells me all my letters, which come under cover to them directly, will certainly be opened at the office; that it will be necessary, therefore, to send them all by the way of Riga.

I am, my dear sir, your much obliged friend, and obedient humble servant,

Francis Dana.

J. G. HOLTZHEY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Amsterdam, 20 Octobre, 1782.

Monsieur,—

L’indépendance de votre nation m’a fait inspirer l’idée d’immortaliser ce grand et digne événement par unc médaille que j’ai fait sur leur liberté, et dont j’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer la première épreuve, dans l’espérance qu’il fera tant de plaisir à votre excellence que d’honneur pour ma personne de me dire que je reste avec un profond respect, &c. &c.

Jean George Holtzhey.1

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 31 October, 1782.

Sir,—

Having executed the treaty of commerce at the Hague, and despatched four copies of it, by four different vessels bound to America from the Texel, and having signed a sufficient number of obligations to leave in the hands of Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynje, and having received information from Mr. Jay, that Mr. Oswald had received a commission from the King, his master, under the great seal of Great Britain, to treat with the commissioners of the United States of America, I set off for Paris, where I arrived on Saturday, the 26th of this month, after a tedious journey; the roads being, on account of long-continued rains, in the worst condition I ever knew them.

I waited forthwith on Mr. Jay, and from him learned the state of the conferences. It is not possible, at present, to enter into details. All I can say is, in general, that I had the utmost satisfaction in finding that he had been all along acting here upon the same principles upon which I had ventured to act in Holland, and that we were perfectly agreed in our sentiments and systems. I cannot express it better than in his own words: “to be honest and grateful to our allies, but to think for ourselves.” I find a construction put upon one article of our instructions by some persons, which I confess I never put upon it myself. It is represented by some, as subjecting us to the French ministry, as taking away from us all right of judging for ourselves, and obliging us to agree to whatever the French ministers shall advise us to do, and to do nothing without their consent. I never supposed this to be the intention of congress; if I had, I never would have accepted the commission; and if I now thought it their intention, I could not continue in it. I cannot think it possible to be the design of congress; if it is, I hereby resign my place in the commission, and request that another person may be immediately appointed in my stead.

Yesterday we met Mr. Oswald at his lodgings; Mr. Jay, Dr. Franklin, and myself, on one side, and Mr. Oswald, assisted by Mr. Strachey, a gentleman whom I had the honor to meet in company with Lord Howe upon Staten Island, in the year 1776, and assisted also by a Mr. Roberts, a clerk in some of the public offices, with books, maps, and papers, relative to the boundaries. We have to search the boundaries of Grenada, the two Floridas, ancient Canada according to the claims of the French, proclamation Canada, act of parliament Canada, &c., and the bounds of Nova Scotia, and of most, if not all the thirteen States.

I arrived in a lucky moment for the boundary of the Massachusetts, because I brought with me all the essential documents relative to that object, which are this day to be laid before my colleagues in conference at my house, and afterwards before Mr. Oswald.

It is now apparent, at least to Mr. Jay and myself, that, in order to obtain the western lands, the navigation of the Mississippi, and the fisheries, or any of them, we must act with firmness and independence, as well as prudence and delicacy. With these, there is little doubt we may obtain them all.

Yesterday I visited M. Brantzen, the Dutch minister, and was by him very frankly and candidly informed of the whole progress of the negotiation on their part. It is very shortly told. They have exchanged full powers with Mr. Fitzherbert, and communicated to him their preliminaries, according to their instructions, which I have heretofore transmitted to congress. Mr. Fitzherbert has sent them to London, and received an answer, but has communicated to them no more of this answer than this, that those preliminaries are not relished at St. James’s. He excused his not having seen them for six or seven days, by pretence of indisposition; but they are informed that he has made frequent visits to Versailles during those days, and sent off and received several couriers.

How the negotiation advances between Mr. Fitzherbert and the Count de Vergennes, and the Count d’Aranda, we know not.

The object of M. de Rayneval’s journey to London, is not yet discovered by any of us. It is given out, that he was sent to see whether the British ministry were in earnest. But this is too general. It is suspected that he went to insinuate something relative to the fisheries and the boundaries, but it is probable he did not succeed respecting the former, and perhaps not entirely with respect to the latter.

With great respect, &c.,

John Adams.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, 1 November, 1782.

Sir,—

In answer to the letter your excellency did me the honor to write me on the 15th of October, a copy of which you delivered me yesterday at Mr. Oswald’s, the original not being received, I have only to say that there is money enough in the hands of Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje, of Amsterdam, to discharge the interest of the ten millions of guilders borrowed in Holland by the King of France, under the warranty of the states-general, if it is expected and insisted that congress should pay it.

But the question is, who shall order it to be paid. I do not think myself authorized, by any powers I have, to dispose of that money. Congress have only empowered me to borrow that money, and deposit it in the hands of bankers, to be drawn out by congress; and I have advised and requested that assembly to draw the whole, without leaving me the power to dispose of any part of it, beyond my own salary, a little assistance to our distressed countrymen escaped from British prisons, and a few trifling charges that necessarily arise.

There is also another difficulty in the way at present. By the contract, the money is not to be paid until a ratification arrives from congress. A quintuplicate of the contract went by Captain Grinnell, who is arrived at Boston, so that we may expect a ratification, and, too probably, drafts for the whole money, by the first ship.

It is, therefore, impossible for me to engage absolutely to pay it, until we hear farther from congress. But upon the arrival of the ratification, if no contrary orders arrive with it, and your excellency and Mr. Jay advise me to do it, I will direct, if I can, or at least, I will desire the houses who now have the money to pay it, if insisted on by this court, which I hope, however, will be thought better of.

I have the honor to be,

John Adams.

TO JEAN GEORGE HOLTZHEY.

Paris, 2 November, 1782.

Sir,—

I have this morning received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 20th of October, together with the present of a medal, in commemoration of the great event of the 19th of April, 1782. The medal is ingeniously devised, and is very beautiful. Permit me to beg your acceptance of my thanks for it.

I think you would find a sale for many of them at Boston and Philadelphia. When I return to Holland, I shall be glad to purchase a few of them to give to my friends.

The influence of this event upon many nations, upon France, Spain, Great Britain, America, and all the neutral powers, has already been so great, and in the future vicissitudes of things will be so much greater, that I confess every essay of the fine arts to commemorate and celebrate it, gives me pleasure.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

John Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, 3 November, 1782.

Sir,—

I am perfectly of your opinion respecting the copy to be sent to Mr. Dana, and I shall have one prepared directly for that purpose.

Is it not also a proper time for you to propose the quadruple alliance offensive and defensive, or at least defensive, which I think you once mentioned to me? For I apprehend this peace may be so humiliating to England, that, on the first occasion, she will fall upon one or other of the powers at present engaged against her; and it may then be difficult for us to unite again.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

B. Franklin.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 6 November, 1782.

Sir,—

Captain Barney arrived here, on the 5th instant, with the letters you did me the honor to write me on the 23d, 25th, 27th September and 7th of October. Captain Barney shall have all the attention due to his character and recommendation. Mr. Paulus has not asked the kind of assistance you mention, in my name, I hope; in all such cases I mean only an introduction, and to ask the hospitality which you delight to show to strangers.

I have transmitted from the Hague my accounts, some time ago, which I presume have arrived before now. I have not transmitted the account of the bills I accepted in Holland, having transmitted them from time to time to Dr. Franklin, who paid them, and will consequently transmit them as his vouchers and in his accounts. I will, however, transmit them, upon my return to the Hague, if it is necessary, but there is nobody now there who can do it, and I cannot do it here.

Your arrangement by which I was to draw upon Dr. Franklin for my salary, I suppose was made upon a supposition that I had obtained no money in Holland. I cannot do this without an additional and unnecessary commission to the Dr.’s banker, and therefore would wish to receive it from Messrs. Willink, &c. at Amsterdam. The Dr., so far from having cash to pay my salary, is calling upon me to pay the interest of the French loan of ten millions in Holland, and even to pay bills you draw upon him. I must, however, obey the resolutions of congress, and have as little to do with money as possible.

I am much obliged to you for the copies of your letters to congress and to Dr. Franklin. They are masterly performances, and let us far into the state of our affairs. I have communicated them to the Marquis de Lafayette, and propose to consult with the Dr. upon them immediately. I would return to Holland, and apply to the states if necessary; but I cannot rely upon any influence of my own, nor what is much greater, the influence of our cause or the common cause, enough to give you hopes of success. If you suppose that my loan of five millions is full, you are mistaken. The direction will inform you how much is obtained, not yet two millions of guilders to be sure; I fear not more than one and an half. There are so many loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, and almost every other power, for the states-general, the states of the separate provinces, the East and West India companies, several of which are under the warranty of the states, and these are pushed with such art and ardor, that I cannot promise you any success. There is scarcely a guilder but what is promised beforehand. France and Spain, as well as England, are so pressed for money, that I know not what to hope for.

The King of Great Britain has acknowledged the sovereignty of the United States; but whether any thing more will follow from it, than a few efforts to get something to excuse the further prosecution of the war, and to silence clamors, I know not. It is to me very clear that the British ministry do not intend to make a peace with France, Spain, and Holland this year, and America will not make a separate peace, if England would come to her terms, which, in my present opinion, the present minister does not intend. The probability is, that he intends to evacuate New York, but whether to go against the French or Spaniards, is the question. If the French and Spaniards permit them to evacuate New York, a good riddance for us; but they will do mischief, or, at least, give trouble, and cause great expense. France might have taken them all prisoners, with the utmost certainty and ease, but chose to go against Jamaica and Gibraltar, and met with the success that every man who knew those places, and the attachment of the English to them, foresaw.

With great esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

Paris, 6 November, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

I have the honor to inclose a resolution of congress, of the 17th of September, enjoining upon us all, attendance on the negotiations for peace; and if it were not presumption to suppose that any thing could be added to so pressing a desire of congress, I would beg leave to add my most earnest entreaties that you would be so good as to join us as soon as possible. It would give me the highest pleasure, and be a constant support, to have your judgment and advice upon the great questions which are under consideration.

I know not how to mention the melancholy intelligence by this vessel, which affects you so tenderly. I feel for you more than I can or ought to express. Our country has lost its most promising character, in a manner, however, that was worthy of the cause. I can say nothing more to you, but that you have much greater reason to say, in this case, as a Duke of Ormond said of an Earl of Ossory, “I would not exchange my dead son for any living son in the world.”

With the most affecting sentiments, I have the honor to be, dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

John Adams.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Paris, 6 November, 1782.

Sir,—

Two days ago arrived by Captain Barney, the letters you did me the honor to write me, the 22d, 29th, triplicate of 30th May, 4th of July, 29th of August, and 15th of September.

I was unconditionally received in Holland, and promised, upon record, conferences and audiences, whenever I should demand them, before I entered into any treaty, and without this I should never have entered into any; and full powers were given to the committee of foreign affairs, before I entered into any conference with them. I have ventured to act upon the same principle in the affair of peace, and uniformly refused to come to Paris, until our independence was unconditionally acknowledged by the King of Great Britain. Mr. Jay has acted on the same principle with Spain, and with Great Britain. The dignity of the United States being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland and Great Britain; not indeed as yet in Spain, but we are in a better situation in relation to her, than we should have been if the principle had been departed from. The advice of the Count de Vergennes has been contrary; but however great a minister he may be in his own department, his knowledge is insufficient, and his judgment too often erroneous in our affairs, to be an American minister.

Intelligence from Holland is impossible through France. Events in Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When they happen, they are inserted in the gazettes, transferred to the Courier de l’Europe, the English and French gazettes, and get to America before it is possible for me to transmit them directly. Besides, sir, I have sometimes thought that my time was better employed in doing business that might produce other events, than in multiplying copies and conveyances of despatches, which could contain nothing but what I knew the newspapers would announce as soon. My reputation may not be so well husbanded by this method, but the cause of my country is served. I am not insensible to reputation; but I hope it has not been a principal object, perhaps it has not been enough an object. I see so much of the omnipotence of reputation, that I begin to think so. I know very well, however, that if mine cannot be supported by facts, it will not be by trumpeters.

If it were in my power to do any thing for the honor of the department or minister of foreign affairs, I would cheerfully do it, because I am a friend to both; and to this end, you will, I am sure, not take it amiss if I say, that it is indispensably necessary for the service of congress, and the honor of the office, that it be kept impenetrably secret from the French minister, in many things. The office will be an engine for the ruin of the reputation of your ministers abroad, and for injuring our cause in material points, the fishery, the western lands, and the Mississippi, &c., if it is not.

I thank you, sir, for the hint about the English language. I think with you, that we ought to make a point of it; and after some time, I hope it will be an instruction from congress to all their ministers.

As to the negotiations for peace, we have been night and day employed in them ever since my arrival on the 26th of October. Doctor Franklin, without saying any thing to me, obtained of Mr. Jay a promise of his vote for Mr. W. T. Franklin, to be secretary to the commission for peace1 ; and as the Doctor and his secretary are in the same house, and there are other clerks enough, I suppose he will transmit to congress details of the negotiations. I shall be ready to lend them any assistance in my power; and I will endeavor, as soon as I can, to transmit them myself; but after spending forenoon, afternoon, and evening, in discussions, it is impossible to transmit all the particulars. No man’s constitution is equal to it.

The English have sent Mr. Oswald, who is a wise and good man, and, if untrammelled, would soon settle all, and Mr. Strachey, who is a keen and subtle one, although not deeply versed in such things; and a Mr. Roberts, who is a clerk in the board of trade, and Mr. Whithead, who is a private secretary to Mr. Oswald. These gentlemen are very profuse in their professions of national friendship; of earnest desires to obliterate the remembrance of all unkindnesses, and to restore peace, harmony, friendship, and make them perpetual, by removing every seed of future discord. All this, on the part of Mr. Oswald personally, is very sincere. On the part of the nation, it may be so in some sense at present; but I have my doubts, whether it is a national disposition, upon which we can have much dependence, and still more, whether it is the sincere intention of the earl of Shelburne.

He has been compelled to acknowledge American independence, because the Rockingham administration had resolved upon it, and Carleton and Digby’s letter to general Washington had made known that resolution to the world; because the nation demanded that negotiations should be opened with the American ministers, and they refused to speak or hear, until their independence was acknowledged unequivocally and without conditions; because Messrs. Fox and Burke had resigned their offices, pointedly, on account of the refusal of the king, and my lord Shelburne, to make such an acknowledgment, and these eloquent senators were waiting only for the session of parliament, to attack his lordship on this point; it was, therefore, inevitable to acknowledge our independence, and no minister could have stood his ground without it. But still I doubt whether his lordship means to make a general peace. To express myself more clearly, I fully believe he intends to try another campaign, and that he will finally refuse to come to any definitive agreement with us, upon articles to be inserted in the general peace.

We have gone the utmost lengths to favor the peace. We have at last agreed to boundaries with the greatest moderation. We have offered them the choice of a line through the middle of all the great lakes, or the line of 45 degrees of latitude, the Mississippi, with a free navigation of it at one end, and the river St. Croix at the other. We have agreed that the courts of justice be opened for the recovery of British debts due before the war; to a general amnesty for all the royalists, against whom there is no judgment rendered, or prosecution commenced. We have agreed, that all the royalists, who may remain at the evacuation of the States, shall have six months to sell their estates, and to remove with them.

These are such immense advantages to the minister, that one would think he could not refuse them. The agreement to pay British debts, will silence the clamors of all the body of creditors, and separate them from the tories, with whom they have hitherto made common cause. The amnesty and the term of six months, will silence all the tories, except those who have been condemned, banished, and whose property has been confiscated; yet I do not believe they will be accepted.

I fear they will insist a little longer upon a complete indemnification to all the refugees, a point which, without express instructions from all the States, neither we nor congress can give up; and how the States can ever agree to it, I know not, as it seems an implicit concession of all the religion and morality of the war. They will also insist upon Penobscot as the eastern boundary. I am not sure that the tories, and the ministry, and the nation, are not secretly stimulated by French emissaries, to insist upon Penobscot, and a full indemnification to the tories. It is easy to see, that the French minister, the Spanish and the Dutch ministers, would not be very fond of having it known through the world, that all points for a general peace were settled between Great Britain and America, before all parties are ready. It is easy to comprehend, how French, Spanish, and Dutch emissaries, in London, in Paris, and Versailles, may insinuate, that the support of the tories is a point of national and royal honor, and propagate so many popular arguments in favor of it, as to embarrass the British minister. It is easy to see, that the French may naturally revive their old assertions, that Penobscot and Kennebec are the boundary of Nova Scotia, although against the whole stream of British authorities, and the most authentic acts of the governors, Shirley, Pownall, Bernard, and Hutchinson. Mr. Fitzherbert, who is constantly at Versailles, is very sanguine for the refugees. Nevertheless, if my Lord Shelburne should not agree with us, these will be only ostensible points. He cares little for either. It will be to avoid giving any certain weapons against himself, to the friends of Lord North and the old ministry.

The negotiations at Versailles, between the Count de Vergennes and Mr. Fitzherbert, are kept secret, not only from us, but from the Dutch ministers; and we hear nothing about Spain. In general, I learn, that the French insist upon a great many fish. I dined yesterday with M. Berkenrode, the Dutch ambassador, and M. Brantzen, his colleague. They were both very frank and familiar, and confessed to me, that nothing had been said to them, and that they could learn nothing as yet, of the progress of the negotiation. Berkenrode told me, as an honest man, that he had no faith in the sincerity of the English for peace, as yet; on the contrary, he thought that a part of Lord Howe’s fleet had gone to America, and that there was something meditated against the French West India Islands. I doubt this, however; but we shall soon know where my Lord Howe is. That something is meditated against the French or Spaniards, and that they think of evacuating New York for that end, I believe. Berkenrode seemed to fear the English, and said, like a good man, that in case any severe stroke should be struck against France, it would be necessary for Holland and America to discover a firmness. This observation had my heart on its side; but without an evacuation of New York, they can strike no blow at all, nor any very great one, with it.

Mr. Oswald has made very striking overtures to us; to agree to the evacuation of New York; to write a letter to General Washington, and another to congress, advising them to permit this evacuation; to agree, that neither the people nor the army should oppose this evacuation, or molest the British army in attempting it; nay, further, that we should agree, that the Americans should afford them all sorts of aid, and even supplies of provisions. These propositions he made to us, in obedience to an instruction from the minister, and he told us their army were going against West Florida, to reconquer that from the Spaniards. Our answer was, that we could agree to no such things; that General Washington could enter into a convention with them, for the terms upon which they should surrender the city of New York, and all its dependencies, as Long Island, Staten Island, &c., to the arms of the United States. All that we could agree to was, that the effects and persons of those who should stay behind, should have six months to go off; nor could we agree to this, unless as an article to be inserted in the general peace.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 7 November, 1782.

Sir,—

Yesterday M. le Couteulx called upon me in order to communicate to me the contents of his letters from you concerning the remittance of the money from Holland. I told him he must write to Messrs. Willink, &c., the directors of the loan, upon the subject, and that the whole matter being under your direction, you and the bankers must negotiate it. He said your desires could easily be complied with, and very advantageously for the United States. He had written to the Doctor, and received an answer that he could not yet say whether he could comply or not. Soon after, Mr. Grand came in to show me your letter of credit upon Messrs. Willink, &c., and showed me a state of his accounts, by which he would be a million of livres in advance, after paying the interest of the ten millions of livres borrowed by the King in Holland.

This morning I went out to Passy to consult with the Doctor about your letters. He told me he was preparing a memorial to the King, as strong as he could pen, but could not foresee what would be his success.

There are great complaints of scarcity of money here, and what there is is shut up. The King’s loans do not fill. The war has lasted so long, and money has been scattered with so much profusion, that it is now very scarce in France, Spain, and England, as well as Holland. If I could quit the negotiations for peace, and return to the Hague, I have great doubts of success with the states-general; and an application to them which must be taken ad referendum, become the subject of deliberations, and be drawn out into an unknown length, and perhaps never obtain an unanimity, which is indispensable, would immediately cast a damp upon my loan already opened, or any other that I might open in the same way, perhaps put an entire stop to it. So that, after reflecting on the subject as maturely as I can, it seems to me safest to trust to the loan already opened. The influence of such an application to the states, in a political view, upon England and the neutral powers, would not be favorable.

The measure you have taken in drawing the money out of Holland will have an unfavorable effect. A principal motive to lend us has been to encourage a trade between us and them; but when they find that none of the money is to be laid out there in goods, I fear we shall get little more.

If I were to lay a memorial before their High Mightinesses, and had authority to propose a treaty to borrow a sum of money and pay the interest annually in tobacco, rice, or other produce of America, delivered at Amsterdam, and to pay the capital off in the same manner, I am not very clear in my expectations of success. But I have no instructions for this, nor do I know that congress would approve it.

In short, sir, I can give you no hopes, nor make any promises, but to do as well as I can.

With the greatest respect, &c.

John Adams.

TO FRANCIS DANA.

Paris, 8 November, 1782.

Dear Sir,—

The King of Great Britain, by patent under the great seal of his kingdom, has created Richard Oswald, Esq., to be his minister plenipotentiary to treat with the ministers of the United States of America. Thus Great Britain is the third power in Europe to acknowledge our independence. She can no longer, therefore, contend that it is a breach of the armed neutrality, or an hostility against her, to acknowledge American independence. This is so essential a change in the state of things, that I think, and Mr. Jay thinks, you will now have a reasonable ground to expect success. The King of Sweden has, some time ago, made some advances to treat with Dr. Franklin, and Congress have sent him a commission to treat with that prince. I see not why neutral vessels may not go freely to America now. You will not mention my name in these matters, but in confidence. Jay is as you would wish him, wise and firm.

I am directed by an order of congress, signified to me by their secretary at war, to transmit them a state of the pay, rations, and subsistence of the troops of the states-general, of Russia, Prussia, and all the northern powers. Will you be so good as to assist me in this? My love to your ward.

Sincerely yours,

John Adams.

[1 ]This draft will be found materially to vary from that found in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution. There can be no doubt that this is the perfected one.

[1 ]The letter to Secretary Livingston of 19 April, containing the official documents of the several States of Holland, relative to the acknowledgment of Mr. Adams as minister, is omitted. It may be found in the Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. vi. p. 330.

[1 ]The instructions are omitted.

[1 ]An engraving of this medal, now become quite rare, accompanies this volume.

[1 ]A mistake. See vol. iii. p. 299, note, for the correction.

Home

The Forum

Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

The Library

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782)

The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

6 Jan, 1782: BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Copyright information:

Fair use statement:

BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN TO JOHN ADAMS.

TO BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN.

Sir,—

With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,—

With great esteem and respect, &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Dear Sir,—

With great esteem, &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

DAVID HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,—

I am, dear sir, &c.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

My Dear General,—

With the sincerest affection and esteem, I have the honor to be, my dear General, &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Votre très humble, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

À la hâte, &c. &c.

TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,—

With great esteem, &c.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGYON.

Sir,—

THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS. (Translation.)

Sir,—

TO M. BERGSMA.

Sir,—

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

My Dear General,—

With great affection and esteem, I am, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Je suis, &c. &c.

TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON.

Sir,—

I have the honor to be, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Monsieur,—

Je suis, comme vous savez, pour toujours, &c.

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. (Without Date.)

Monsieur,—

TO M. DUMAS.

Sir,—

With great esteem, yours,

With great esteem and respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

With the sincerest affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, my dear General, &c.

THE DUKE DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Translation.)

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Without Date.)

With great respect, sir,
Your very obedient servant,

(Inclosed in the Preceding.)

D. HARTLEY TO JOHN ADAMS.

I am, dear sir, with great respect,
Your most obedient servant,

M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS.

(Copie de ma Lettre à Notre Ami.)

With great affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.

With much respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

With the most profound respect,
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.