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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter containing a copy of my memorial to the states-general, &c. His Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the president and secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not customary for foreign ministers to communicate any thing to the pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the French ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only copies which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not receive them; that I must go to the president; “but,” said he, “it is proper for me to apprise you, that the president will make a difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from you, because the State you say you represent is not acknowledged to be a sovereign State by the sovereign of this nation; the president will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several provinces for the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty.” I thanked his Excellency for this information, and departed.

I then waited on the president of their High Mightinesses for the week, the Baron Linden de Hemmen, a deputy of the province of Guelderland, to whom I communicated, that I had lately received from my sovereign, the United States of America in congress assembled, a commission, with full powers and instructions to treat with the states-general concerning a treaty of amity and commerce; that I had also received a letter of credence as minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; and I prayed him to lay before their High Mightinesses either the originals or a memorial, in which I had done myself the honor to state all these facts and to inclose copies.

The president said that he could not undertake to receive from me either the originals or any memorial, because America was not yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of this country; but that he would make report to their High Mightinesses of all that I had said to him, and that it would become the subject of deliberation in the several provinces; that he thought it a matter of great importance to the republic. I answered, that I was glad to hear him say that he thought it important; that I thought it was the interest of the two republics to become connected. I thanked him for his politeness, and retired, after having apprised him that I thought, in the present circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print my application to their High Mightinesses.

I had prepared copies of my memorial, &c., for the secretary, M. Fagel; but as the president had refused to receive the originals, I thought it would be inconsistent for the secretary to receive copies; so I omitted the visit to his office.

I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the secretary of the Prince, with a letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness, containing a memorial informing him of my credentials to his Court, and copies of the memorial to their High Mightinesses. The secretary received me politely, took the letter, and promised to deliver it to the stadtholder. He asked me where I lodged. I answered, at the Parliament of England, a public house of that name.

Returning to my lodgings, I heard, about two hours afterwards, that the Prince had been to the assembly of the states-general for about half an hour; and in about another hour, the servant of the house where I lodged announced to me the Baron de Ray. I went down to the door to receive him, and invited him into my room. He entered, and said that he was charged on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me, and to inform me, that, as the independence of my country was not yet acknowledged by the sovereign of his, he could not receive any letter from me, and therefore requested that I would receive it back, which I did respectfully. The secretary then politely said he was very much obliged to me for having given him an opportunity to see my person, and took his leave.

The president made report to their High Mightinesses as soon as they assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded; whereupon the deputies of each of the Seven Provinces demanded copies of the record to be transmitted to the respective regencies for their deliberation and decision; or, in the technical language of this country, it was taken ad referendum on the same day.

The next morning I waited on the French ambassador, the Duc de la Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I had taken. He said he still persisted in his opinion, that the time was not the most favorable; but as the measure was taken, I might depend upon it, he would, as an individual, support and promote it to the utmost of his power.

It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and motives which I had for choosing the present time in preference to a later; but I think I can demonstrate, that every moment’s delay would have been attended with danger and inconvenience. All Europe is in a crisis, and this ingredient thrown in at this time will have more effect than at any other. At a future time I may enlarge upon this subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.1

[1 ]At the foot of this letter to congress I find in my handwriting a note.—20 February, 1782. “The late evacuation of the barrier towns, and the demolition of their fortifications, may serve as a comment on the Duke de la Vauguyon’s opinion against the point of time. But if it shows that he was right for his country, it shows also that I was right for mine, and the Dutch only have been wrong in being blind.” I had been very busily and confidentially employed in consultations with my Dutch friends, many of whom were members of the sovereignty, and among the best characters and most respectable men in the nation. I had not taken a step without their advice and full approbation. They were unanimously of my opinion, that our American negotiations, both for a political and commercial connection, and for a loan of money, should be kept as distinct as possible from French influence. They were also unanimous for sending a copy in three languages to every member of the constitutional sovereignty in all the Provinces, amounting in the whole to between four and five thousand persons. This was accordingly done. Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.