Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO FRANCIS DANA. - The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782)

Return to Title Page for The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO FRANCIS DANA. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO FRANCIS DANA.

Dear Sir,

I am at no loss what advice to give you in answer to the questions in your letter of this day, because they relate to a subject on which I have long reflected, and have formed an opinion as fully as my understanding is capable of. I think, then, it is necessary for you to prepare for a journey to St. Petersburg, without loss of time; that you travel in the character of a gentleman, without any distinction of public or private, as far as the publication of your appointment already made in France will permit.

I should think it altogether improper to communicate to the ambassador your design of travelling to St. Petersburg as a private gentleman, secreting from him at the same time your public character. It would expose you to something very disagreeable. The ambassador would ask you why you asked his advice, when it is well known that private gentlemen travel in every country in Europe without molestation. Besides, the ambassador, I have reason to believe, would not give you any advice without instructions from his Court; and this would require so much time, that the most favorable opportunity which now presents itself would be lost. And, after applying to the ambassador, and being advised against the journey, or to postpone it for instructions from his Court, it would be less respectful to go than to go now, when the circumstances of the times are very favorable.

The same reason applies equally against writing to the Court beforehand. The best opportunity would be lost, and the Court would never encourage you to come until they had determined to receive you, and you would have no opportunity to assist the deliberations upon the subject, by throwing in any light, by answering objections, or explaining the views of congress.

After your arrival at St. Petersburg, I should advise you, unless upon the spot you discover reasons against it, unknown to us at present, to communicate your character and mission to NA or the minister of foreign affairs in confidence, asking his advice, but at the same time presenting him a memorial ready prepared for the NA . If he informs you, it is best for you to reside there as a private gentleman, or to travel for a time into Sweden or Denmark, or to return here to Holland, where I shall be happy to have your company and counsels, take his advice.

The United States of America have nothing dishonorable to propose to any court or country. If the wishes of America, which are for the good of all nations as they apprehend, are not deemed by such courts or nations consistent with their views and interest, of which they are the supreme judges, they will candidly say so, and there is no harm done. On the contrary, congress will be applauded for their candor and good intentions. You will make your communication to the French ambassador of course according to your instructions. This method was taken by this republic in her struggle with Spain; nay, it was taken by the republican parliament in England, and by Oliver Cromwell. It was taken by Switzerland and Portugal in similar cases with great success. Why it should be improper now, I know not.

I conceive it to be the intention of congress, that you should communicate their resolutions relative to the rights of neutral vessels; and I am the more entirely of this opinion, because I have already communicated those resolutions to their High Mightinesses, the states-general, and to their Excellencies the ministers of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, at the Hague, in pursuance of the letters I had received from the president; and I should now think it improper in me to sign a treaty according to those resolutions, if invited thereto, because it would be interfering with your department.

America, my dear sir, has been too long silent in Europe. Her cause is that of all nations and all men; and it needs nothing but to be explained, to be approved. At least, these are my sentiments. I have reasons in my mind which were unknown to their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin, when you consulted them; reasons which it is improper for me to explain at present. But the reasons I have given appear to me conclusive. No measure of congress was ever taken in a more proper time, or with more wisdom, in my opinion, than the appointment of a minister at the Hague and at St. Petersburg. The effects of it may not appear in sudden and brilliant success, but the time was exactly chosen, and the happy fruits of it will appear in their course.

Although I shall be personally a sufferer by your appointment, yet I sincerely rejoice in it for the public good. When our enemies have formed alliances with so many princes in Germany and so many savage nations against us, when they are borrowing so much of the wealth of Germany, Italy, Holland, and Switzerland, to be employed against us, no wise court or reasonable man can blame us for proposing to form relations with countries whose interest it is to befriend us. An excess of modesty and reserve is an excess still. It was no dishonor to us to propose a treaty to France, nor for our ministers to reside there more than a year without being acknowledged. On the contrary, all wise men applauded the measure, and I am confident the world in general will now approve of an application to the maritime powers, although we should remain without a public reception as long as our ministers did in France and Spain; nay, although we should be rejected. In this case, congress and their constituents will all be satisfied. They will have neglected no duty in their power; and the world will then see the power and resources of three or four millions of virtuous men inhabiting a fine country, when contending for every thing which renders life worth supporting. The United States will then fix a medium, establish taxes for the payment of interest, acquire the confidence of their own capitalists, and borrow money at home; and when this is done, they will find capitalists abroad willing enough to venture in their funds.

With ardent wishes for your health and success,

I have the honor to be, &c.

John Adams.