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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO M. DUMAS. - John Adams, The Works of John Adams, vol. 7 (Letters and State Papers 1777-1782) [1852]

Edition used:

The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 7.

Part of: The Works of John Adams, 10 vols.

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TO M. DUMAS.

Dear Sir,

I have received your favors of the 3d and 5th with their inclosures all in good order. I have but one copy of the treaty of alliance, otherwise I would send you one with pleasure. I am of your opinion that no propositions should be yet made to the states-general as a body; but hints and ideas may be suggested to individuals, in order to prepare men’s minds by familiarizing them with such speculations. It is very true there are critical moments, after which things go of themselves; but it is necessary to prepare things for a crisis, that every thing may be ready when it arrives. The act of the midwife often assists the birth, and avoids fatal dangers in constitutions the most vigorous. And the corps diplomatique, with all their superb pomp, are but a company of grannies.

Mr. Searle declares that congress gave Mr. Laurens a commission of minister plenipotentiary, and they gave me the same. But if Mr. Searle is not mistaken, which I rather believe, the full powers to me were omitted to be sent me by some neglect. For I tell you candidly I have no other powers but a commission to borrow money.

As to Mr. Franklin’s power, the matter stands thus:—The three commissioners at the Court of Versailles,—Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee, and myself,—had full power, by a resolution of congress, to treat and make a treaty of commerce with any power in Europe. Whether the dissolution of that commission annuls that full power, may be a question; but the subsequent appointment of Mr. Laurens, with full powers to treat with this republic, would, I suspect, be legally or diplomatically considered as a supersedeas of that authority here. So that, considering things candidly, I am afraid there is nobody now in Europe fully authorized to treat with this republic but Mr. Laurens.

The accessions of the nations which compose the neutral confederacy to the treaty of alliance, would, however, be an event so brilliant and decisive for America that there is not a doubt to be made that congress would joyfully ratify it in the first moment, whether it was made by Dr. Franklin or me, or even if it was made by the King of France without consulting either of us, upon equitable conditions. I find the people are alike in some particulars in every part of the world. This nation is now flattering itself with hopes of peace. They think that when England sees the neutral union going to war with her, she will give up, beg pardon, change the ministry, make peace, rise in arms against the ministry, &c. &c. &c. Alas! There will be no such thing. There must fly a great many cannon-balls first. I should have thought this cool, penetrating nation more intimately acquainted with the English heart. The pride, the self-conceit, the vanity of that people is infinite. Nine in ten of that whole people fully and firmly believe themselves able to fight and beat all the maritime powers of the world. Their imaginations are all on fire. They think of nothing but drowning Holland, sinking the whole Russian, Danish, and Swedish fleets, exhausting the finances of France and Spain, and, above all, of Americans loving, admiring, and adoring them so much, as very soon humbly to implore their King to take them under his gracious protection without even making a condition.

No, sir. Combinations, political arrangements, and magnificent parade will not do with the English in their present state of intoxication. Nothing but hard blows, taking their fleets of merchant ships, and burning, taking, sinking, or destroying their men-of-war, will bring them to reason. Nor this neither, until it is carried to such a length as to deprive so many of the people of their subsistence as to make them rise in outrages against the government. I am sorry that things must go to such an extremity, but I have not the least doubt that they will.

With great respect, &c.

John Adams.